SUBSCRIBE TO OUR FREE NEWSLETTER
Daily news & progressive opinion—funded by the people, not the corporations—delivered straight to your inbox.
5
#000000
#FFFFFF
To donate by check, phone, or other method, see our More Ways to Give page.
Daily news & progressive opinion—funded by the people, not the corporations—delivered straight to your inbox.
The Bush administration has spied on the Iraqi prime minister, Nouri al-Maliki, and other senior figures in his government, the Washington Post reported today.
The
claim is one of many in a new book by the paper's associate editor Bob
Woodward, who with Carl Bernstein uncovered the Watergate scandal that
led to Richard Nixon's resignation.
The War Within: A Secret White House History 2006-2008 is based on more than 150 interviews with key figures in the Iraq war
as well two interviews with the president himself. The books paints a
picture of Bush often at loggerheads with his military advisers and
other officials.
Woodward says groundbreaking surveillance
techniques - and not the much-trumpeted surge by 30,000 additional
troops - were the main reason for the reduction in violence in Iraq
over the past 16 months.
In 2006, Bush maintained publicly that
US forces were winning, while privately believing the strategy of
training Iraq security forces and transferring responsibility to the
new government was failing, according to the Post.
Woodward says
the president lost confidence in General George Casey, then the
commander of coalition forces in Iraq, and General John Abizaid, who
was the head of US central command.
In October 2006 Bush asked
his national security adviser, Stephen Hadley, to carry out a review of
the Iraq war. But the report ignored the military and was kept secret
for fear of jeopardising the Republican party's popularity in the
mid-term congressional elections, the book says.
The Pentagon
reluctantly agreed to a troop surge of two brigades, but the White
House decided on five. Asked how this decision was reached, Bush told
Woodward: "Okay, I don't know this. I'm not in these meetings, you'll
be happy to hear, because I got other things to do."
Woodward
says Casey described the 2007 surge as a "troop sump". Abizaid and the
then defence secretary, Donald Rumsfeld, also opposed the scale of the
operation, and the secretary of state, Condoleezza Rice, had
reservations.
Casey told a colleague that Bush reflected the
"radical wing of the Republican party that kept saying, 'Kill the
bastards! Kill the bastards! And you'll succeed'", writes Woodward.
The
book says joint chiefs of staff were in near revolt in late 2006, with
Admiral Michael Mullen, then serving as chief of naval operations,
fearing the military would "take the fall" for failure in Iraq.
Woodward
does credit the influx of troops with contributing to the fall in
violence. But he cites as important factors the Shia cleric Moqtada
al-Sadr's reining-in of his powerful Mahdi army, the so-called Anbar
Awakening - in which Sunni fighters allied with US forces to fight
against al-Qaida - and covert operations targeting key individuals in
extremist groups.
While Bush developed a close relationship with
Maliki, US officials feared the impact the surveillance of the prime
minister would have, according to Woodward. "We know everything he
says," a source told Woodward.
The book is Woodward's fourth on the Bush administration and its actions in Iraq and Afghanistan.
Dear Common Dreams reader, The U.S. is on a fast track to authoritarianism like nothing I've ever seen. Meanwhile, corporate news outlets are utterly capitulating to Trump, twisting their coverage to avoid drawing his ire while lining up to stuff cash in his pockets. That's why I believe that Common Dreams is doing the best and most consequential reporting that we've ever done. Our small but mighty team is a progressive reporting powerhouse, covering the news every day that the corporate media never will. Our mission has always been simple: To inform. To inspire. And to ignite change for the common good. Now here's the key piece that I want all our readers to understand: None of this would be possible without your financial support. That's not just some fundraising cliche. It's the absolute and literal truth. We don't accept corporate advertising and never will. We don't have a paywall because we don't think people should be blocked from critical news based on their ability to pay. Everything we do is funded by the donations of readers like you. Will you donate now to help power the nonprofit, independent reporting of Common Dreams? Thank you for being a vital member of our community. Together, we can keep independent journalism alive when it’s needed most. - Craig Brown, Co-founder |
The Bush administration has spied on the Iraqi prime minister, Nouri al-Maliki, and other senior figures in his government, the Washington Post reported today.
The
claim is one of many in a new book by the paper's associate editor Bob
Woodward, who with Carl Bernstein uncovered the Watergate scandal that
led to Richard Nixon's resignation.
The War Within: A Secret White House History 2006-2008 is based on more than 150 interviews with key figures in the Iraq war
as well two interviews with the president himself. The books paints a
picture of Bush often at loggerheads with his military advisers and
other officials.
Woodward says groundbreaking surveillance
techniques - and not the much-trumpeted surge by 30,000 additional
troops - were the main reason for the reduction in violence in Iraq
over the past 16 months.
In 2006, Bush maintained publicly that
US forces were winning, while privately believing the strategy of
training Iraq security forces and transferring responsibility to the
new government was failing, according to the Post.
Woodward says
the president lost confidence in General George Casey, then the
commander of coalition forces in Iraq, and General John Abizaid, who
was the head of US central command.
In October 2006 Bush asked
his national security adviser, Stephen Hadley, to carry out a review of
the Iraq war. But the report ignored the military and was kept secret
for fear of jeopardising the Republican party's popularity in the
mid-term congressional elections, the book says.
The Pentagon
reluctantly agreed to a troop surge of two brigades, but the White
House decided on five. Asked how this decision was reached, Bush told
Woodward: "Okay, I don't know this. I'm not in these meetings, you'll
be happy to hear, because I got other things to do."
Woodward
says Casey described the 2007 surge as a "troop sump". Abizaid and the
then defence secretary, Donald Rumsfeld, also opposed the scale of the
operation, and the secretary of state, Condoleezza Rice, had
reservations.
Casey told a colleague that Bush reflected the
"radical wing of the Republican party that kept saying, 'Kill the
bastards! Kill the bastards! And you'll succeed'", writes Woodward.
The
book says joint chiefs of staff were in near revolt in late 2006, with
Admiral Michael Mullen, then serving as chief of naval operations,
fearing the military would "take the fall" for failure in Iraq.
Woodward
does credit the influx of troops with contributing to the fall in
violence. But he cites as important factors the Shia cleric Moqtada
al-Sadr's reining-in of his powerful Mahdi army, the so-called Anbar
Awakening - in which Sunni fighters allied with US forces to fight
against al-Qaida - and covert operations targeting key individuals in
extremist groups.
While Bush developed a close relationship with
Maliki, US officials feared the impact the surveillance of the prime
minister would have, according to Woodward. "We know everything he
says," a source told Woodward.
The book is Woodward's fourth on the Bush administration and its actions in Iraq and Afghanistan.
The Bush administration has spied on the Iraqi prime minister, Nouri al-Maliki, and other senior figures in his government, the Washington Post reported today.
The
claim is one of many in a new book by the paper's associate editor Bob
Woodward, who with Carl Bernstein uncovered the Watergate scandal that
led to Richard Nixon's resignation.
The War Within: A Secret White House History 2006-2008 is based on more than 150 interviews with key figures in the Iraq war
as well two interviews with the president himself. The books paints a
picture of Bush often at loggerheads with his military advisers and
other officials.
Woodward says groundbreaking surveillance
techniques - and not the much-trumpeted surge by 30,000 additional
troops - were the main reason for the reduction in violence in Iraq
over the past 16 months.
In 2006, Bush maintained publicly that
US forces were winning, while privately believing the strategy of
training Iraq security forces and transferring responsibility to the
new government was failing, according to the Post.
Woodward says
the president lost confidence in General George Casey, then the
commander of coalition forces in Iraq, and General John Abizaid, who
was the head of US central command.
In October 2006 Bush asked
his national security adviser, Stephen Hadley, to carry out a review of
the Iraq war. But the report ignored the military and was kept secret
for fear of jeopardising the Republican party's popularity in the
mid-term congressional elections, the book says.
The Pentagon
reluctantly agreed to a troop surge of two brigades, but the White
House decided on five. Asked how this decision was reached, Bush told
Woodward: "Okay, I don't know this. I'm not in these meetings, you'll
be happy to hear, because I got other things to do."
Woodward
says Casey described the 2007 surge as a "troop sump". Abizaid and the
then defence secretary, Donald Rumsfeld, also opposed the scale of the
operation, and the secretary of state, Condoleezza Rice, had
reservations.
Casey told a colleague that Bush reflected the
"radical wing of the Republican party that kept saying, 'Kill the
bastards! Kill the bastards! And you'll succeed'", writes Woodward.
The
book says joint chiefs of staff were in near revolt in late 2006, with
Admiral Michael Mullen, then serving as chief of naval operations,
fearing the military would "take the fall" for failure in Iraq.
Woodward
does credit the influx of troops with contributing to the fall in
violence. But he cites as important factors the Shia cleric Moqtada
al-Sadr's reining-in of his powerful Mahdi army, the so-called Anbar
Awakening - in which Sunni fighters allied with US forces to fight
against al-Qaida - and covert operations targeting key individuals in
extremist groups.
While Bush developed a close relationship with
Maliki, US officials feared the impact the surveillance of the prime
minister would have, according to Woodward. "We know everything he
says," a source told Woodward.
The book is Woodward's fourth on the Bush administration and its actions in Iraq and Afghanistan.