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Demonstrators rally against the right-wing majority of the U.S. Supreme Court on October 2, 2023 in Washington, D.C
Polling shows our leaders are clearly trailing public opinion on Supreme Court reform, but I’m hopeful that the era of cowering before the Court is coming to an end.
When I go around the country speaking about my recent book on the Supreme Court’s lurch to the right, The Supermajority, something striking happens. Audiences listen intently (I’m grateful!). They nod. Sometimes they even laugh. But when I mention a solution — an 18-year term limit for Supreme Court justices — they interrupt with surprising applause. Finally, you can hear them thinking, something to do that makes sense.
A bunch of liberal bookworms out on an autumn night? Actually, their reaction reflects a durable, powerful consensus. Term limits turn out to be popular with conservatives and progressives, Democrats, Republicans, and independents. They are reclaiming a long tradition in which the political system properly debates how to hold to account the very, very unaccountable Court. And later this week, members of the Senate Judiciary Committee will introduce legislation to enact term limits. It’s a big moment in the fight for reform.
The public appetite for reform is strong and bipartisan.
In July, the Brennan Center and Benenson Strategy Group polled 808 likely voters about their attitudes toward the Supreme Court and their support for reform. What we found was the nearest thing to consensus you can expect in a hyperpolarized era.
More than three-quarters of participants favored a code of ethics for the justices, including 72 percent of independents and 58 percent of Republicans. Sixty-nine percent supported imposing an 18-year term limit on Supreme Court justices, including 58 percent of independents and 48 percent of Republicans. The public appetite for reform is strong and bipartisan. (Court-packing was the only of the three reforms that did not garner majority support, reflecting the persistent taboo dating from the Franklin D. Roosevelt era.)
Our leaders are clearly trailing public opinion on Supreme Court reform, but I’m hopeful that the era of cowering before the Court is coming to an end.
The justices are — perhaps unwittingly — doing their part to put Court reform back on the table. The Court’s conservative supermajority has trampled long-settled precedents such as Roe v. Wade. It has forced an unrecognizable reading of the Second Amendment onto a country already reeling from gun violence. And it’s tried to install originalism as the only way to understand the Constitution. This Court’s jurisprudence is about as far from judicial restraint as it has been in at least a century. To make matters worse, some of the justices have flouted plain ethical norms. And their shrugging response to the uproar suggests indifference to the views of the American people.
Meaningful reform is finally peeking over the political parapet. Rep. Hank Johnson (D) of Georgia has introduced a bill to impose term limits on the justices. Sen. Sheldon Whitehouse (D) of Rhode Island, the author of a new book on how dark money transformed the Supreme Court, appeared at a Brennan Center event last week to discuss reform. His own term limits bill is expected to be introduced this week. The Senate Judiciary Committee has already approved a bill to require the Court to adopt a code of ethics.
It will be a long road. Conservatives fought for decades to win their hard-right majority on the Court. Even if their constituents crave reform, they (and their donors) will resist anything that threatens the status quo. But big change rarely happens quickly. This is the beginning of a very important, and long overdue, national conversation.
Trump and Musk are on an unconstitutional rampage, aiming for virtually every corner of the federal government. These two right-wing billionaires are targeting nurses, scientists, teachers, daycare providers, judges, veterans, air traffic controllers, and nuclear safety inspectors. No one is safe. The food stamps program, Social Security, Medicare, and Medicaid are next. It’s an unprecedented disaster and a five-alarm fire, but there will be a reckoning. The people did not vote for this. The American people do not want this dystopian hellscape that hides behind claims of “efficiency.” Still, in reality, it is all a giveaway to corporate interests and the libertarian dreams of far-right oligarchs like Musk. Common Dreams is playing a vital role by reporting day and night on this orgy of corruption and greed, as well as what everyday people can do to organize and fight back. As a people-powered nonprofit news outlet, we cover issues the corporate media never will, but we can only continue with our readers’ support. |
When I go around the country speaking about my recent book on the Supreme Court’s lurch to the right, The Supermajority, something striking happens. Audiences listen intently (I’m grateful!). They nod. Sometimes they even laugh. But when I mention a solution — an 18-year term limit for Supreme Court justices — they interrupt with surprising applause. Finally, you can hear them thinking, something to do that makes sense.
A bunch of liberal bookworms out on an autumn night? Actually, their reaction reflects a durable, powerful consensus. Term limits turn out to be popular with conservatives and progressives, Democrats, Republicans, and independents. They are reclaiming a long tradition in which the political system properly debates how to hold to account the very, very unaccountable Court. And later this week, members of the Senate Judiciary Committee will introduce legislation to enact term limits. It’s a big moment in the fight for reform.
The public appetite for reform is strong and bipartisan.
In July, the Brennan Center and Benenson Strategy Group polled 808 likely voters about their attitudes toward the Supreme Court and their support for reform. What we found was the nearest thing to consensus you can expect in a hyperpolarized era.
More than three-quarters of participants favored a code of ethics for the justices, including 72 percent of independents and 58 percent of Republicans. Sixty-nine percent supported imposing an 18-year term limit on Supreme Court justices, including 58 percent of independents and 48 percent of Republicans. The public appetite for reform is strong and bipartisan. (Court-packing was the only of the three reforms that did not garner majority support, reflecting the persistent taboo dating from the Franklin D. Roosevelt era.)
Our leaders are clearly trailing public opinion on Supreme Court reform, but I’m hopeful that the era of cowering before the Court is coming to an end.
The justices are — perhaps unwittingly — doing their part to put Court reform back on the table. The Court’s conservative supermajority has trampled long-settled precedents such as Roe v. Wade. It has forced an unrecognizable reading of the Second Amendment onto a country already reeling from gun violence. And it’s tried to install originalism as the only way to understand the Constitution. This Court’s jurisprudence is about as far from judicial restraint as it has been in at least a century. To make matters worse, some of the justices have flouted plain ethical norms. And their shrugging response to the uproar suggests indifference to the views of the American people.
Meaningful reform is finally peeking over the political parapet. Rep. Hank Johnson (D) of Georgia has introduced a bill to impose term limits on the justices. Sen. Sheldon Whitehouse (D) of Rhode Island, the author of a new book on how dark money transformed the Supreme Court, appeared at a Brennan Center event last week to discuss reform. His own term limits bill is expected to be introduced this week. The Senate Judiciary Committee has already approved a bill to require the Court to adopt a code of ethics.
It will be a long road. Conservatives fought for decades to win their hard-right majority on the Court. Even if their constituents crave reform, they (and their donors) will resist anything that threatens the status quo. But big change rarely happens quickly. This is the beginning of a very important, and long overdue, national conversation.
When I go around the country speaking about my recent book on the Supreme Court’s lurch to the right, The Supermajority, something striking happens. Audiences listen intently (I’m grateful!). They nod. Sometimes they even laugh. But when I mention a solution — an 18-year term limit for Supreme Court justices — they interrupt with surprising applause. Finally, you can hear them thinking, something to do that makes sense.
A bunch of liberal bookworms out on an autumn night? Actually, their reaction reflects a durable, powerful consensus. Term limits turn out to be popular with conservatives and progressives, Democrats, Republicans, and independents. They are reclaiming a long tradition in which the political system properly debates how to hold to account the very, very unaccountable Court. And later this week, members of the Senate Judiciary Committee will introduce legislation to enact term limits. It’s a big moment in the fight for reform.
The public appetite for reform is strong and bipartisan.
In July, the Brennan Center and Benenson Strategy Group polled 808 likely voters about their attitudes toward the Supreme Court and their support for reform. What we found was the nearest thing to consensus you can expect in a hyperpolarized era.
More than three-quarters of participants favored a code of ethics for the justices, including 72 percent of independents and 58 percent of Republicans. Sixty-nine percent supported imposing an 18-year term limit on Supreme Court justices, including 58 percent of independents and 48 percent of Republicans. The public appetite for reform is strong and bipartisan. (Court-packing was the only of the three reforms that did not garner majority support, reflecting the persistent taboo dating from the Franklin D. Roosevelt era.)
Our leaders are clearly trailing public opinion on Supreme Court reform, but I’m hopeful that the era of cowering before the Court is coming to an end.
The justices are — perhaps unwittingly — doing their part to put Court reform back on the table. The Court’s conservative supermajority has trampled long-settled precedents such as Roe v. Wade. It has forced an unrecognizable reading of the Second Amendment onto a country already reeling from gun violence. And it’s tried to install originalism as the only way to understand the Constitution. This Court’s jurisprudence is about as far from judicial restraint as it has been in at least a century. To make matters worse, some of the justices have flouted plain ethical norms. And their shrugging response to the uproar suggests indifference to the views of the American people.
Meaningful reform is finally peeking over the political parapet. Rep. Hank Johnson (D) of Georgia has introduced a bill to impose term limits on the justices. Sen. Sheldon Whitehouse (D) of Rhode Island, the author of a new book on how dark money transformed the Supreme Court, appeared at a Brennan Center event last week to discuss reform. His own term limits bill is expected to be introduced this week. The Senate Judiciary Committee has already approved a bill to require the Court to adopt a code of ethics.
It will be a long road. Conservatives fought for decades to win their hard-right majority on the Court. Even if their constituents crave reform, they (and their donors) will resist anything that threatens the status quo. But big change rarely happens quickly. This is the beginning of a very important, and long overdue, national conversation.
"It is a sad day when our government would fire some good employee and say it was based on performance when they know good and well that's a lie."
A U.S. judge on Thursday ruled that the Trump administration must reinstate thousands of government workers fired from half a dozen federal agencies based on the "lie" that their performance warranted termination.
U.S. District Judge for the Northern District of California William Alsup—an appointee of former President Bill Clinton—granted a preliminary injunction supporting a temporary restraining order against the Office of Personnel Management (OPM) and acting Director Charles Ezell on the grounds that the mass firing of probationary federal employees is "unlawful" because the agency lacked the authority for the move.
Alsup—who last month also found the OPM firings illegal—ordered the Trump administration to immediately reinstate all probationary employees terminated from the departments of Agriculture, Defense, Energy, Interior, Treasury, and Veterans Affairs.
"The reason that OPM wanted to put this based on performance was at least in part in my judgment a gimmick to avoid the Reductions in Force (RIF) Act, because the law always allows you to fire somebody for performance," Alsup said, referring the process used by federal agencies reduce the size of their workforce during reorganizations or budget cuts.
Last month, Trump signed an executive order directing Elon Musk's Department of Government Efficiency to institute RIFs across federal agencies as part of a so-called "workforce optimization initiative."
"It is a sad day when our government would fire some good employee and say it was based on performance when they know good and well that's a lie," Alsup wrote. "That should not have been done in our country. It was a sham in order to try to avoid statutory requirements."
While the White House blasted Alsup's ruling as "absurd and unconstitutional" and lodged an appeal, advocates for government workers cheered the decision.
Everett Kelley, national president of the American Federation of Government Employees (AFGE), said in a statement that the union "is pleased with Judge Alsup's order to immediately reinstate tens of thousands of probationary federal employees who were illegally fired from their jobs by an administration hellbent on crippling federal agencies and their work on behalf of the American public."
"We are grateful for these employees and the critical work they do, and AFGE will keep fighting until all federal employees who were unjustly and illegally fired are given their jobs back," Kelley added.
Lee Saunders, president of the American Federation of State, County, and Municipal Employees (AFSCME), said: "Public service workers are the backbone of our communities in every way. Today, we are proud to celebrate the court's decision which orders that fired federal employees must be reinstated and reinforces they cannot be fired without reason."
"This is a big win for all workers, especially AFSCME members of the United Nurses Associations of California and Council 20, who will be able to continue their essential work at the Department of Agriculture, Veterans Affairs Department, and other agencies," Saunders added.
Violet Wulf-Saena, founder and executive director of Climate Resilient Communities—a California-based nonprofit that "brings people together to create local solutions for a healthy planet"—also welcomed Thursday's ruling.
"The mass firing of public service employees is a direct assault on the environmental justice movement and will harm people living in heavily polluted communities," she said. "Today's decision represents a key win for our movement because our lifesaving work cannot proceed without the vital infrastructure and support of our federal employees."
"Rep. Grijalva fought a long and brave battle," his staff said. "He passed away this morning due to complications of his cancer treatments."
Condolences and remembrances swiftly mounted on Thursday after the staff of U.S. Congressman Raúl Grijalva announced that the Arizona Democrat died at the age of 77, following a fight with lung cancer.
"Rep. Grijalva fought a long and brave battle. He passed away this morning due to complications of his cancer treatments," according to the office of the late congressman, who announced his diagnosis last April.
Grijalva, who represented Arizona's 7th District, was first elected to Congress in 2002. While on Capitol Hill, he rose to leadership roles, including co-chair of the Congressional Progressive Caucus and chair of the House Natural Resources Committee.
"From permanently protecting the Grand Canyon for future generations to strengthening the Affordable Care Act, his proudest moments in Congress have always been guided by community voices," Grijalva's staff said. "He led the charge for historic investments in climate action, port of entry modernization, permanent funding for land and water conservation programs, access to healthcare for tribal communities and the uninsured, fairness for immigrant families and Dreamers, student loan forgiveness, stronger protections for farmers and workers exposed to extreme heat, early childhood education expansion, higher standards for tribal consultation, and so much more."
"From Tucson to Nogales and beyond, he worked tirelessly for transformational improvements. Rep. Grijalva pushed for new public parks, childcare centers, healthcare clinics, local businesses, and affordable housing [that] breathed new life into neighborhoods across Southern Arizona. Improvements to our roads, bridges, and streetcar system have improved our daily lives and attracted new businesses and industries to the area," the office added. "Rep. Grijalva's passion was not only for his community, but for preservation of the planet."
Grijalva's colleagues also highlighted key parts of his legacy. Sen. Ed Markey (D-Mass.), a former House member, said that "I am heartbroken by the news of Congressman Raúl Grijalva's passing. For climate justice, economic justice, health justice—Raúl fought fearlessly for change. We served a decade together on the Natural Resources Committee, and I will forever be grateful for his leadership and partnership."
Sen. Bernie Sanders (I-Vt.), who also previously served in the lower chamber, said that "I mourn the death of Rep. Raúl Grijalva, a former colleague of mine and one of the most progressive members of the U.S. House. Raúl was a fighter for working families throughout his entire life. He will be sorely missed."
Congresswoman Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez (D-N.Y.) called his death "a genuinely devastating loss," adding: "Raúl Grijalva stood as one of the biggest champions for working people in all of Congress. His leadership was singular. He mentored generously and was an incredible friend. I will always be grateful for his lifelong courage and commitment."
Rep. Delia Ramirez (D-Ill.) said that "today we lost a dedicated progressive leader in Raúl Grijalva. The son of a bracero, Rep. Grijalva's 12-term commitment to our environment, to immigrant communities, and to his constituents in Tucson enriched this country. His passing is a monumental loss for our caucus and communities."
Congressman Maxwell Alejandro Frost (D-Fla.) wrote: "Wow. This is such a loss for Arizona and our country. Chair Raúl Grijalva has been a champion for progressive change his entire life. From the school board to Congress, his leadership and voice inspired so many. Myself included. Rest in power, Chairman Grijalva."
Rep. Yassamin Ansari (D-Ariz.), elected to Congress in November, said that "I'm devastated to hear of the passing of my colleague Raúl Grijalva. He was a fighter for Arizonans and a champion for Indigenous communities and our planet. We will all miss him dearly. My thoughts are with his family, friends, loved ones, and constituents."
Sen. Ruben Gallego (D-Ariz.), who switched chambers after the last election, said that "Congressman Grijalva was not just my colleague, but my friend. As another Latino working in public service, I can say from experience that he served as a role model to many young people across the Grand Canyon State. He spent his life as a voice for equality."
"In Congress, I was proud to see firsthand his leadership as chairman of the House Natural Resources Committee as he stood up for Arizona's water rights, natural beauty, and tribes," Gallego added. "I am praying for his family during this time of grief, and I hope that they find comfort knowing his legacy is one that will stand tall for generations."
Advocacy group leaders also weighed in, with Kierán Suckling, executive director and founder of the Center for Biological Diversity, calling his death "a heartbreaking, devastating loss for the people of Southern Arizona and everyone around this nation who loves the natural world."
"Raúl was a great friend and partner in our fight for clean air and water, our beautiful public lands, and wildlife great and small," Suckling said. "We can all look to him as the model of what every member of Congress and every person of dignity and hope should aspire to be."
"From Mexican wolves to spotted owls to the New Mexico meadow jumping mouse, every creature in this country had a friend in Raúl," Suckling added. "He was as fierce as a jaguar, and that's why we called him our Macho G. I'll miss him dearly."
According to KVOA, the NBC affiliate in Tucson, Grijalva's office "will continue providing constituent services during the special election" to fill his seat.
Grijalva's death follows that of Congressman Sylvester Turner (D-Texas), who died on March 5. His seat will also need to be filled by a special election.
"Trump is causing a completely unforced recession, the markets tanking, and your 401(k)s plummeting, and he's focused on invading Greenland," said one observer.
North Atlantic Treaty Organization Secretary General Mark Rutte met with President Donald Trump on Thursday at the White House in Washington, D.C., where he brushed off the Republican leader's suggestion that the transatlantic alliance might get involved in his quixotic bid to annex the autonomous territory of another NATO member.
Revisiting his wish to somehow acquire Greenland from Denmark—an outcome opposed by Greenland, Denmark, and a majority of Americans—Trump told reporters during a joint press conference with Rutte and other NATO and U.S. officials including Vice President JD Vance and Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth that he's bullish on the prospects of annexation.
"I think it'll happen," the president said. "And I'm just thinking, I didn't give it much thought before, but I'm sitting with a man that could be very instrumental. You know, Mark, we need that for international security, not just security, international."
At one point during the meeting, Trump turned to Hegseth and remarked, "You know, we have a couple of bases on Greenland already, and we have quite a few soldiers, and maybe you'll see more and more soldiers go there, and I don't know, what do you think about that, Pete?"
"Don't answer that, Pete," Trump said, eliciting laughter.
Maintaining the congenial vibe of the meeting, Rutte said with a laugh that "when it comes to Greenland yes or not joining the U.S., I would leave that outside, for me, this discussion, because I don't want to drag NATO into that."
The former longtime Dutch prime minister then said that Trump is "totally right" about countering Chinese and Russian regional influence, and that NATO cooperation on that matter is "very important."
While many observers focused on Rutte's diplomatic rejection of Trump's desire to acquire Greenland, Rasmus Jarlov, a member of Denmark's Parliament representing the Conservative People's Party, said on social media that "we do not appreciate the secretary general of NATO joking with Trump about Greenland like this."
"It would mean war between two NATO countries," Jarlov warned. "Greenland has just voted against immediate independence from Denmark and does not want to be American, ever."
The center-right Demokraatit Party pulled off a surprise victory Tuesday in Greenland's parliamentary election, with Jens-Frederik Nielsen, the territory's likely next prime minister, vehemently rejecting U.S. annexation.
"I hope it sends a clear message to [Trump] that we are not for sale," he said of the election results in an interview with Sky News. "We don't want to be Americans. No, we don't want to be Danes. We want to be Greenlanders, and we want our own independence in the future. And we want to build our own country by ourselves."
Trump's comments came on the same day that
NBC News cited U.S. officials who said the president has ordered the Pentagon to prepare plans to "take back" the Panama Canal—including through the use of military force if deemed necessary.