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The Democratic primaries are heating up, and dozens of candidates representing all manner of political positions have entered the ring hoping to be the party's 2020 presidential nominee. One notable feature of the race is the strong presence of progressive candidates, a sign of the rising influence of the left in the party.
This phenomenon has many in the establishment wing of the party worried. Barack Obama, the most recent Democratic president, recently decried the "purity tests" of the left, which he called an "obsessive" ideological fanaticism that is setting the party up for failure. Obama told an audience in Berlin, Germany (HuffPost, 6/4/19):
One of the things I do worry about sometimes among progressives in the United States...is a certain kind of rigidity where we say, "I'm sorry, this is how it's going to be," and then we start sometimes creating what's called a circular firing squad, where you start shooting at your allies because one of them is straying from purity on the issues, and when that happens, typically the overall effort and movement weakens.
In the political world, the term "purity test" has a very specific meaning, largely used by elites to chastise and attack the left, or to gaslight them into supporting more centrist or right-wing policies. Boston Globe columnist Joan Vennochi (4/24/17), for example, bemoaned the ideological "activists" infiltrating the Democratic Party, undermining "more pragmatic party leaders everywhere" with their "purity tests." She highlighted the supposed "danger" in "pushing the party too far to the left and imposing rigid orthodoxy," warning that they are creating a "one-size party suitable only for zealots."
An example Vennochi gave of an intolerable and self-defeating purity test was leftists' pressure on Sen. Elizabeth Warren to change her mind about supporting Trump nominee Ben Carson to lead the Department of Housing and Urban Development. Apparently opposing one of Trump's most stridently right-wing appointees constitutes a "demand for ideological purity."
Much has been written about Warren and Sen. Bernie Sanders' refusal to accept corporate donations for their presidential campaigns, with many outlets (Atlantic, 12/18/18; 3/5/19; Politico, 2/25/19; The Hill, 8/24/17) describing this as a new Democratic "purity test" to establish progressive credentials.
2016 presidential candidate Hillary Clinton (CNBC, 2/5/16) scorned Sanders' test, claiming, "Under his definition, President Obama is not a progressive because he took donations from Wall Street!" Some might argue that is accurate, particularly as Obama describes himself as a 1980s-style "moderate Republican."
Another key issue in the primaries is healthcare. A lack of health coverage kills around 45,000 Americans yearly, and hospital bills drive the large majority of bankruptcies in America. Many Democratic candidates, including Warren and Sanders, support a European-style Medicare for All system. But corporate media have been resistant, even hostile.
Writing in the New York Times (3/21/19), Paul Krugman demanded that we "don't make healthcare a purity test," warning that Democrats who do not support a single-payer system may not be seen as progressive, or be viewed as a corrupt "shill" for the pharmaceutical industry. According to Krugman, this would be inaccurate. The Washington Post (2/11/19) was more scathing of the Medicare for All "purity test," attacking the leftist "cranks" using "empty slogans instead of evidence-based policy."
It is often made explicit that "purity test" is merely code for the Democratic base wanting more leftist policies, and being disgruntled with politicians who block them. The Denver Post (1/31/19) described Democratic presidential candidate John Hickenlooper as a progressive, pragmatic and "moderate problem-solver" in favor of "bipartisanship," under attack from the "hard-core" left who demand "drastic" change. Their "purity test," wrote the Post, will destroy a candidate with perhaps the most "credible" chance to beat Trump.
In contrast, behavior or policies imposed on the left from establishment Democrats are rarely if ever framed as a "purity test." For example, Sanders appointed Briahna Joy Gray as his press secretary, who had previously declared she voted for the Green Party's Jill Stein in 2016. Instead of this being seen as the party expanding its appeal to third-party voters, it produced a scandal among liberals on social media. For many, it was proof, as they had been saying all along, that Bernie was not a real Democrat--in other words, it was an opportunity for them to excommunicate an ally for being insufficiently orthodox.
On this story, New York magazine (3/20/19) described Sanders' campaign as an "irrational cult" of "left-wing factionalists" that were attempting to "split the party" by "intentionally misleading" voters. These kind of attacks are not seen as "purity tests," however.
Neither was the anger generated by the decision of candidates like Sanders, Warren, Sen. Kamala Harris and former Rep. Beto O'Rourke not to attend the AIPAC conference presented as such a test. Nor were corporate media demands that the left embrace Trump's regime change strategy in Venezuela lest they be accused of supporting a "dictator" (FAIR.org, 3/5/19). When these things are imposed on the base from the top down, they are not framed as purity tests.
Instead, the left is browbeaten and cajoled into supporting business-friendly right-wing Democrats, and told their preferred policies are either unrealistic or unpopular. The Hill (8/24/17) warns us, "If Democrats want to destroy any chances of winning national office, establishing purity tests is the quickest way to do it."
But this is demonstrably not the case. Seventy-five percent of Americans (and nearly two-thirds of Republicans) support Medicare for all. Three-quarters of the population support higher taxes on the wealthy, while tuition-free public college is popular even among Tea Party supporters. One can make a strong case that these policies would tend to attract rather than repel Trump voters to the Democratic cause.
The dichotomy between credible, pragmatic centrists and the fanatical, inward-looking left demanding ideological purity is a framing generally made in bad faith to shield corporate-backed candidates from criticism. FAIR (2/26/19) has already highlighted the "Republican best friend" trope, where Republicans offer supposedly selfless advice to the left on how to win next time--which turns out to be by doing and saying exactly what the right wants.
"Purity test" is a common talking point for these fake friends. The Associated Press (2/21/19) published an article from a Republican consultant who warned that applying "intense" leftist purity tests to "pragmatic" candidates capable of beating Trump was self-defeating: "As the Democratic presidential candidates move further to the left, it will make President Trump's path to re-election clearer."
Meanwhile, writing in Yahoo! News (3/19/19), conservative National Review writer David French claimed it would take a "brave person" to withstand the "attack" of the "vicious," "scornful" and "toxic" left and their destructive purity tests. Proposing free healthcare, a Green New Deal or other popular left-wing policies would surely lead to Trump's victory in 2020, he advised Democrats.
This purity test trope is so blatantly used to defend anyone in power it sometimes stretches credulity to the breaking point. In a Washington Post op-ed (2/14/19) headlined "The Left's Quest for Purity Could Destroy Potentially Worthy Leaders," Carolyn Dupont bemoaned the purity tests of the "rigid, self-righteous and blind" left after Virginia Gov. Ralph Northam was criticized for wearing blackface. The column compared this censure to the guillotines of the French Revolution that killed many "righteous" politicians for "small blemishes on their ideological purity," describing Northam's blackface as a "moment of imperfection." The desire to have policies affecting people's lives crafted by people who haven't ritually ridiculed and devalued them, apparently, is another purity test.
Democrat Bill O'Neill, an Ohio Supreme Court justice, also made headlines after defending politicians Roy Moore and Al Franken (Cleveland Plain Dealer, 11/17/17). O'Neill decried the unreasonable "purity tests" for "sexual indiscretions" (multiple sexual assault charges, in Moore's case, from some as young as 14) . He claimed those calling for Franken's resignation were "dogs" involved in a "feeding frenzy," chasing out good politicians (USA Today, 11/18/17).
The term is used much less frequently in reference to the right wing, but when it is, it is used in the same manner: to describe policies supported by a party's base that corporate media disagree with. Many outlets (New York Times, 11/23/09; Wall Street Journal, 11/24/09; US News, 12/23/09) described the attempt to get party officials to endorse a ten-point bill, including opposition to abortion and firearms regulation, as a "purity test."
When you hear the phrase "purity test" in the media, be on the alert. The phrase is code for elites being pressured in ways they don't like, and is often a shield against legitimate criticism of corruption or dependence on corporate power.
Unresolved races for governor and U.S. Senate in Florida and Georgia were heading into uncharted territory Friday, as ballot submission deadlines, candidate lawsuits and preparations for recounts--or runoffs--all converged.
By the close of business on Friday, all 2018 midterm ballots to be counted, or information required from voters to ensure their ballot would count, is due in both states. Unless otherwise ordered by courts, Friday's deadline is the cutoff that comes before county election offices report their final numbers early next week, to be followed by state announcements of the official winners.
In both states, however, legal and administrative actions are unfolding that are likely to interfere with this progression to the midterm's finish line. (A federal court on Friday ordered that certification be postponed in Georgia's Dougherty County until ballot-processing issues were resolved.)
In short, voters in these two states, and across America, will soon see how elections are fairly or unfairly administered, and how election technology is falling short or performing well--which very much translates into public confidence about electoral outcomes.
Florida
In Florida, Democratic gubernatorial candidate Andrew Gillum, who conceded on Tuesday, is now saying he will await the results of a statewide recount (to which he is entitled because Republican Ron DeSantis leads by 36,000 votes, less than 0.5 percent of the votes cast). Gillum walked back his concession after learning that many thousands of votes had not been counted. What were these emerging ballots?
Apparently, a widely used paper ballot scanning tabulation system by ES&S, one of the largest voting machines companies, has not been reading a sizable number of mailed-in absentee ballots--which all get processed in the county election offices, according to a contractor involved in this process. Thus, many counties have been forced to manually re-create the "unreadable" ballots. That process is slow, as the correct local ballot must be reprinted, and then filled in with observers present to ensure it is done accurately.
But that's not the only challenge facing Florida election officials. State law requires a full manual hand count of all paper ballots must be done when the unofficial victory margin is less than .25 percent--as it now is in the U.S. Senate race. Beyond the lawsuits this week filed by Republican Gov. Rick Scott, whose lead in the Senate race has fallen to 15,000 votes out of 8 million cast, a logistical nightmare awaits local election officials.
That nightmare consists of having multiple recounts to run--some by scanners and some by hand--for these top statewide and local races. Thus, the stored paper ballots will have to be retrieved and handled many times, which presents ballot custody challenges and is a scenario for potentially damaging the paper records. Thus, Floridians will soon see the pluses and minuses of using every voting system out there--from paper ballots to a spectrum of newer and older electronics processing the count.
Georgia
In Georgia, a different verification scenario is unfolding. In that state, the votes cast on electronic machines cannot be audited for accuracy; they are whatever was recorded on computer memory cards. What can be examined, however, and is the subject of ongoing and prospective litigation--including likely federal court action on Friday by Democratic gubernatorial candidate Stacey Abrams--concerns a small but significant number of votes cast on paper in the 2018 midterms.
Georgia's paper ballots fall into two categories. The first is provisional ballots, which are given to voters who are not on local precinct voter rolls or lack required ID. (They were also given out on Tuesday after some aging electronic voting machines failed.) To count, election officials must verify that these ballots were cast by eligible and registered voters. The second category is absentee ballots that are mailed in or dropped off at county offices. These are paper ballots submitted inside sealed envelopes.
The big picture is the Abrams campaign, which trails Republican Brian Kemp--who Thursday resigned as the state's top election administrator--by 63,000 votes, needs to add 26,000 votes to her tally to prompt a runoff election. Twenty-three thousand more votes could force a recount, which would cast Kemp's oversight of the election in a larger spotlight.
The Abrams campaign has been challenging how provisional and absentee ballots are being examined, validated and, in some cases, disproportionately rejected. In several suburban counties outside Atlanta, there are thousands of provisional ballots in each jurisdiction. Many are believed to be voters who showed up at the wrong precinct, which means they are votes that will count. Others are voters who need to return to the county election office by the close of business on Friday with additional ID, so their registration information is validated and ballot can be counted.
Since Wednesday, the campaign has been chasing these provisional voters--literally following up with people who called the Democratic Party's election protection hotline, as some counties will not release lists of these voters.
The Abrams campaign is expected to file a federal lawsuit as soon as Friday concerning absentee ballots, which have been disqualified in large numbers in some counties under a range of arcane technicalities. In some cases, the local election officials have reportedly identified the voters are legal, but apparently they did not correctly sign the ballot envelopes.
The campaign's hope is that a court will require these counties to retrieve the rejected--but unopened--absentee ballot envelopes, so these ballots could then be counted. In Minnesota's 2008 Senate race, Democrat Al Franken was able to retrieve rejected absentee ballots, which helped him win a recount. Together, by validating provisional ballots and counting rejected absentee ballots, Abrams hopes to get a wider recount or a runoff in December.
The timetable in Georgia is similar to Florida: all ballots and voter information must be submitted by late Friday. On Tuesday, Georgia counties are to submit their totals to the state, which will declare the official winners on Wednesday. The Abrams campaign obviously hopes to extend and open up this process.
National Stakes
In both states, these developments are unfolding rapidly and with unforeseen consequences. There is a political dimension and a technology dimension to this narrative. Like after the 2000 presidential election in Florida, the nation will soon see how voting and vote counts are handled in two neighboring states--with implications for the rest of the country, as a majority of states are poised to replace voting systems by 2020.
While Georgia may be showcasing modern voter suppression, Florida will be showcasing whether today's spectrum of voting technologies can handle close elections that move to recounts--without breakdowns undermining public confidence in the outcomes.
This article was produced by Voting Booth, a project of the Independent Media Institute.
Brett Kavanaugh's hellish Supreme Court fraternity pledge week offered many lessons, but the most powerful, if least noted, was about the raising of boys in America -- all boys, not just the groomed Georgetown elite from which the judge emerged. Too many boys are raised in packs, whether they're called fraternities, sports teams, or gangs, all of which offer brotherhood in return for loyalty, obedience, and a dedicated contempt for the Other -- anyone, that is, who isn't a member, above all women. Kavanaugh was raised (and raised up) by just such packs.
Frats, teams, and gangs have their differences, often involving social class and skill sets, but there's one great similarity: the sense, often nurtured and reinforced by booze, battle, and group sex, that you are part of a special brotherhood. The promise of that brotherhood is to defend boys against a supposedly hostile environment by isolating them from the rest of their world and indoctrinating them with a set of tribal values that must be upheld beyond reason.
For most boys, as was true for young Brett, it starts with making the sports team (or not), being discarded -- "cut" -- (or not), as a pyramid of talent narrows to travel teams, all-stars, and elite leagues in middle school, high school, college, and finally the pros. The prime lesson is always the same: winning is everything and doing so in a dominating way by crushing the opposition is the best of all. In the process, finding an edge by working the refs, purposely injuring opponents, taking drugs, or protecting bad boys become standard tactics in the quest for victory. As Kavanaugh reminded us often enough, being captain of his Georgetown Prep high school basketball team and a member of the football team made him the proudest of proud jocks.
Naturally, fraternities prize such products of Jock Culture, boys growing to manhood who are already popular, trained to take orders, and used to hanging out with their own while excluding others. Frats, in turn, offer the same rewards as teams do, especially a set of brothers who will have your back, no matter what kind of a "puker" you are -- as long as you're loyal. At Yale, Kavanaugh pledged Delta Kappa Epsilon (or Deke), then well known as a hard-drinking frat for jocks, whose many famous members once included Presidents Gerald Ford and that father-and-son team, George H.W. and George W. Bush. Kavanaugh's Deke connections may even have brought him to the attention of the younger Bush as he headed into his presidency and landed Brett his various jobs in that administration. Perhaps it also helped recommend him to one of the country's most notorious and dangerous gangs of conservatives, the Federalist Society.
For the past four decades, much like gangs in minority neighborhoods drafting tough and vulnerable teenagers, the conservative Federalists have been recruiting ambitious students and lawyers with the potential to become judges. Their success reached a peak with Kavanaugh's recent confirmation, a victory with a Trumpian touch. The judge's diatribe about the Clintons and the rest of the left-wing conspiracy to take him out should have evoked the president's pitch on the viciousness of MS-13, a gang of mostly young Central Americans that originated in Los Angeles and has spread into immigrant communities across the country.
Boys Will Be You Know What
Team, frat, or gang, the macho sensibility of the pack will never die as long as it's applauded or at least tolerated in the culture at large as a boys-will-be-boys phenomenon -- as long as it's a given that we need such boys raised up strong and straight, prepared to fight our wars, man (never woman) our teams, and of course run our country. If you are a boy and an outsider, you are likely to play along to avoid trouble. Growing up bookish in Queens, The Donald's borough, so many years ago, I found myself feigning more interest than I had in New York's major league baseball teams and didn't protest too much when other boys misinterpreted a platonic relationship with a girl as something steamier. It kept my image on the male track, reasonably protected from the bullies who went after boys like me.
I was in a college fraternity, saw plenty of alcoholic aggression and sexual misbehavior, but never quite connected that to the code of the pack. Yes, there were drunk guys, horny guys, screwed-up guys, maybe even a few truly bad guys, but I didn't grasp that it was all meant to be a brotherhood against the rest of the world (especially women). My teaching moment came at 24, a lesson (appropriately enough) directly from the locker room.
It was 1962. I was then a rookie baseball reporter for the New York Times, covering the Yankees on the road. The older sportswriters were, at best, warily sociable. Would I, they wondered, disrupt their easy lives with some kind of unexpected reporting? The ballplayers were subtly hostile, especially stars like Mickey Mantle. Would I violate the covenant of the trade: that what happens on the road stays on the road? I felt like an interloper, outside the little bubble they were all traveling in. I was disconnected, lonely, and anxious that such social relations would affect my job, that mine would turn out to be a brief career in sports writing.
Then, one hot morning before a night game in Los Angeles, I met, chatted up, and took a swim in the hotel pool with a young female guest. I suggested lunch. As it was getting too hot for a poolside meal and we were hardly dressed for a restaurant, we left together for my room to order from room service, as some sportswriters and a few ballplayers hanging out at poolside nodded approvingly. No alcohol was ordered and nothing happened. We had lunch and that was that, but several Yankees saw her leave my room and smirked.
And lo and behold, I was in. The press box and the locker room were welcoming that evening. A winking word or two, a nod and a smile confirmed my acceptance. It took me a little while to figure it all out. Suddenly, I was one of them or at least nobody to worry about anymore because I had just marked myself as another frat brother following his dick. It was as easy and stupid as that. I was one of the guys.
Bystanders and Accomplices
I didn't stay on the baseball beat long enough to see if my new brotherhood would pay off in scoops, but the lesson learned could make access easier when it came to reporting on other sports, the cops, city politics, more or less anything else I covered. The rule was simple enough: walk like a bad boy and don't police bad-boy behavior or even point it out. That's no way of making friends. Most in the brotherhood were then and probably still are simply bystanders, as I was at the time. Some, of course, are accomplices, while the bad boys all too often are the stars whom all the other boys in the pack both resent and admire as heroes.
I've been thinking about this for years, but Brett Kavanaugh, that quintessential frat-boy jock-bully, brought it all up in my throat again like so much bile. His belligerent, bleating, entitled, prevaricating, smart-ass Jock Culture posturing reminded me of the boys I had been trying to dodge all my life and, in the end, couldn't help writing about. Now, to imagine the quintessential version of such a figure sitting in judgment on the rest of our lives for the rest of his life is chilling.
And here's the sick joke of it all: by Jock Culture's twisted standards, the judge was a loser. He struck out. He spent parties "holding up the walls" because he was too soused to play. The drunken braggart was disrespectful to women because he never got the girl, even the one everyone else supposedly got -- and what did it matter that they didn't either? Decades later, when it was finally in his interest, he admitted the truth: that he was a virgin all those years. And in that lies a deeper truth: having sex back then was never as important as the guys thinking you did.
And now for that infamous 1985 bar fight, that quintessential test of manhood. As it happened, he didn't clean out the joint with his fists, he threw ice cubes. He was an instigator, endangering his pals, including Chris Dudley, the 6'-11" Yale basketball player who took the fall and was evidently arrested. There is no evidence that Dudley suffered more than a brief detention, which tends to be standard treatment for a college jock near campus, even for far worse transgressions. Usually, some old white guys clean up afterward. In any case, Dudley went on to spend 16 years in the National Basketball Association and run unsuccessfully for governor of Oregon.
The Duke
Once cornered by Dr. Christine Blasey Ford's testimony, Brett Kavanaugh turned in a performance that any frat boy would describe with the worst of pack put-downs: "acting like a little girl." Whatever happened to the steady and stoic John Wayne-style "don't complain, don't explain" guy? Not for him, the classic football player's mantra, "Suck it up, be a man."
John Wayne, the Duke, that on-screen ultimate cowboy, was a movie fixture of my time and Donald Trump's, too. I often get the feeling that the president is trying to channel Wayne with that rolling waddle of his and his pseudo-tough declarative sentences. Even as the Senate struggled with the confirmation of an accused sexual predator, he was out there mocking Al Franken, the former Democratic senator driven to resign by far less devastating (but still insufferable) charges, accusing him of weakness. "He was wacky," Mr. Trump said at a campaign rally in Minnesota. "Boy, did he fold up like a wet rag, huh? Man. Man. He was gone so fast, O.K.?" Then, he added, "Oh, he did something. 'Oh, oh, oh, I resign, I quit.' I don't want to mention Al Franken's name, so I won't mention [it]."
In that nightmarish display of the power of the pack in Congress recently, if there was some semblance of a Republican manly man, it seemed to be, however briefly, Arizona Senator Jeff Flake, who was willing to be open to two women he did not know when they confronted him in an elevator in the Capitol and so made a rare Republican compromise with the Other. He even demurred when the gang leader himself, Trump, mocked Dr. Ford's pain. In the end, of course, Flake folded like a wet rag in the face of ultimate pack power and voted to confirm Kavanaugh, whose ascension will help normalize the kind of thuggish behavior that has long kept so many boys in thrall.
Loud and aggressive, fueled and excused by alcohol -- what a commercial for the mellowness of pot is Brother Brett! -- the frat-jock gang tries to push everyone else to the margins, drown out all discourse but theirs, and move the goal posts or, if necessary, simply tear them down. And they are so often cheered on by the bystanders, vicariously enjoying the violence, like the audience in a sports arena. It makes me think of extreme sports fandom, a form of tribalism that has given a pass to dozens of sexually predatory athletes over the years. Most recently and sadly typical of our never-ending moment, Ohio State suspended its winning coach, Urban Meyer, for just three games for his mishandling of repeated sexual assault claims by the wife of an assistant coach and friend.
And talk about mishandling: call them a frat or a gang, but the aging white male Republicans on the Senate Judiciary Committee moved Kavanaugh through his initiation with remarkable determination and then helped Trump cow the rest of the tribe into voting him onto the bench. The only shock in all of this was its blatancy. Otherwise it should have seemed beyond familiar to us all. In winning yet again, the big boys made their male tribalism transparent beyond question. It's beyond question that they believe bipartisanship, cooperation, common decency, and peace are antithetical to the brotherhood of the pack.
In fact, just one question remains: Will this finally mobilize a resistance movement or will it just further confirm the dominance of the pack?
The only appropriate four-letter word in all of this, of course, is VOTE, but even kicking the bullies out won't be enough for the long game. The manipulation of male tribalism occurs on many levels, but since we know where it starts for boys, isn't it time to begin reforming the world of sports teams, get rid of those fraternities, and alleviate the conditions that breed gangs? It's that or roll over forever for Brett and the pack.