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"Keep your word," one protest organizer urged the Biden administration. "Enact an arms embargo to impose a cease-fire and end our complicity in Israel's horrific war crimes in Gaza."
Nine people were arrested Tuesday while blocking an entrance to the White House in Washington, D.C. to demand the Biden administration "uphold U.S. laws, which require an arms embargo on Israel" given the key Mideast ally's well-documented human rights violations during its 13-month assault on Gaza.
Demonstrators led by the Democrats for Human Rights coalition sat in a roadway in front of a White House gate with banners reading "Israel Uses Starvation as a Weapon" and "Uphold the Law: Arms Embargo Now."
Three women who resigned from the Biden administration over its support for Israel's obliteration of Gaza— Lily Greenberg Call, Stacy Gilbert, and Anna Del Castillo—joined the demonstration, as did 88-year-old Holocaust survivor Marione Ingram.
"Police are arresting us now," organizer Kai Newkirk, who co-chairs the Arizona Democratic Party Progressive Council, said on social media Tuesday evening.
Last month, U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken and Defense Secretary Lloyd Austin gave the far-right Israeli government led by Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu 30 days to show that it had taken "urgent and sustained actions" to alleviate the humanitarian crisis in Gaza or face a possible suspension of armed aid.
"As [President Joe] Biden's 30-day deadline for Israel to stop violating our laws in Gaza expires, we are sitting in and peacefully blocking the gate at the White House," Newkirk said before his arrest. "U.S. law requires an arms embargo. As Democrats for Human Rights, we call upon Biden to uphold the law: arms embargo now!"
The U.S. State Department sparked worldwide anger Tuesday with its determination that Israel is not violating humanitarian law, even as its forces have killed at least 43,000 Palestinians, wounded more than 103,000 others, and displaced, starved, or sickened millions more while blocking desperately needed humanitarian aid from entering Gaza.
"We will not be moved," vowed Newkirk, who added that the Biden administration's deadline "cannot come and go with no action to mark it and hold him accountable.
"Uphold the law," he said. "Keep your word. Enact an arms embargo to impose a cease-fire and end our complicity in Israel's horrific war crimes in Gaza."
Domestic legislation including the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961 and Leahy Laws prohibit U.S. aid to human rights violators. However, the U.S. government has given aid to many human rights violators since those laws were enacted, including most of the world's dictatorships and the perpetrators of genocidal violence in Indonesia, Paraguay, Guatemala, Bangladesh, East Timor, Kurdistan, and—according to many experts—Gaza.
Since the Hamas-led October 7, 2023 attack, the U.S. has approved tens of billions of dollars in military assistance for Israel, even as the International Court of Justice in The Hague reviews South Africa-led allegations of Israeli genocide in Gaza.
"Humanitarian leaders have stated that conditions in Gaza have only grown worse over the 30 days, with World Food Program Director Cindy McCain saying famine has now set in," Newkirk said.
Human rights and humanitarian relief groups accuse Israel of causing " apocalyptic" conditions in northern Gaza, where thousands of civilians including many women and children have been killed or wounded in recent weeks and many others face imminent famine under a plan to starve and ethnically cleanse Palestinians from the area in order to facilitate Israeli occupation and possible recolonization.
On Tuesday, a coalition of eight international humanitarian organizations published an
analysis detailing how Israel has not fully complied with any of the Biden administration's 19 specific demands in its 30-day warning.
The report's authors asserted that the publication underscores "Israel's failure to comply with U.S. demands and international obligations."
"Israel should be held accountable for the end result of failing to ensure the adequate provision of food, medical, and other supplies to reach people in need," the report argues.
For anyone who's invested in the Democratic Party, there is absolutely zero excuse at this point not to be actively demanding governance from the Biden administration that creates roadblocks to Trumpism.
We are awash in post-electoral grand explanatory arguments and pre-Trump injunctions to organize. This is neither. I want to talk now about breaking things.
As former president of a wall-to-wall union local and author of a book on how regular people can respond to the polycrisis, I'm committed to local organizing and delighted to see so many calls for it (though as a leftist I'd gently remind everyone that we equally need translocal solidarities to reorient the worst of what's to come). But, I'm also frustrated by these calls. They gloss over a crucial site of immediate political action within the actually existing system of U.S. governance.
For anyone who's invested in the Democratic Party, there is absolutely zero excuse at this point not to be very, very, very actively demanding governance from the Biden administration that creates roadblocks to Trumpism.
There's a lot of talk about what a Trump administration will mean and how to resist the worst of that locally and at a grassroots level. And that's great. But RIGHT NOW, literally at this exact moment and for a couple more months, your guy is still in office.
One of the dominant rhetorical tropes of American presidential politics is that of The First 100 Days. (This goes back especially to FDR, and refers to massive collections of reorienting legislation and executive orders.) And one of the major political developments of the last few decades (or century-and-a-half) in the U.S. is the rise of an "executive presidency" or "unitary executive," the refashioning of the executive branch of American government as a fundamentally presidentially controlled domain of quasi-legislative action that sidesteps the legislative branch. That includes governance by executive order and direct presidential control of the various agencies that implement and administer the legal order.
This is widely regarded as a threat to constitutionalism and democracy, and rightly so. It's also, however, how things have shaken out for us here in the United States. It's the system that we have, and the collection of rhetorical tropes and real presidential powers that orient our collective conversation now about how an incoming President Donald Trump will be enabled to behave in authoritarian ways.
It makes sense that everybody's worried about that.
If you are a person who wants to believe in this system that we have, you can today right now take the pragmatic approach of demanding something immediate from your political party that you believe is invested in democracy and that is, again, actually in control of the executive branch.
But wouldn't a better use of energy for rank-and-file Democrats, for those who believe ( against the evidence) that their preferred political party cares about small-d democracy, be to demand from U.S. President Joe Biden a "Last 60 Days" devoted to antifascist executive action?
Where, right now, are the calls for an unprecedented barrage of executive orders that would interfere with all that you take (and I agree) to be worst in Trumpism?
If you believe that one political party in the existing U.S. system of governance exists to defend and promote small-d democracy and human rights and equality and all the rest, why are you not right now demanding that this party use the extremely well-understood, very practically real power that it presently has to do things that will dramatically interfere with a near-future shift toward authoritarianism???
Political observers understand well that everything an executive order productively makes can be undone by another executive order.
But, as we've seen lots of in the past (the first Trump presidency's Muslim ban comes to mind), executive orders can be used very effectively to break things.
Usually, the fact that it's easier to tear things down than build them is, correctly enough, invoked as a kind of caution against tearing things down. We are right to worry that when you break things (like the EPA or freedom of movement or DACA or any institutionally secured set of goods), it's very hard to put them together again, maybe even impossible.
Left to their own devices, it will be big-D Democrat continuism that ushers in fascism, not your asshole neighbor or racist uncle or whomever else we might plausibly pin it on.
But what about breaking things that should be broken? Aren't there some features of our institutions that need to be broken?
You can create roadblocks to fascism by erecting concrete barriers, but you can also create them by dynamiting roads that tend naturally to lead there.
The fact that we're not hearing all about an enormous flurry of road-dynamiting from the actually still governing Biden administration, and about tremendous pressure for still more road-dynamiting from liberals and progressives, registers a staggering political failure. If you are a person who wants to believe in this system that we have, you can today right now take the pragmatic approach of demanding something immediate from your political party that you believe is invested in democracy and that is, again, actually in control of the executive branch.
Tell Biden to break something.
For just three instances, from a great many that might be imagined, a Biden administration that was trying to render fascism more difficult in the future instead of preparing for a neat and tidy transition to it might
Each of these is a mixed bag, far from simply and uncomplicatedly "good." But all three (and any number of actions like them) would interfere with fascizing in the near future.
The first because it's a recommitment to at least the discourse of "human rights" as globally real and necessary--which makes it harder for a Trump administration to smoothly continue and deepen the Biden administration's "end of the human rights era."
The second because it interferes with the militarization of police–a largely lawless, loosely affiliated assortment of locally decisionist violence-perpetrators that exists at any given moment *exclusively* to uphold whatever is designated "order"; a person can see how giving such coordinated bodies a bunch of select-fire machine guns and armored vehicles and grenade launchers would be more useful for fascism than for democracy, yes?
The third because it destroys one basis (from many) of social control, a vast body of internetworked debt holdings, in a way that simultaneously puts money back into regular people's pockets and would essentially pre-break the financial system (i.e., break it in a manner that people would see the consequences of after Trump takes office, but the benefits of while Biden is still in office).
One can think of any number of other such road-dynamiting moves. (Heck, perhaps you can even use executive orders to break the unitary executive itself–certainly, a radically antifascist set of actions from a lame-duck Biden administration would give even many Republicans anxiety about Trump's likely mobilization of the executive presidency.)
I'm just outlining three possibilities here. All would be poison if you did them while you were also seeking votes. All are mixed bags in some very real ways. All are things the executive president can really do tomorrow (though subject to lawsuits and a subsequent crisis in the courts–knowing and planning for that would be part of the strategy).
And all are real ways of interfering with wholly predictable dimensions of fascizing under a Trump administration.
That the Biden administration and Democrats won't do any of these things on their own is an indication of their only deep political commitment: continuation of the existing order for as long as possible. Left to their own devices, it will be big-D Democrat continuism that ushers in fascism, not your asshole neighbor or racist uncle or whomever else we might plausibly pin it on.
Biden, Rep. Nancy Pelosi (D-Calif.), and the rest of Democratic Party leadership have again and again promised a "peaceful transition of power." Peaceful, fine, sure, of course. But why so smooth a transition? If fascism is really on the menu, as we've been told over and over and as seems entirely likely, why not a rocky, uncomfortable transition that actually impedes fascizing? Why not dynamite a few roads that lead particularly smoothly toward authoritarian rule, human rights abuses, and violence against citizens and others around the world?
Liberals and progressives should demand now that Democrats change everything–not messaging strategies for the next election in 2026 if that even happens, but everything necessary to prevent a smooth and functional authoritarian transition in Trump's First 100 Days.
Because the deepest commitment of our political establishment is to continuity, not democracy. They are addicted to continuity in an age of catastrophe.
I tried to get at how hoping Democrats will arrive at better trajectories for navigating polycrisis on their own steam produces worst-case outcomes in Panic Now? Tools for Humanizing: "As everyone who's ever confronted an addiction knows, getting better doesn't start with insisting there's some relatively easy way out as long as everyone maintains hope. Getting better starts with acknowledging how unbearably bad things have gotten, and concomitantly that you actually don't know what to do next. And then you have to change everything."
American liberals have thus far raised no hue and cry demanding the Biden administration dynamite some fascizing roads, change everything. They have instead, since the election a week ago, asked for nothing of substance from the still-governing presidential administration in order to prevent or impede fascism.
Liberals and progressives should demand now that Democrats change everything–not messaging strategies for the next election in 2026 if that even happens, but everything necessary to prevent a smooth and functional authoritarian transition in Trump's First 100 Days.
What would it look like to break enough?
The current trajectory of the Democratic Party is so wholeheartedly committed to system maintenance that it guarantees the worst sorts of coming devastation. This, more than post-electoral nuts-and-bolts voting breakdowns or even pre-Trump prepping, should give everyone in the country great pause.
So, Go Demand It!
In the pause–if you canvassed to get out the vote, or wrote postcards and sent texts, or donated to Democrats, they are your party. They are currently in governance. The sorts of governance that become possible next, after the Biden administration's Last 60 Days conclude in January, will depend greatly on how Democrats choose to use the executive branch right now. They can smooth the path for an authoritarian transition–or not.
Democrats aren't my party. I vote for them as a competent hostage, not a booster or an adherent. Dear liberal and progressive friends, your party is currently in control of the executive branch of the United States of America.
Reach out and tell them to break something!
"Despite overwhelming evidence that the Democratic Party's most devoted constituents wanted to end sales of weapons to Israel, the Biden administration kept sending them."
The Israeli military on Thursday bombarded refugee camps in northern and central Gaza hours after inking a $5.2 billion deal with the United States to acquire more than two dozen F-15 fighter jets made by the American aerospace giant Boeing.
The agreement, part of a broader military aid package approved by the Biden administration and the U.S. Congress earlier this year, was finalized hours after Vice President Kamala Harris lost the 2024 election to Republican nominee Donald Trump following a campaign in which she resisted calls to support an arms embargo against Israel.
Though Trump at times tried to posture as a pro-peace candidate during the race, he publicly and privately signaled support for Israel's war on Gaza and Lebanon, telling far-right Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu during a recent call, "Do what you have to do."
Israel's Ministry of Defense called the F-15 deal "a landmark transaction" for fighter jets "equipped with cutting-edge weapons systems." The ministry said deliveries of the aircraft will begin in 2031.
"While focusing on immediate needs for advanced weaponry and ammunition at unprecedented levels, we're simultaneously investing in long-term strategic capabilities," the ministry said. "This F-15 squadron, alongside the third F-35 squadron procured earlier this year, represents a historic enhancement of our air power and strategic reach—capabilities that proved crucial during the current war."
Shortly following the announcement, Israeli forces killed at least 22 people in attacks on the Jabalia refugee camp and Beit Lahiya in northern Gaza—where Israel is engaged in an active campaign of ethnic cleansing—and on the Nuseirat refugee camp in the center of the Palestinian territory.
Norwegian Refugee Council secretary-general Jan Egeland, who traveled to areas of northern and central Gaza this week, said in a statement Thursday that the "complete destruction" he witnessed there was "worse than anything I could imagine as a long-time aid worker."
"What I saw and heard in the north of Gaza was a population pushed beyond breaking point," said Egeland. "Families torn apart, men and boys detained and separated from their loved ones, and families unable to even bury their dead. Some have gone days without food, drinking water is nowhere to be found. It is scene after scene of absolute despair."
"This is in no way a lawful response, a targeted operation of 'self-defense' to dismantle armed groups, or warfare consistent with humanitarian law," he added. "What Israel is doing here, with Western-supplied arms, is rendering a densely populated area uninhabitable for almost two million civilians."
As early as October 2023, NRC warned Israel, UK, US, Germany, & others, that Israeli "relocation orders" for civilian communities were forcible transfers, which under international law constitute an atrocity crime.
Since then there have been more than 60 "relocation orders"
1/2 pic.twitter.com/bsDvWKOqhY
— Jan Egeland (@NRC_Egeland) November 7, 2024
People here have been herded from unsafe location to unsafe location across the Gaza Strip.
They have lost everything, some having been forced to move more than 10 times.
Families I have spoken to here are enduring suffering almost unparalleled anywhere in recent history.
— Jan Egeland (@NRC_Egeland) November 7, 2024
Israel's latest deadly attacks on Gaza came after the conclusion of a U.S. election in which Gaza featured prominently, with Palestinian rights advocates warning that continued American support for Israel's assault would be politically damaging for Democrats—on top of being morally reprehensible and unlawful, given Israel's obstruction of humanitarian aid and repeated targeting of civilians.
New York Times writer Peter Beinart argued in a column Thursday that the election's outcome appeared to show that such concerns were justified.
"Despite overwhelming evidence that the Democratic Party's most devoted constituents wanted to end sales of weapons to Israel, the Biden administration kept sending them, even after Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu of Israel expanded the war into Lebanon," Beinart wrote. "And not only did Ms. Harris not break with Mr. Biden's policy, she went out of her way to make voters who care about Palestinian rights feel unwelcome."
"There is only one path forward," Beinart continued. "Although it will require a fierce intraparty brawl, Democrats—who claim to respect human equality and international law—must begin to align their policies on Israel and Palestine with these broader principles. In this new era, in which supporting Palestinian freedom has become central to what it means to be progressive, the Palestinian exception is not just immoral. It's politically disastrous."
Layla Elabed and Abbas Alawieh, co-founders of the Uncommitted National Movement, said in a statement Wednesday that "while there are many factors at play" in Harris' loss, "one undeniable truth remains: Neglecting the voices of those impacted by war has consequences."
"Today, our message is clear: This moment requires more than resilience; it demands decisive action," said Elabed and Alawieh. "The Biden-Harris administration must put an end to the flow of weapons that fuel this cycle of violence. If they do not, the Democratic Party risks saddling our coalition of voters with the ever-increasing weight of a legacy intertwined with endless war and suffering."