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"Behind these eye-popping budget numbers are millions of real people who will see health coverage, food assistance, and other forms of support taken away," said the Center on Budget and Policy Priorities.
Taken together, budget proposals released by House Republicans and the far-right agenda outlined by the Trump-aligned Project 2025 initiative would "create a harsher country with higher poverty and less opportunity" while simultaneously delivering more tax cuts to the wealthiest people in the United States.
That's according to a
detailed analysis published Tuesday by the Center on Budget and Policy Priorities (CBPP), which examines the House Republican Study Committee's (RSC) budget blueprint, the GOP House Budget Committee's (HBC) proposed budget, and the Project 2025 agenda crafted by dozens of right-wing organizations and former Trump administration officials.
Analyzing the three proposals in tandem "brings the implications of influential conservative policymakers' and a think tank's broader fiscal policy agenda into sharper focus," CBPP said Tuesday, explaining how—if enacted—the plans would slash critical social programs such as Medicaid and federal nutrition assistance, disinvest from public infrastructure and medical research, attack immigrants, and double down on "skewed, expensive, and ineffective tax cuts" for the rich.
The liberal think tank estimates that the three right-wing proposals would strip Medicaid coverage from tens of millions of people in the U.S., take early learning services from roughly 800,000 children, curb cash assistance for millions of seniors, and cut nutrition assistance for tens of millions of low-income families. Such proposed cuts are consistent with the budgets Republican nominee Donald Trump put forth during his first term in the White House.
"The RSC budget calls for cutting average Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP) benefits by about 22%," CBPP's new analysis observes. "This cut would affect 41 million people participating in SNAP."
"And Project 2025 calls for gutting summer food assistance programs that children in families with low incomes rely on when school is out, which could include the new Summer EBT program that is expected to provide grocery benefits to more than 21 million children this summer," CBPP added.
The think tank emphasized that "behind these eye-popping budget numbers are millions of real people who will see health coverage, food assistance, and other forms of support taken away."
"This will make it even harder for them to afford the basics, leading to serious hardships such as homelessness or overcrowded living, food insecurity, hunger, and untreated health conditions," the CBPP said.
While proposing funding cuts that would strip food aid, healthcare, and other programs from working-class people across the U.S., the three proposals align behind a tax agenda that would disproportionately benefit the wealthiest Americans, according to CBPP.
"For example, each agenda would double down on the 2017 tax cuts, whose core provisions are tilted heavily toward high-income households," the think tank said Tuesday. "The RSC budget calls for the continuation of all of the 2017 law’s individual income tax cuts and adds substantial tax cuts for corporations, wealthy shareholders, and large estates on top."
"Project 2025 goes further," CBPP added, "calling for a set of extreme near-term tax policies that would raise taxes on middle- and low-income households while cutting them for wealthy households, shareholders, and corporations."
Additionally, each of the three right-wing policy proposals calls for the elimination of an Internal Revenue Service (IRS) funding boost approved by congressional Democrats and President Joe Biden as part of the Inflation Reduction Act. The funding increase has allowed the IRS to collect over $1 billion in past-due taxes from the wealthy in the U.S., according to the agency.
CBPP's new analysis lends weight to Democrats' warnings that House Republicans have injected elements of the deeply unpopular Project 2025 agenda into key government funding fights in the lead-up to the November elections, in which control of the White House and Congress are at stake.
"It is also notable what is missing from these agendas," CBPP said Tuesday. "Despite rhetoric from some Republicans about the need to support families—and children in particular—these sweeping agendas do not call for new or increased investments to help families afford childcare or rent, to expand the Child Tax Credit, or to bolster the [Earned Income Tax Credit] for workers without children."
"And they do nothing," the analysis adds, "to ensure that all workers have access to paid family and medical leave so they can take time off to welcome a new child, attend to a health issue, or care for a family member who needs them."
Corporations using cash "to further enrich already affluent shareholders suggests that partially reversing the corporate rate cut, as President Biden has proposed, poses little risk to investment or the broader economy."
With a battle over congressional Republicans and former U.S. President Donald Trump's 2017 tax law brewing, a progressive think tank on Monday published an analysis that points to the surge in stock buybacks as proof that federal policymakers should raise the corporate tax rate.
When Trump—the presumptive GOP nominee to challenge President Joe Biden in November—signed the Tax Cuts and Jobs Act, slashing the corporate tax rate from 35% to 21%, he declared that "corporations are literally going wild over this, I think even beyond my expectations."
Chuck Marr, vice president for federal tax policy at the Center on Budget and Policy Priorities (CBPP) wrote in his new analysis that "other studies have shown that the corporate rate cut overwhelmingly benefits high-income people and has failed to deliver to workers the benefits its proponents promised."
He referenced research from the American Enterprise Institute, Brookings Institution, and University of North Carolina as well as the Joint Committee on Taxation and Federal Reserve Board that exposes how the law hasn't lived up to the GOP's claims.
"The fact that it also launched massive buybacks is a further reason why policymakers should revisit the rate cut next year—part of the larger course correction needed in the nation's revenue policies as major pieces of the 2017 law expire," Marr argued.
Buyback is a term for when a company purchases its own outstanding stock to reduce the number of shares on the market and increase the value of the remaining ones, a practice that further enriches shareholders.
"Excluding the pandemic-induced recession in 2020, buybacks have been markedly higher every year since the 2017 law, and are projected to top $1 trillion in 2025 for the first time," Marr noted, citing Goldman Sachs.
Some companies—such as John Deere—have even laid off workers while buying back stock, as Common Dreams has reported.
"The fact that corporations have significant excess cash beyond their investment needs and are using it to further enrich already affluent shareholders suggests that partially reversing the corporate rate cut, as President Biden has proposed, poses little risk to investment or the broader economy," Marr wrote. The president's proposed rate is 28%.
"Policymakers have an opportunity to move away from corporate tax cuts that haven't delivered on their economic promises and toward a tax system that raises more revenue through progressive policies like increasing the corporate tax rate," he explained. "They can then use those revenues for investments to make the economy work better for everyone, such as an expanded child tax credit and Earned Income Tax Credit, childcare, and housing."
Marr also urged lawmakers to go even further and "raise the excise tax on stock buybacks to 4% from the current 1%."
The CBBP is far from alone in framing the looming expiration of some tax cuts as a chance to pursue more progressive policy. In fact, the center is part of a coalition led by Groundwork Collaborative that is calling on Congress to "use the expiration of these provisions as an opportunity to address long-standing problems with our tax code, not just to tinker around the edges."
Some progressives on Capitol Hill—such as Sen Elizabeth Warren (D-Mass.), who supports a wealth tax targeting the richest Americans—are also seizing the moment.
Warren said earlier this month: "It's time to stiffen our spines. President Biden is right: If the 2025 tax bill doesn't call on the wealthy and giant corporations to shoulder a bigger share of what it costs to run this country, Democrats should reject it outright. No more Trump tax breaks for billionaires."
"America's farmers and consumers need forward-looking policies that build a sustainable, resilient, and fair food system," said one campaigner.
As Democratic and Republican leaders on Wednesday unveiled competing visions for the next Farm Bill, green groups sounded the alarm about the GOP proposal that "slashes nutrition programs and climate-focused conservation funding in order to boost commodity crop production."
U.S. House Committee on Agriculture Chair Glenn "GT" Thompson (R-Pa.) put out a "title-by-title overview" of priorities and announced plans for a legislative markup on May 23 while Senate Agriculture, Nutrition, and Forestry Committee Chair Debbie Stabenow (D-Mich.) released the Rural Prosperity and Food Security Act, which includes over 100 bipartisan bills.
"The contrast between the House and Senate farm bill proposals could not be clearer," asserted Environmental Working Group senior vice president for government affairs Scott Faber. "The Senate framework would ensure that farmers are rewarded when they take steps to reduce greenhouse gas emissions, and the House framework would not."
"At a time when farmer demand for climate-smart funding is growing, Congress should ensure that support for farmers offering to reduce nitrous oxide emissions from fertilizer, and methane emissions from animals and their waste, is the Department of Agriculture's top priority," Faber said. "Unless farmers are provided the tools to reduce nitrous oxide and methane emissions from agriculture, farming will soon be the nation's largest source of greenhouse gas emissions."
Friends of the Earth senior program manager Chloe Waterman declared that "House Republicans have proposed a dead-on-arrival Farm Bill framework that puts Big Ag's profits over everyone else: communities, family farmers, consumers, states and local rule, farmed animals, and the planet."
"Senate Democrats are off to a much better start than the House, but they have also fallen short by failing to shift subsidies and other support away from factory farming and pesticide-intensive commodities toward diversified, regenerative, and climate-friendly farming systems," she added. "We are particularly concerned that millions of dollars intended for climate mitigation will continue to be funneled to factory farms, including to support greenwashed factory farm gas."
Both Waterman's organization and Food and Water Watch spotlighted the Ending Agricultural Trade Suppression (EATS) Act, which aims to prevent state and local policies designed to protect animal welfare, farm workers, and food safety—like California's Proposition 12, which the U.S. Supreme Court upheld last year. The Republican bill is opposed by more than 200 members of Congress and over 150 advocacy groups.
"Despicable ploys to undermine critical consumer and animal welfare protections must be dead on arrival," Food & Water Watch senior food policy analyst Rebecca Wolf said in a Wednesday statement blasting the House GOP's priorities.
"America's farmers and consumers need forward-looking policies that build a sustainable, resilient, and fair food system," she stressed. "Instead, House leadership seems poised to take us backwards, trading state-level gains for a few more bucks in the pockets of corporate donors. Congress must move beyond partisan bickering, and get to work on a Farm Bill that cuts handouts to Big Ag and factory farms."
As green groups slammed the GOP's agricultural proposals for the Farm Bill, the Center on Budget and Policy Priorities (CBPP) called out the Republican scheme to attack food stamps.
Stabenow's bill "would protect and strengthen the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP), our nation's most important and effective anti-hunger program," noted Ty Jones Cox, CBPP's vice president for food assistance.
Meanwhile, Thompson's plan "would put a healthy diet out of reach in the future for millions of families with low incomes by cutting future benefits for all SNAP participants and eroding the adequacy of SNAP benefits over time," she warned.
As Jones Cox detailed:
Thompson's proposal would prevent SNAP benefits from keeping pace with the cost of a healthy, realistic diet over time, which the Congressional Budget Office estimates would result in a roughly $30 billion cut to SNAP over the next decade. The proposal would do this by freezing the cost of the U.S. Department of Agriculture's Thrifty Food Plan (the basis for SNAP benefit levels) outside of inflation adjustments, even if nutrition guidelines or other factors change the cost of an adequate diet. The Thompson proposal's modest benefit improvements do not outweigh the harm to the tens of millions of SNAP participants—including children, older adults, and people with disabilities—who would receive less food assistance in the future because of this policy.
"Stabenow's proposal rejects the false premise that improvements in SNAP must come at the expense of food assistance for low-income families who count on SNAP to put food on the table," she concluded. "The Senate framework, which rejects harmful benefit cuts, should be the basis for farm bill negotiations moving forward."