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While the court claimed that independent spending carries no substantial threat of corruption so long as it is truly independent and disclosed, the 2024 election dispensed with that illusion forever.
Citizens United v. Federal Election Commission, the Supreme Court’s controversial 2010 decision that swept away more than a century’s worth of campaign finance safeguards, turns 15 this month. The late Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg called it the worst ruling of her time on the court. Overwhelming majorities of Americans have consistently expressed disapproval of the ruling, with at least 22 states and hundreds of cities voting to support a constitutional amendment to overturn it. Citizens United reshaped political campaigns in profound ways, giving corporations and billionaire-funded super PACs a central role in U.S. elections and making untraceable dark money a major force in politics. And yet it may only be now, in the aftermath of the 2024 election, that we can begin to understand the full impact of the decision.
Citizens United, while purporting to address the specific issue of corporate speech,effectively invalidated almost all limits on so-called independent political spending (i.e., money that doesn’t go directly to a candidate or party, although it is often spent in close cooperation with them). The decision ushered in an era in which super PACs—outside groups that can fundraise and spend without limit as long as they maintain some notional separation from campaigns—now deploy massive amounts of money to influence American elections. Most of it comes from a minuscule group of the wealthiest donors and special interest groups, whose political influence has greatly expanded, as has the potential for political corruption.
The court’s decision and others that followed shaped the 2024 election to a greater degree than any that came before it. Most notably, President Donald Trump substantially trailed former Vice President Kamala Harris in traditional campaign donations, which are subject to legal limits and must be disclosed. Yet he was able to compensate for this disadvantage by outsourcing much of his campaign to super PACs and other outside groups funded by a handful of wealthy donors. While such groups had spent hundreds of millions of dollars on ads in previous cycles, this was the first time they successfully took on many of the other core functions of a general election presidential campaign, such as door-to-door canvassing and get-out-the-vote efforts. Their activities unquestionably would have been illegal before Citizens United.
Roughly 44% ($481 million) of all the money raised to support Trump came from just 10 individual donors.
The donors who funded the president’s campaign and leveraged other resources to help him—most strikingly Elon Musk, the world’s richest person and owner of the social media platform X (formerly Twitter)—have played an unprecedented role in his transition, including shaping policy and meeting with world leaders. Musk in particular was instrumental in derailing a bipartisan budget deal in Congress in December, weeks before the president took office. And he and other major donors are now poised to be pivotal players in Trump’s administration.
The Trump campaign is just part of the story, however. Candidates’ reliance on big money and donor secrecy that accelerated in the wake of Citizens United continued to grow. Outside spending on congressional campaigns, also mostly coming from a select few major donors, broke records. Funds from groups that do not have to disclose their donors at all, known as dark money, kept proliferating and became even harder to track. And candidates and parties continued to bend even traditional fundraising rules to raise more big money.
To be clear, the Supreme Court is not solely responsible for the legal changes that made these activities possible; a dysfunctional federal regulator—the evenly divided Federal Election Commission (FEC)—and Congress have also played important roles. But none of it would have been possible without Citizens United and related decisions, which have played an enduring role in putting the very wealthiest donors at the center of U.S. campaigns and governance.
In the Citizens United case, a conservative nonprofit group challenged campaign finance rules that ostensibly prohibited it from promoting a film that criticized then presidential candidate Hillary Clinton shortly before the 2008 Democratic primaries. The Supreme Court could have issued a narrow opinion ruling on that specific group’s activities, but instead a 5-4 majority took the opportunity to rule that virtually all limits on “independent” political spending from corporations and other outside groups violated the First Amendment.
This conclusion doubled down on the reasoning of a 1976 decision, Buckley v. Valeo. Buckleyheld that campaign expenditures, money spent to influence voters, were akin to political speech and could not be subject to legal limits (although campaign donations—money given to fund the expenditures of another, such as a candidate—could be limited). The only permissible justification for any limits would be the prevention of quid pro quo corruption (i.e., bribery).
After Buckley,the court upheld some campaign safeguards, most notably in McConnell v. FEC (2003), in which it approved new restrictions on corporate and union campaign spending as well as the stricter contribution limits for political parties in the bipartisan McCain-Feingold campaign reform law, passed in 2002. Only a few years later, however, after a change in the court’s ideological composition, Citizens United reverses these decisions in key respects. The court’s ruling then set the stage for lower courts to hold that anygroup purporting to be independent of candidates cannot be subject to contribution limits.
While the chances for meaningful reform in the next Congress appear slim, state and local governments can and should lead the charge to make funding elections fairer and more inclusive.
The court did not stop there. In 2014’s McCutcheon v. FEC, another 5-4 majority struck down overall contribution limits on individuals’ donations to candidates, parties, and PACs, known as aggregate limits. Because such groups often fundraise jointly, McCutcheon allowed them to directly raise contributions that far exceed the maximum that any individual can give to a single candidate per election (a little more than $3,000 in 2024).
Through each decision, the court purported to preserve certain safeguards—most notably, transparency rules and independence requirements for outside groups like super PACs. But these protections are increasingly illusory because of weak rules and lax enforcement. The result has been torrents of political spending from a small group of the very wealthiest megadonors via super PACs, as well as steadily increasing amounts of untraceable dark money. Indeed, while Citizens United, like Buckley before it, claimed that independent spending carries no substantial threat of corruption so long as it is truly independent and disclosed, the 2024 election dispensed with that illusion forever.
As noted, the Supreme Court is not the sole cause for this changed landscape. Congress or the FEC could theoretically fill or at least mitigate many gaps in transparency rules and other laws. But the evenly divided FEC, which oversees campaign finance in federal elections, has usually done the opposite and instead created more loopholes. It almost never enforces laws prohibiting coordination that are supposed to keep candidates independent from allied super PACs and similar groups. Nor has it acted on numerous complaints related to untraceable money.
Congress, too, has repeatedly failed to implement safeguards. In the past 15 years, lawmakers have tried to pass meaningful reforms several times but have not succeeded. These efforts included bills that would ensure voters receive information about the large donors who spend money on campaign advertisements, improve FEC enforcement, shore up requirements to ensure that super PACs and other outside groups are truly independent of candidates and political parties, and create a viable public financing system for all federal elections.
In short, the other branches of government could do much more to update U.S. laws in light of the court’s decisions. Those decisions themselves, however, were the catalyst for the most critical changes that shaped the 2024 race.
Here are some of the key ways Citizens United and other decisions shaped the 2024 campaign.
A handful of megadonors helped Trump narrow the fundraising gap with Harris, and one of them essentially helped run his campaign. The most striking consequence of Citizens United continues to be the expanded influence of the very wealthiest donors. Last year, donors who gave at least $5 million to super PACs in the presidential race spent more than twice as much as they did in 2020. Roughly 44% ($481 million) of all the money raised to support Trump came from just 10 individual donors. The top 10 donors supporting Harris accounted for nearly 8% ($126 million) of her campaign. For both candidates, most of this money came from outside groups like super PACs.
Of course, super PACs closely aligned with major candidates aren’t new. What made 2024 different was that campaigns were able to rely on these megadonor-backed, purportedly independent groups for core campaign activities. That was possible in part because of Citizens United and in part because the FEC—which already permitted significant cooperation between campaigns and super PACs—effectively eliminated most restrictions on the campaigns’ ability to outsource core voter outreach to these groups.
These changes set the stage for Musk in particular to play a central role in the election. He gave at least $277 million to two super PACs that supported Trump and other Republicans and effectively became part of the Trump campaign, frequently appearing center stage at rallies. One super PAC, to which he donated roughly $240 million, funded direct mailings, canvassing, and “spokesperson consultants” in swing states for Trump. The second, pointedly named RBG PAC after Justice Ginsburg, ran ads in swing states apparently intended to blunt criticisms regarding Trump’s record on abortion (and did not disclose who had funded its spending until after the election).
Musk was far from Trump’s only billionaire backer. Others included venture capitalist David Sacks, who hosted a fundraiser in Silicon Valley where the cheapest ticket was $50,000 ($300,000 bought a more intimate dinner with Trump); casino owner Miriam Adelson, who put more than $100 million into her own pro-Trump super PAC; packaging supplies magnate (and major donor to the election denial movement) Richard Uihlein, who sent $49 million in last year’s third quarter alone to his pro-Trump super PAC; and many other Big Tech billionaires. Collectively, these funders helped Trump make up much of his fundraising disparity with Harris.
Strikingly, while Trump relied heavily on super PACs, his actual campaign operated with a skeleton staff of only a few hundred people (compared with Harris’s more than 2,500 employees across battleground states alone) and little other infrastructure.
Of course, Harris had her own billionaire backers, most of whom also donated through super PACs and dark money groups, including tech moguls Dustin Moskovitz, Reed Hastings, and Ben Horowitz and Microsoft founder Bill Gates. In general, they do not appear to have taken on the same sort of central operational role in her campaign, however.
Megadonors also spent heavily in other federal races. Overwhelmingly, they had no ties to the states where their money landed, significantly exacerbating a trend in which more and more out-of-state money is flowing into congressional races. In marquee races in Arizona, Pennsylvania, and Ohio, for instance, national super PACs fueled by wealthy donors outspent several candidates’ campaigns and heavily influenced close primaries and general election races. Ohio’s Republican Senate primary attracted more than $20 million from nationally funded independent groups (with the two biggest donors hailing from Pennsylvania and Illinois), and Arizona’s Democratic primary for the Third Congressional District lured in $5.3 million from outside groups—twice as much as the campaigns themselves did.
Massive spending was not the only way that billionaires were able to shape the 2024 race. Most notably, Musk leveraged his ownership of the social media platform X to support his preferred candidates. X amplified Musk’s activity, including his pro-Trump posts, so that they appeared in the feed of every subscriber, and took other actions that likely benefited Trump and other candidates, such as hosting Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis’s announcement of his own presidential campaign. Prior to Citizens United, the direct use of corporate resources to advocate for a candidate was typically limited to traditional press activities, which are exempt from most campaign finance rules. Now, however, a corporation like X—which, had it existed prior to Citizens United, would likely not have been categorized as engaging in press activity—has much broader leeway to harness its resources in support of its owner’s preferred candidates.
Dark money continued to dominate federal contests. While final numbers are not yet available, in 2024 anonymous sources directed more than $1 billion, at a minimum, to independent political committees supporting candidates on both sides of the aisle. The largest outside group supporting the Harris campaign was a super PAC funded by dark money groups. The Trump campaign also benefited from such secret spending, including by one group that reportedly raised $100 million over four years.
Dark money also played a pivotal role in many Senate and House races. The four dark money groups associated with House and Senate Democratic and Republican campaigns gave $182 million to their sister super PACs through the end of last September. These purportedly independent groups were, in practice, effectively part of each party’s campaign apparatus. This strategy is certainly not novel—for a decade, both parties have had shadow party super PACs through which they have been able to raise unlimited contributions. Still, while the numbers are not yet final, the flood of dark money likely broke records in 2024.
Thanks to legal loopholes and lax enforcement of current rules, tracking this surge of secret cash is becoming ever more difficult. Dark money groups are required to report spending for only certain activities, including independent expenditures and electioneering communications, which they increasingly do not run themselves. They are not required to disclose donations to other groups (although the recipients may have to disclose these donations) nor many types of campaign advertising, including most online ads, which surged last year.
Candidates and parties turned to joint fundraising committees to foot their big bills in new ways. Joint fundraising committees are PACs formed by multiple candidates, parties, and PACs to raise money together. These groups took on a much more significant role for campaigns last year. Because McCutcheon invalidated aggregate contribution limits, joint fundraising committees can raise enormous amounts in direct donations. In theory, participants are supposed to allocate donations pursuant to a prearranged formula.
In 2024, however, an FEC deadlock created a new loophole, allowing these fundraising entities to themselves run campaign ads without allocating their costs, effectively allowing some participants to subsidize others. Both parties availed themselves of this loophole, but Republicans in particular exploited it. The National Republican Senatorial Committee spent millions of dollars through joint fundraising committees, mostly in battleground states like Wisconsin, Pennsylvania, and Nevada. Democrats, who originally urged the FEC to crack down on this practice, responded by saying they would use the same tactics for ads going forward.
Fifteen years after Citizens United, federal campaign finance rules are more porous than at any time since Watergate. And with just a sliver of donors spending tens (even hundreds) of millions of dollars apiece, the opportunities for corruption are overwhelming. The Supreme Court has played a central role in eroding safeguards, but the other branches of government have done nothing to shore up rules in response.
While the chances for meaningful reform in the next Congress appear slim, state and local governments can and should lead the charge to make funding elections fairer and more inclusive. At the most basic level, states and large localities should require transparency for all political spending and specify that super PACs and other outside groups must be truly independent from candidates. They should eliminate loopholes that allow joint fundraising committees and similar entities to circumvent contribution limits. More states and localities should also join the many jurisdictions that already offer some form of public financing for elections, the most powerful solution to the problem of big money in politics. And state lawmakers can pass laws calling into question the legitimacy of Citizens United and the Court’s approach to campaign finance more broadly—as many antiabortion legislatures did with Roe v. Wade.
The expanded influence of wealthy donors and untraceable money draws opposition from the vast majority of Americans across virtually all political and ideological divides. With the Supreme Court unlikely to change course anytime soon, it will fall to other branches of government, including state and local policymakers, to enact commonsense reforms to help ensure that every American has a meaningful voice in the decisions that govern all of us.
"If we're gonna win, the only path is representing regular, everyday Americans who are about to get screwed by Trump and the oligarchs," said the head of Our Revolution.
Amid intense nationwide debates about what Democrats should learn from devastating electoral losses to Republicans last November, progressive groups on Monday night held a two-hour virtual forum for candidates seeking Democratic National Committee leadership roles.
"This forum is different than the official Democratic forums that are now underway," Joseph Geevarghese, executive director of Our Revolution, said in his opening remarks. His group organized the event with Progressive Democrats of America (PDA), RootsAction, and the State Democratic Party Progressive Network.
These organizations "represent the progressive, working-class base, the Warren-Sanders wing, of the Democratic Party," said Geevarghese, referring to U.S. Sens. Elizabeth Warren (D-Mass.) and Bernie Sanders (I-Vt.), whose 2016 presidential campaign led to the formation of Our Revolution.
Participants in Monday's forum are preparing to face off against a Republican-controlled Congress and U.S. President-elect Donald Trump, who is set to be sworn in next week. Since the GOP's November victories, Sanders, who caucuses with Democrats, has been a leading critic of, in his words, "the big money interests and well-paid consultants who control the Democratic Party."
Geevarghese similarly said Monday that "we don't believe, I don't believe, that the corporate hacks who got this party into trouble in the first place are gonna be the ones to save us," and "we need a Democratic Party that is on the side of America's working class."
"Give up on being the corporate party. Trump has got that locked up," he urged party leadership. "If we're gonna win, the only path is representing regular, everyday Americans who are about to get screwed by Trump and the oligarchs."
The DNC elections are scheduled for February 1, and The American Prospect last week published a previously secret list of "448 active members of the national committee, including 200 elected members from 57 states, territories, and Democrats Abroad; members representing 16 affiliate groups; and 73 'at-large' members who were elected as a slate appointed in 2021 by the party chairman, Jaime Harrison."
Harrison, who has been hostile to arguments that Democrats lost last year because working-class voters felt abandoned by them, is not seeking another term. Seven candidates to replace him joined Monday's forum: Quintessa Hathaway, Ken Martin, Martin O'Malley, Jason Paul, James Skoufis, Ben Wikler, and Marianne Williamson. Robert Kennedy Houton and Nate Snyder did not participate in the livestreamed event, which had over 25,000 viewers and is available below.
Since last month, Our Revolution has been circulating a petition that calls on Democratic Party leaders to adopt four key reforms: ban dark money in primaries and reject corporate money; invest in state parties and grassroots organizing; make the budget transparent and hold consultants accountable; and adopt a progressive platform and small-donor democracy.
During the forum, chair candidates were asked what they planned to do to curb the influence of corporate interests and lobbyists in the party, particularly dark money political action committees (PACs).
"We need to make sure we call out the dark money in our politics, and it's corrosive," said Martin, who chairs Minnesota's Democratic-Farmer-Labor Party and is endorsed by several key Democrats from his state. "These billionaire donors and these large corporations who are trying to essentially subvert the will of the people, they do it by buying people off."
Martin said the party must ensure "that we are only taking money from people and entities that share our values" and pledged that under his leadership, the DNC wouldn't take money from corporations that are union-busting or "preying on" the most vulnerable people in U.S. communities, and would focus on small-dollar donor programs.
Wikler, who chairs the Wisconsin Democratic Party, called for building "a party strong enough to be able to resist the people who are trying to ransack this nation top to bottom, to divide us across our identities, to divide us by cutting us apart, in order to rip off everybody, no matter what our skin color is, no matter who we love, no matter how we pray or whether we pray."
He suggested that Democrats can fight big money in politics "by choosing the fights that we fight and choosing those not based on who's making donations, but choosing those based on actually delivering change in the lives of working people, and stopping the far-right ultrawealthy from rigging this country to ensure that working people don't have a voice."
Wikler is backed by key leaders in his state plus Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer (D-N.Y.). He and Martin are widely seen as front-runners in the chair race, though Wikler has faced some scrutiny for his relationship with billionaire LinkedIn co-founder Reid Hoffman, who has poured millions into Wisconsin politics.
Chair candidates were also asked about whether to reform the process for at-large members, and the responses were mixed, with some supporting a change to the bylaws and others favoring the current approach but recognizing the importance of being thoughtful about appointments.
The forum also featured remarks from two potential vice chairs, Shasti Conrad and James Zogby, as well as Jane Kleeb, who is running to head the Association of State Democratic Committees (ASDC), currently led by Martin.
Zogby is the founder of the Arab American Institute, a strong advocate of progressive priorities including Palestinian rights, and a longtime DNC member. He explained Monday that although he initially considered stepping aside after the last cycle, "to this day, I'm the only Arab American in a leadership role in the party and I'm not giving it up."
Sharing some of his frustrating experiences at the DNC over the past three decades, Zogby said that "we need accountability and transparency," particularly with the budget. He railed against a "sick, corrupt system" in which consultants "never lose an election" because they make money either way and called for investments in state parties.
In a Monday opinion piece published by Common Dreams hours before the forum, PDA executive director Alan Minsky wrote that "rank-and-file Democrats want a progressive party. Unfortunately, the defining feature of American politics in the neoliberal era is that money matters more than people. The heretofore dominant wing of the Democratic Party, aka the party 'establishment,' is first and foremost a money-raising behemoth."
"This is why progressives must bring their A-game," he argued. "Many party loyalists embrace centrist policies out of a misguided notion of pragmatism. Our goal is not to chase these Democrats away, but to persuade them to support something more ambitious and inspiring. We have a very compelling case to make on all fronts. We can win them over."
Calls for major shifts within the party aren't just happening in and around events for potential Democratic leaders—who participated in the first DNC-sanctioned forum on Saturday and are set to join another one co-hosted by Politico in Michigan on Thursday.
As Common Dreamsreported earlier Tuesday, the Sunrise Movement, a youth-led climate group, and several allied organizations, launched an open letter calling on DNC leadership candidates to revive a ban on corporate donations to the committee and to prohibit super PAC spending in Democratic primaries.
Also on Tuesday, the PAC Justice Democrats—which helped elect leaders like Congressional Progressive Caucus Chair Greg Casar (D-Texas) and Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez (N.Y.)—launched a 50-state effort to recruit "everyday, working-class people to run for Congress after a cycle of unprecedented spending from the billionaire class and right-wing super PACs in Democratic primaries."
"Until party leadership leads the way to take big money out of politics, ends the billionaire influence over our elections and policies, and puts the needs of working-class people back at the center of its agenda," said Justice Democrats, "voters will see its populist platitudes as lip service."
"Don't be fooled: What this Koch-backed group is really only after is protecting tax cuts for wealthy people like me," said the chair of the Patriotic Millionaires.
A right-wing advocacy group founded by the billionaire Koch brothers announced Monday the launch of a $20 million campaign to promote an extension of the 2017 Trump-GOP tax cuts, which disproportionately benefited the rich and large corporations.
But in a 60-second ad that debuted over the weekend, Americans for Prosperity (AFP) characterizes the 2017 Tax Cuts and Jobs Act as a boon to "hardworking Americans" and small businesses—and warns that allowing provisions of the law to expire at the end of this year as scheduled would be disastrous for the working class.
"This year, Congress is facing a countdown to a crisis that threatens family budgets nationwide," Ross Connolly, AFP's regional state director, said in a statement Monday. "We are proud to partner with the incoming Trump administration to protect prosperity and ensure that Congress acts."
AFP is a 501(c)(4) organization that describes itself as a "grassroots" movement despite being launched by Charles Koch and his late brother, David—two of the most notorious right-wing billionaire in U.S. politics.
The group said its new 50-state campaign represents "the largest effort by a conservative organization" to support President-elect Donald Trump's legislative agenda as he prepares to take office next week. The campaign, according to AFP, will include "over 1,000 meetings" at congressional offices, "in-district events" with activists and lawmakers, and "roundtables with job creators."
The campaign aims to "reach millions of voters on the phone and at their doorsteps," AFP said.
"The Trump tax giveaways passed in 2017 did not help working-class Americans. In fact, the top 1% of corporations received almost all of the benefits."
AFP's description of the impacts of the 2017 tax law flies in the face of resounding evidence showing that wealthy Americans—not ordinary workers—were the chief beneficiaries and are poised to reap most of the rewards once again if Trump and the Republican-controlled Congress extend the measure's soon-to-expire provisions.
"Americans for Prosperity is spending $20 million on a new ad campaign that champions the 2017 Trump tax law as a win for working families," Morris Pearl, chair of the Patriotic Millionaires, told Common Dreams. "But don't be fooled: What this Koch-backed group is really only after is protecting tax cuts for wealthy people like me."
"I'm in favor of tax relief for working people, but not yet another huge and unnecessary windfall for America's rich," Pearl added. "If Congress wants to help working families, they should make tax rates on labor income the same as tax rates on profits made by investors."
AFP is one of a number of right-wing, corporate-tied organizations pushing for an extension of the Trump tax cuts, which Republicans are planning to fund by slashing Medicaid, federal nutrition assistance, and other key programs.
The progressive watchdog group Accountable.US noted in a recent analysis that one of the groups pushing for an extension of the 2017 law is Advancing American Freedom, an organization "run by corporate consultants, lobbyists, lawyers, and executives, including former Trump administration officials who were directly responsible for the TCJA."
Accountable also observes that Club for Growth, a group funded by wealthy conservatives, "has pushed a deeper corporate tax cut plan as an 'opening salvo' in the current tax debate."
"The billionaire funders of the group's action arm have benefited enormously from the TCJA, saving hundreds of millions of dollars from a single obscure tax break for pass-through entities," the watchdog added.
In response to AFP's new nationwide campaign, Accountable.US executive director Tony Carrk told Common Dreams that "a glitzy ad campaign from a far-right organization won't change the fact that the Trump administration and Republican-controlled Congress are paying for giveaways to billionaires, wealthy tax cheats, and price-gouging corporations by cutting critical services for working families, like Medicaid and SNAP."
"The Trump tax giveaways passed in 2017 did not help working-class Americans," said Carrk. "In fact, the top 1% of corporations received almost all of the benefits."