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"Gotta love America—celebrating Indigenous Peoples Day today while arming, funding, and supporting the occupation, ethnic cleansing, and genocide of the Indigenous Palestinian people abroad," said one critic.
Human rights defenders on Monday underscored the links between the decolonization struggles of Native Americans and Palestinians—and the hypocrisy of celebrating Indigenous Peoples Day while the United States provides military aid and diplomatic support for Israel as it wages a war on Gaza for which it is on trial for genocide at the International Court of Justice.
"Several years ago Native activists successfully rallied their city councils to replace Columbus Day, the day that honors the Italian explorer who was a destroyer of Native worlds, with Indigenous Peoples Day, a holiday that celebrates the Natives who have resisted colonial oppression for over 500 years, since the arrival of Christopher Columbus," Jewish American scholar Benay Blend wrote for The Palestine Chronicle.
"It is also a good time to highlight Indigenous solidarity within the Americas as well as with other Indigenous people, including the Palestinians," Blend said. "Indeed, both people share a similar story of resistance to colonization, while the colonizers—the United States and Israel—share similar origin stories and tactics used to sever the Native people from their land."
Citing Steven Salaita—the Palestinian American professor of American Indian studies whose offer of a tenured position at the University of Illinois Champaign-Urbana was rescinded in 2014 over his criticism of Israeli bombing of Gaza—Blend noted that "both Israel and North America share similar rhetoric that justifies their origins."
"Infused with biblical references to 'salvation, redemption, and destiny,' settlers in both countries believed that they had reached the Promised Land, where God commanded them to eliminate the Indigenous populations to make way for more fertile land that had previously been 'underused and unappreciated by the natives,'" she added.
In a social media post that included video footage of Israel's bombing on Monday of a displaced people's encampment on the grounds of the al-Aqsa Martyrs Hospital in Deir al-Balah in central Gaza, Uahikea Maile—a Native Hawaiian professor of race, diaspora, and indigenity at the University of Chicago—said on social media that "Indigenous Peoples Day is about commemorating our survival and endurance despite settler colonialism—resisting annihilation as distinct people."
"If your celebration doesn't condemn Israel's wanton destruction of Palestinian life, then it recklessly shores up settler colonization," he added.
Samoan poet and educator Terisa Siagatonu stressed that "Palestinians are an Indigenous people" and "a free Palestine is an Indigenous struggle."
"I'm saying this over and over again as clear as I can because I don't believe people are contending with this enough, and you need to," she added.
Nick Estes, a Lakota community organizer and University of Minnesota historian, asserted that "the cynical 'celebration' of Indigenous Peoples Day by a settler state backing another settler state's genocide against Palestinians and Lebanese shows us nothing is sacred, not even our own survival, until we bury colonialism once and for all."
Responding to an Indigenous Peoples Day proclamation by U.S. President Joe Biden "respecting tribal sovereignty and self-determination," labor historian, author, and Empire State University professor Jeff Schuhrke took a swipe at those "commemorating Indigenous Peoples Day while simultaneously facilitating the real-time colonial extermination of Palestine's Indigenous people."
The U.S. direct action group Jewish Voice for Peace chose Indigenous Peoples Day to stage a protest at which more than 200 activists were arrested while demanding an end to U.S. military aid to Israel. Sumaya Awad, a Palestinian American spokesperson for the event and member of Adalah Justice Project, toldThe Indypendent that "the fact that the United States claims to stand with and honor Indigenous people... while they're actively funding and financially backing the ethnic cleansing of an Indigenous population in Palestine is contradictory to their statements."
Rick Tabenunaka, a member of the Comanche Nation and leftist organizer who hosts the "Decolonized Buffalo" podcast, said on social media, "I find it ironic that settlers will claim that Indigenous peoples on the North 'American' continent aren't doing enough to fight against settler colonialism."
"Yet," he lamented, "these same settlers spent a whole year watching their colonial government support genocide in Palestine and did nothing."
"We remain powerless and voiceless in determining our own future and the future of our homeland," one diaspora Chagossian said in response to the agreement.
Activists on Thursday decried a deal under which the United Kingdom will cede sovereignty of the Chagos Archipelago to Mauritius with the exception of Diego Garcia, an island from which the Indigenous Chagossian people were forcibly expelled over half a century ago to make way for one of the world's largest and most important U.S. military bases.
The agreement—which was announced Thursday by the U.K. and Mauritius governments—grants the latter full sovereignty over the remote Indian Ocean archipelago, while allowing the United States and Britain to keep the joint base on Diego Garcia for the next 99 years. Under the deal, Mauritius authorities will facilitate Chagossians' eventual resettlement of the archipelago, with the apparent glaring exception of Diego Garcia.
"Following two years of negotiation, this is a seminal moment in our relationship and a demonstration of our enduring commitment to the peaceful resolution of disputes and the rule of law," a joint statement published by the U.K. and Mauritius governments states. "Negotiations have been conducted in a constructive and respectful manner, as equal sovereign states, on the basis of international law, and with the intention of resolving all outstanding issues between the United Kingdom and Mauritius concerning the Chagos Archipelago, including those relating to its former inhabitants."
"The treaty will address wrongs of the past and demonstrate the commitment of both parties to support the welfare of Chagossians," the statement adds. "Mauritius will now be free to implement a program of resettlement on the islands of the Chagos Archipelago, other than Diego Garcia, and the U.K. will capitalize a new trust fund, as well as separately provide other support, for the benefit of Chagossians."
U.S. President Joe Biden welcomed what he called the "historic agreement," which he said represents a "clear demonstration that through diplomacy and partnership, countries can overcome long-standing historical challenges to reach peaceful and mutually beneficial outcomes."
Some Chagossians also welcomed the deal. Isabelle Charlot, chair of the Chagos Islanders Movement, told BBC Radio 4 that the agreement gave her hope that her family could return to "a place that we can call home, where we will be free."
Other Chagossians decried the deal. The advocacy group Chagossian Voices—which is based in Crawley in West Sussex, England—said in a statement:
Chagossian Voices deplore the exclusion of the Chagossian community from the negotiations which have produced this statement of intent concerning the sovereignty of our homeland. Chagossians have learned this outcome from the media and remain powerless and voiceless in determining our own future and the future of our homeland. The views of Chagossians, the Indigenous inhabitants of the islands, have been consistently and deliberately ignored and we demand full inclusion in the drafting of the treaty.
"We remain powerless and voiceless in determining our own future and the future of our homeland," Chagossian Voices founding member Frankie Bontemps told the BBC.
Diego Garcia was once home to around 1,500 Creole-speaking Chagossians and their beloved dogs. However, in the 1960s the U.S. convinced Britain to grant it full control there and subsequently began to "sweep" and "sanitize" the atoll of its Indigenous population, in the words of one American official.
"We must surely be very tough about this," one British official privately wrote, adding that "there will be no Indigenous population except seagulls."
Many Chagossians were tricked or terrorized into leaving. U.S. Marines told them they'd be bombed if they didn't evacuate, and Chagossians' dogs were gassed to death with fumes from military vehicles. The islanders were permitted to take just one suitcase with them. Most were shipped to Mauritius, where they were treated as second-class citizens and where many ended up living in poverty and heartbreak in the slums of the capital, Port Louis.
Meanwhile—and without any apparent sense of irony—the U.S. military dubbed the new Halliburton-built base on Diego Garcia Camp Justice. In addition to launching an unknown number of attacks on countries including Afghanistan, Pakistan, and Iraq from Diego Garcia during the ongoing so-called War on Terror, the U.S. military also dumped large amounts of human sewage into a protected coral lagoon on the atoll, belying British claims of commitment to ecological stewardship.
The forced displacement of the Chagossians was largely hidden from the U.S. and British public. However, the Chagossians never stopped fighting for justice. Britain's High Court of Justice twice ruled that their removal was illegal. In 2010, WikiLeaks published a secret U.S. diplomatic cable exposing nefarious intentions—denying Chagossians their right of return—behind the establishment of a marine reserve around the atoll.
In 2019, the International Court of Justice in The Hague issued an advisory opinion that the U.K. was exercising "illegal" sovereignty over Diego Garcia and urged the British government to "decolonize" the atoll by handing sovereignty to Mauritius, whose government long contended it was forced to cede control in order to secure its own independence from Britain.
Responding to the new agreement, Human Rights Watch (HRW) said Thursday that while the deal will "address the wrongs against the Chagossians of the past," it "looks like it will continue the crimes long into the future."
"It does not guarantee that the Chagossians will return to their homeland, appears to explicitly ban them from the largest island, Diego Garcia, for another century, and does not mention the reparations they are allowed to rebuild their future," HRW senior legal adviser Clive Baldwin said in a statement.
Dozens of social movement organizers recently gathered in Toronto at a meeting convened by the This Changes Everything team to envision a new economy centered on climate justice. With relentless extractions of labor and land harming all life on earth, cross-sectoral alliances are necessary.
But a number of predictable tensions bubbled up at the gathering, some related to land defence and workers' rights. How do we shift from a petro-economy to prevent catastrophic climate change while safeguarding workers whose livelihoods depend on the resource economy? Over the past few decades a green economy, which would ensure jobs and equity within a low-carbon economy, has been posited as a solution.
Extending from this and in the context of reconciliation, I want to envision emancipatory possibilities of solidarity between workers' movements for self-management and Indigenous struggles for self-determination.
Land defence as labor, blockades as pickets
Capitalism not only creates the conditions for the expropriation of labour, but also limits what can even be characterized as labor.
Our society primarily defines workers as those producing within the industrial, financial, service or technological economies. Labor outside of these economies is not only devalued, but also unrecognized as productive labor. This includes reproductive and affective labor, land stewardship, and care work. Single mothers, elders, peasants, women of color, and Indigenous communities, all of whom are deliberately impoverished and stigmatized as "uncontributing," overwhelmingly undertake this hard work that maintains life itself.
Blockades from Clayoquot to Caledonia have long been sites of conflict between workers in the resource sector and land defenders working to protect the land. Within the house of labor we can create a formidable precedent by respecting blockades as legitimate picket lines.
Furthermore, since land grabs are, to borrow from David Harvey, accumulation by dispossession, Indigenous land defence is an impediment to capital accumulation. Dene scholar Glen Coulthard notes that blockades "seek to negatively impact the economic infrastructure that is core to the colonial accumulation of capital in settler political economies like Canada's."
Strident working-class movements picket to hamper capital's exploitation of labour and strike for workers' collective control over the means of production. Similarly, Indigenous nations blockade to prevent state and capital's expropriation of natural resources by asserting Indigenous jurisdiction.
Green economy or Indigenous land-based economies?
Indigenous land defenders rarely describe their efforts as work, but rather say they are protecting a way of a life under attack by development projects. As Lianna Spence from Lax Kw'alaams, who recently voted to reject Pacific NorthWest LNG's project, states, "They're offering us benefits if we vote Yes. But we already have a lot of benefits around us - we have coho, spring and sockeye salmon. We have halibut, crab and eulachon."
We have normalized the idea of labor as a job that extracts time and energy from us for someone else's profit. But If we understand "work" and "way of life" as synonymous -- as generative rather than extractive processes -- it becomes evident that Indigenous nations are working to protect laws and relations stemming from their land-based economies.
Such economies are not only local and sustainable, but also offer a profound challenge to the logics of commodification and isolation inherent to capitalist markets. Author Leanne Betasamosake Simpson articulates, "If I look at how my ancestors even 200 years ago, they didn't spend a lot of time banking capital, they didn't rely on material wealth for their well-being and economic stability. They put energy into meaningful and authentic relationships. So their food security and economic security was based on how good and how resilient their relationships were."
With growing attacks against them since the 1980s, many North American unions retreated from anti-capitalist stances and took on more constrained slogans of "more jobs" or "fair working conditions." Fighting for dignified conditions of work is most potent when done alongside a systemic challenge to capitalist and state relations that subjugate the social and class positioning of workers (particularly racialized non-citizen women increasingly stratified into precarious work).
The bold leadership of unions that revive principles of social unionism ensures that unions are not simply advocating mobility within capitalism and state structures, but are primary allies in the struggle against capitalism and imperialism.
As Herman Rosenfeld, a former GM worker, writes, "Job security is key, but what kind of jobs? Is the job security strategy one that works against the interests of the rest of the working-class and First Nations peoples, or in partnership with them? Moving away from the narrow focus on the short-term sectoral interests of a relatively small group of workers, whose jobs are currently defined by their employers, is a critical way of building unions as fighters for the class as a whole, and for a different, sustainable, and hopefully anti-capitalist future."
Simply put, workers shouldn't have to extract toxic sludge. Workers want and need clean air, clean water, and a more equitable future.
Labour within settler-colonialism
While a reconceptualization of work strengthens alliances between workers and Indigenous movements, it is inadequate in contending with settler-colonialism and the context of labouring on Indigenous lands.
Since the inception of Canada, settler-colonialism has sought to forcibly displace Indigenous peoples from their territories, destroy self-determination within Indigenous governance, and assimilate Indigenous cultures and traditions. The Truth and Reconciliation Commission has painstakingly recounted how Canada clearly participated in "cultural genocide."
A pervasive myth is that the Canadian economy subsidizes Indigenous communities. The reality is the opposite. As one tangible act of reconciliation, unions can educate members on how industry's profits are not only generated by the labor of the working class. The wealth of Canadian society as a whole could not be built, as Dru Oja Jay argues, "without massive subsidies: of [Indigenous] land, resource wealth, and the incalculable cost of generations of suffering."
Or imagine if every union in Canada adopted the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples and made free, prior and informed consent from Indigenous nations a necessary part of any collective bargaining it undertakes with government and industry.
The possibilities are endless and the power within such genuine acts of solidarity and reconciliation are transformative.
Given the scale of catastrophic climate change, state violence and capitalist crisis, we need to reimagine work as that which makes up the ecology and economy of everyday life through the generations. When it comes to the job of decolonization and protection of life, many aren't getting a paycheck at all.