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frances moore lappe
“Vegetarian”…Why Not “Planetarian”?
Only with democracy—specifically a living democracy—can we transform our wasteful, destructive food system to ensure everyone’s fair access to healthy, ecologically grown food.
May 22, 2023
"Planetarian. What’s that?”
I am eager to explain. In the late sixties, as I struggled to find my path, Paul Ehrlich’s Population Bomb had just exploded, admonishing humanity for overpopulating the Earth and creating food scarcity. Soon, several friends even pledged never to have kids.
So, I had to know: Was Ehrlich right?
I dug in at U.C. Berkeley’s agricultural library with my dad’s slide rule in hand, asking: Is it true that we’re running out of food?
No. Emphatically no, I soon learned.
We did then—and do now—produce enough food for all. Yet decade after decade we turn abundance into scarcity for too many: Today, 1.3 billion people—1 in 6 of us—lack consistent access to the calories we need. And safe and healthy diets? They’re out of reach for almost 40 percent of humanity, and the crisis is predicted to worsen.
Why?
Simply put, our world’s gross power inequities—political and economic—are the root cause. As the richest 1 percent control about half the world’s wealth, food policies serve elite interests, not commonsense or our planet’s health.
When our dietary habits incorporate environmental, justice, and health awareness as well as animal welfare, might we be "planetarians"?
One result? Staggering inefficiency.
Humans directly eat only about half the calories we produce. And the other half? While some become biofuel, in the U.S. we devote three-fourths of agricultural land to livestock production. And, of every 100 feed calories that cows eat, we get only three calories back in that burger or steak on our plate. With dairy cows, we get less than half the calories they’re fed.
The big picture?
Worldwide, almost 80 percent of our agricultural land produces livestock that give us only 18 percent of our calories.
Other costs include vast environmental harms: Producing animal foods generates greenhouse gas emissions 10 to 60 times greater than producing plant-based foods. Plus, 60 percent of biodiversity loss worldwide is caused by livestock. Moreover, livestock grazing is responsible for almost 40 percent of global deforestation, worsening the climate and biodiversity crises. Natural historian David Attenborough warns us we are facing the 6th great species extinction, which requires a dietary shift toward plant food.
Plus, “industrialized livestock” generate 85 percent of soil erosion, also a major threat.
Next, water. Our heating climate diminishes fresh water supplies; yet to produce just one pound of beef we use 1,800 gallons of water. Globally, “animal agriculture” accounts for nearly a fifth of all freshwater use. Here in the U.S. cattle farming uses more than half the water drawn from the Colorado River, for example, even as area’s current water crisis already threatens many farms and puts dozens of fish species at risk.
Meat-centered diets also directly damage our health: In 2015, the WHO declared red meat a probable carcinogen and processed meat a carcinogen.
In sharp contrast, plant-centered diets have been shown to lower body weight, boost the immune system, and decrease cancer risk, coronary heart disease, and Type 2 diabetes. So, no surprise: A plant-centered diet is associated with “lower risk of all-cause mortality” in U.S. adults.
It makes no sense. Why would we humans—supposedly the brightest species—actively shrink our food supply?
Why?
Because the deeper scarcity we’ve failed to address is that of democracy. On political rights and civil liberties, Freedom House—confounded by Eleanor Roosevelt—ranks us way behind nations we think of as peers. The U.S. comes in 59th between Panama and Samoa. Yet, only with democracy can we transform our wasteful, destructive food system to ensure everyone’s fair access to healthy, ecologically grown food.
Thus, much of my life energies have gone toward what I call “living democracy” in which we each have both economic and political power.
So, how does shifting my diet serve democracy?
In nourishing ourselves we make multiple choices daily. That alone gives food special power. With each choice I know I am sending signals back through the food chain for sane, fair use of our Earth.
Suddenly, my every bite has delicious purpose. As a vegetarian, I’ve loved knowing I was protecting animals and avoiding massive waste. But now I wonder whether “vegetarian” captures the full impact of such food choices. So, what if we reconceive good eating as not just “plant-based,” but “planet-healing”?
When our dietary habits incorporate environmental, justice, and health awareness as well as animal welfare, might we be "planetarians"?
I believe that with every step aligning our lives with our deepest truths, we become more convincing to ourselves and thus to others—and more likely to take our next step and the next…with ever greater courage. And that’s exactly what our planet needs now more than ever.
So, “planetarian” feels great.
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We're Not "Polarized" Everywhere. In Maine, Democracy and Green Energy Win Big
How often I hear that in "polarized" America rural voters will reject a green agenda out of hand. For them, green means liberal, tree-hugging snobs, unconcerned about the struggles of real working people.
But last week that frame busted for me when I had a chance to speak with Chloe Maxmin, a 27 year-old Maine legislator.
Never heard of Chloe Maxmin?
Oct 19, 2019
How often I hear that in "polarized" America rural voters will reject a green agenda out of hand. For them, green means liberal, tree-hugging snobs, unconcerned about the struggles of real working people.
But last week that frame busted for me when I had a chance to speak with Chloe Maxmin, a 27 year-old Maine legislator.
Never heard of Chloe Maxmin?
Well, keep reading, and maybe you'll agree with me that the story she and colleagues are writing bring many surprises and lessons worth spreading.
"From the beginning, I was very clear in our messaging that my [Green New Deal] bill was by and for Maine, by and for my community, that was specific and targeted legislation to lift up the voices of rural and working Maine."
--Maine State Rep. Chloe MaxminMaxmin grew up on her parents' farm in Nobleboro, a Maine town of about 1,600. Describing herself as an activist since age 12, in 2015 she earned a degree at Harvard while making time to co-found Divest Harvard, a campaign to push the university's divestment from fossil fuels.
The battle to make Harvard divest is still unresolved, but Maxmin's run for a seat in Maine's House of Representatives in 2018 had a decisive outcome.
First, she won the Democratic primary for District 88 with almost 80 percent of the vote. Then, she took on Republican Michael Lemelin, a local businessman and retired pilot. Though her district had never chosen a Democrat, she received 52.5 percent of the vote.
Given her youth, it's striking that Maxmin now represents a district with one of the oldest populations of any district in the country. Three quarters of her district lies in Lincoln County, where roughly 28 percent of residents are older than 65--a share exceeding the national average by 75 percent.
And how did she win against all odds?
First, Maxmin was helped by Maine's 1996 "Clean Elections" law entitling candidates for the state legislature to receive public financing--if they first collect from voters in their district a certain number of small contributions. For a seat in Maine's House, it's sixty $5.00 contributions. They also agree not to raise or spend any private money. Maine's "Clean Elections" law levels the campaign-playing field, making running for office accessible to anyone regardless of income or background. It helps to hold candidates accountable to the voters, not to their funders.
While 14 states offer some kind public campaign financing for some offices, only two other states offer full public funding for state legislative offices (Connecticut and Arizona), and in Arizona the program has been seriously undermined.
While Clean Elections helped to make Maxmin's campaign possible, her success reflects core messages and a campaigning approach that resonate with voters. "Whenever people ask me how we won, and how we did it, my answer, quite frankly, is just to listen to people, pay attention." She stressed that "once you get through differing opinions on policy issues, below that... we all share an incredibly deep frustration with our government."
She sees the state level as offering "opportunity to really rebuild our humanity and rebuild our faith in each other and politics."
One encounter with a gentleman living in trailer home at the end of a narrow dirt road seemed to capture her point. He was surprised "to see me," as "I was the first political candidate to come to his door and listen." At the end of their talk, he told Maxmin, "You're the first person to listen to me. Everyone judges what my house looks like. They don't bother to knock. I'm grateful that you came. I'm going to vote for you. Thank you."
In all, her campaign team knocked on at least 10,000 doors...and listened.
Once in office, Maxmin quickly moved on her commitment to helping her district by passing Green New Deal legislation.
"From the beginning, I was very clear in our messaging that my [Green New Deal] bill was by and for Maine, by and for my community, that was specific and targeted legislation to lift up the voices of rural and working Maine. I called it the Green New Deal so everyone would pay attention to it and a different way of talking about climate change. Most people got it and also understood that it was different from what's going on in D.C."
Fortunately, five colleagues--including two Republicans--in the state's House and Senate shared Chloe's values enough to introduce their own complementary legislation. "We had to make up for eight years," of Republican governor, and climate-change denier, Paul LePage who had blocked every climate initiative whatsoever.
Despite finding allies, it wasn't always easy. When, after only six months in office, Maxmin stood at the chamber podium to introduce her Green New Deal for Maine Act, Republican colleagues immediately interrupted her, not once but four times in quick succession.
Maxmin remained undeterred, and ultimately her Green New Deal bill passed by a hefty margin: 84 to 55.
In all, seven green bills passed between February and June, including a state "renewable energy portfolio standard" and a goal of 80 percent renewable energy by 2030 and 100 percent by 2050. Maine also set the goal of reducing the state's greenhouse gas emissions by 80 percent by 2050.
With this success, Maine became the third state after California and New Mexico to pass a Green New Deal and a carbon-reduction goal.
Maxmin is especially proud that her Green New Deal was endorsed by a state AFL-CIO affiliate, the first such bill at the state-level to receive labor's support. Why? Her bill specifically mandates that a share--beginning with 10 percent and rising to 25 percent by 2027--of jobs in major solar installations have to be filled by those in apprentice programs registered with the Department of Labor.
Maxmin's strong positions on climate and economic justice impress me, but what also makes her a great leader for our time is her commitment to democracy itself.
Though leadership clearly focuses on the "big questions," Maxmin is also finding time to attend to her district's immediate needs including passing bills, for example, to improve transportation for seniors, as well as hosting monthly coffees at the local diner to talk with constituents about their concerns.
Maxmin's strong positions on climate and economic justice impress me, but what also makes her a great leader for our time is her commitment to democracy itself. "Everything in our lives depends on our political system, and we need to figure out different ways of running campaigns, figure out how to actually represent the people--with respect and dignity for everybody," she told the Times Record.
Talking with Maxmin it was clear to me that her passion for the environment and democracy were not rooted in abstract principle but in deep connection to her home. "I love Maine. I love my town and I want to protect it," she told us more than once.
So, if this piece reads like an "Ode to Chloe Maxmin," I cop to it.
In my view, Chloe Maxmin and her bold colleagues offer the tonic we most need now. It is called "hope"--not blind optimism but hope grounded in courageous action. Thank you, Maine. It sure tastes good.
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Climate Courage--Cities and States Matter, Too
Across America, local governments are leading the way with some of the most progressive transitions in the nation.
Aug 08, 2019
More than one in five Americans--that's over 70 million of us--now live in a place committed to 100 percent carbon-neutral electricity--including 131 towns and cities, seven states and Puerto Rico.
With a Republican-controlled Senate and White House making federal action on climate change look less likely by the day, many hope that states and cities can help pick up the slack.
And such hope is not in vain.
The seven states already committed to carbon-neutral electricity--including two of the top nine carbon-emitters, California and New York--representing 14 percent of national emissions in 2016. With new clean-electricity bills being introduced in blue states such as Massachusetts, New Jersey and Illinois, further progress is expected soon.
Moreover, the clean-electricity transition is hardly limited to liberal bastions.
Pennsylvania, a purple state with a Republican-controlled legislature for the last eight years, is expected to have a 100 percent renewable-electricity bill introduced in its Senate for the second session in a row. The bill's sponsor is Republican state Senator Thomas Killion, and among co-sponsors are four more Republicans also breaking rank.
All states with legislation now on the books have set mid-century targets; and New York, the state with the most expeditious transition plan, is not only mandating victory by 2040 for 100 percent carbon-neutral electricity, but has committed to its whole economy being carbon-neutral by 2050.
Alongside this progress, across America, local governments are leading the way with some of the most progressive transitions in the nation. And with cities producing over 70 percent of carbon emissions globally , and just 100 cities contributing almost 20 percent of emissions, local municipalities can have a remarkable impact.
Currently, out of the 131 cities and towns that have passed 100 percent carbon-neutral electricity legislation--many in states that are not taking action--80, including Washington, D.C., and Chicago, have pledged to meet this goal before 2040.
What's more, there are already a handful of trailblazing cities and towns currently 100 percent powered by carbon-neutral electricity. This group of pioneers includes Aspen, Colorado; Burlington, Vermont; Georgetown, Texas; Greensburg, Kansas; Rock Port, Missouri; and Kodiak Island off the coast of Alaska.
And, surprisingly, Republican mayors led two of these advances.
Georgetown, Texas, population 70,000, sits in the center of a red state, and wind and solar provide most of its carbon-neutral electricity. Last month, a new solar farm the size of roughly 950 football fields began electrifying the town. Interviewed by Frontline, Mayor Dale Ross, who marshalled the renewable transition, explained the city's motivation to move to 100 percent renewable electricity. It was for "long-term cost certainty," he stressed. The move was "first and foremost...a business decision."
Greensburg, Kansas--another red city making a green transition--suffered tornado devastation in 2007, causing roughly half of the city's 1,500 residents to flee. But, amid destruction, Mayor Bob Dixson saw opportunity. The U.S. Department of Energy's National Renewable Energy Laboratory estimates that Kansas offers the "third highest potential for wind energy in the U.S." So, Mayor Dixson took action, and soon Greensburg was the second city in the country, after Burlington, Vermont, to achieve 100 percent renewable electricity.
At the national level, climate action has, tragically, become a political litmus test. So, let us spread the word that at the state and local level--fortunately--Americans across party lines are acting with courage and commonsense to save money, their health, and our planet.
Note to readers: It's important to take care in not equating "100% renewable energy" and "carbon free" energy. Some states consider forms of biomass, e.g., wood and trash burning, to be renewable, but biomass produce carbon emissions. On the flip side, some count nuclear as "carbon free," but it is not renewable.
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