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"The thing is, execs all over the economy were saying this stuff on their earning calls back in 2021," said one progressive economist. "This was not a secret."
A top Kroger executive admitted under questioning from a Federal Trade Commission attorney on Tuesday that the grocery chain raised its egg and milk prices above the rate of inflation, a concession that came as no surprise to economists who have been highlighting corporate price gouging across the U.S. economy in recent years.
Andy Groff, Kroger's senior director for pricing, said during a court hearing on the FTC's legal challenge to the company's proposed acquisition of Albertsons—its primary competitor—that Kroger's objective is to "pass through our inflation to consumers."
Groff's comment came in response to questioning about an internal email he sent to other Kroger executives in March. In that note, Groff observed that "on milk and eggs, retail inflation has been significantly higher than cost inflation."
A Kroger spokesperson told Bloomberg in a statement that the email was "cherry-picked" and "does not reflect Kroger's decadeslong business model to lower prices for customers by reducing its margins."
But Rakeen Mabud, chief economist at the Groundwork Collaborative, noted Wednesday that "execs all over the economy were saying this stuff on their earning calls back in 2021."
"This was not a secret," Mabud added.
Bloomberg reported Tuesday that "in Illinois, where Kroger operates the Mariano's chain, company executives create a weekly report on egg prices, comparing prices from Walmart, Meijer Inc., and Albertsons' Jewel-Osco, said Matthew Marx, president of the Kroger division overseeing Mariano's."
"The FTC walked Marx through several of the weekly egg reports from 2022 and 2023," the outlet added. "In May 2022, for example, both Walmart and Meijer dropped egg prices by 14 cents a dozen, but Mariano's opted to keep its pricing the same to match the higher price at Jewel-Osco, Marx said. A year later, in April 2023, as egg prices again soared, Mariano's opted to keep its pricing near Jewel-Osco's even as Walmart was lowering its own."
The U.S. grocery sector—dominated by Kroger, Walmart, and a handful of other major companies—profited hugely during the Covid-19 pandemic as corporate giants exploited supply chain disruptions to aggressively jack up prices.
"The grocery industry, as represented by four of its largest players, became more profitable in the pandemic, and it has stayed that way for a couple of years at least," The Financial Times noted Monday. "It is a good guess that price increases in excess of cost increases have played a role in this."
In its legal challenge against Kroger's proposed merger with Albertsons, the FTC argues that the deal would further drive up costs for consumers by eliminating "fierce competition" between the two grocers.
Laurel Kilgour, research manager at the American Economic Liberties Project, said after opening arguments in the case earlier this week that the FTC "previewed concrete evidence that a Kroger-Albertsons merger would lead to higher prices for millions of Americans and worse working conditions for hundreds of thousands of workers."
"By contrast, lawyers for Kroger and Albertsons touted fake promises of utopian outcomes that are not legally enforceable. Indeed, Albertsons has a track record of profiting from similar fake promises that turned out disastrously for competition and for communities, and this time is no different," Kilgour continued. "At a time when working families are especially concerned with costs and access to food, we need more—not less—competition between grocery stores on prices, wages, the freshness of produce, and service quality."
Biden has not condemned specific corporations publicly, or threatened them with specific actions unless they lower their prices.
I’ve analyzed every poll and survey over the last two months, and they all tell the same basic story:
Voters’ top issue is high prices and the cost of living—not jobs, not abortion, not immigration, not U.S. President Joe Biden’s or former President Donald Trump’s age, not even the survival of democracy.
Voters still don’t believe Biden will get prices down, but they believe Trump will. A significant number appear willing to vote for Trump and risk the future of democracy because they believe he will do better job lowering prices.
Consumers are getting shafted, as corporations tell Wall Street they expect to be able to keep their prices and profits in the stratosphere.
Which is why Biden’s approval rating on the economy is deeply underwater while perceptions of Trump’s handling of the economy when he was president (marked by low inflation but huge job losses from Covid-19) are positive.
What should Biden do?
Put blame for high prices squarely where it belongs: on big corporations with monopoly power to keep prices high.
And take those corporations on: Condemn them for price gouging. Threaten them with antitrust lawsuits, price-gouging lawsuits, even price controls. Criticize them for making huge profits and giving their top executives record pay while shafting consumers.
And name names: PepsiCo, Tyson's, Kroger and Albertsons, Exxon-Mobil, and others.
To be sure, the Biden administration has brought down the prices of prescription drugs like insulin and inhalers, reduced bank overdraft and credit card fees, and cracked down on “junk fees” levied by airlines, concert promoters, and more.
Its Department of Justice has launched a lawsuit to combat price-fixing in the meat industry. And the FTC is suing to block the Kroger/Albertsons grocery mega-merger that would send grocery bills even higher.
“We’re taking on corporate greed to bring down the price of gas, food, and rent, eliminating junk fees,” Biden told a crowd of 1,000 supporters in Philadelphia recently.
But Biden has not berated hugely profitable corporations for keeping their prices and profit margins sky high—unlike Sens. Bob Casey (D-Penn.) and Sherrod Brown (D-Ohio), who have made corporate price hikes central to their campaigns and are outrunning Biden in polls. Biden has not condemned specific corporations publicly, or threatened them with specific actions unless they lower their prices.
Brown, who represents a state that Trump won handily in 2020, has cut several web ads proclaiming he is “cracking down on the companies that rip off Ohio.”
Casey released a campaign ad showing corporate executives in suits sneaking into a grocery store under cover of night and switching out cereal boxes for smaller replacements. He has introduced a bill that would crack down on “shrinkflation”—a term for companies’ reducing the size of their goods but not cutting prices (Biden praised that legislation during his State of the Union address).
Senate Democrats in tight races, like Tammy Baldwin of Wisconsin and Jacky Rosen of Nevada, are making similar pitches.
Why isn’t Biden?
Partly, I think, because he’s uncomfortable attacking corporations directly.
It’s also because some economists close to his White House (such as Larry Summers) disagree that a major driver of inflation is corporations’ raising prices to juice profits. (Three years ago, Larry and I publicly debated a wealth tax on hugely profitable corporations. I was in favor; he against.)
But the fact is, corporate profits have surged to record levels. Shares are trading at record levels. Corporations are buying back their stock at record levels. CEO pay is at record levels. Corporate concentration—monopoly power—is higher than ever.
Concentration has increased in over 75% of U.S. industries since the late 1990s.
Consumers are getting shafted, as corporations tell Wall Street they expect to be able to keep their prices and profits in the stratosphere.
Is It Inflation? Or Is It Greedflation? | Robert Reichwww.youtube.com
Most voters agree that big corporations are largely responsible for inflation. Nearly 6 in 10 say corporations’ being “greedy” is a major cause of inflation, including a majority of independent voters, according to a poll by Navigator Research.
The Biden campaign’s internal polling has found similar results.
With less than five months to go—and the cost of living being the No. 1 issue on voters’ minds—Biden should let ‘er rip.
Higher corporate taxes are both crucial for accountability and for ensuring that there’s far less incentive for executives to squeeze as much as they can from their customers.
Next year, when key provisions of President Trump’s 2017 tax breaks to the wealthy and corporations expire, we have an opportunity to get our money back.
I’m not just talking about all the foregone tax revenue we’ve lost because the rich have paid so little since 2017—though we should get that back, too. I’m talking about the money families have lost to corporate price gouging.
Let me explain.
In 2017, Republicans slashed the corporate tax rate from 35% to 21%, giving massive corporations their biggest tax windfall since Ronald Reagan was president. A few years later, as Americans emerged from a global pandemic, these same corporations drove up prices for families.
Congress raising the corporate tax rate in 2025 is an opportunity to recoup some of the truly obscene profits corporate America raked in during this period of economic upheaval for American families.
While inflation hamstrung workers and families, it didn’t make a dent in corporate profits. In fact, as many CEOs boasted themselves, it’s been a boon. Companies simply passed rising costs along to consumers—and then some, bringing in record profits as a result.
All told, corporate profit margins skyrocketed to 70 year-highs. And by the end of 2023, when Americans were beyond fed up, after-tax corporate profits hit an all-time record high of $2.8 trillion. My organization, Groundwork Collaborative, recently found that corporate profits drove over 50% of inflation in the second and third quarters of last year.
But why would a change in the corporate tax rate unleash the kind of rampant corporate profiteering we saw in the aftermath of the pandemic? Simple: It’s a lot more fun to gouge customers when you get to keep more of what you pull in.
Look at Procter & Gamble, which has raised the price of everything from toothpaste to diapers. Last year, the company pulled in more than $39 billion in profit.
If they had to pay the 35% statutory tax rate, they would have sent nearly $14 billion to Uncle Sam. Instead, they paid a 21% rate and, using loopholes, got to keep an extra $10 billion—which helped with their combined $16.4 billion worth of dividends and stock buybacks for shareholders.
Corporations did well from Trump’s corporate tax cuts, with executives getting big raises and shareholders receiving big buybacks. But the real bonus came when inflation hit. Corporations used the cover of supply chain issues and broader inflation to hike prices more than their higher input costs justified—and they didn’t have to worry about their tax bill.
Our tax code is exacerbating some of the worst corporate excesses, effectively “subsidizing corporate price gouging,” as Sen. Elizabeth Warren (D-Mass.) described it recently. But it’s not only that low tax rates incentivize companies to overcharge. Rock-bottom tax rates also make collusion more profitable, as we saw with Pioneer Oil.
Recently, the Federal Trade Commission barred former Pioneer Oil CEO Scott Sheffield from joining the board of ExxonMobil following their merger, because Sheffield allegedly colluded with OPEC to raise oil prices. As families struggled with higher energy costs, the oil and gas industry banded together to keep prices high, which according to one analyst accounted for 27% of inflation in 2021.
When the reward is higher with lower corporate taxes, executives like Sheffield are more willing to take the risk. Higher corporate taxes are both crucial for accountability and for ensuring that there’s far less incentive for executives to squeeze as much as they can from their customers.
Wall Street tycoons and CEOs didn’t take the heat of inflation—they fanned its flames and families got burned. It’s no wonder people overwhelmingly favor a tax code that’s no longer rigged for corporations, especially as they struggle with high prices.
Congress raising the corporate tax rate in 2025 is an opportunity to recoup some of the truly obscene profits corporate America raked in during this period of economic upheaval for American families. It’s time Americans got their money back.
"While shrinkflation is not new, it is arguably the most deceptive pricing practice companies use," reads the report.
Executives in corporate earnings meetings call it "price pack architecture," but economic justice advocates, Democrats in Congress, and in recent days, Cookie Monster of "Sesame Street" have a different term for companies' practice of reducing the weight or size of a product while charging the same amount for it: shrinkflation.
Major corporations like PepsiCo and Utz have not only kept prices high even as pandemic era supply chain and labor issues have eased—a practice recognized as "greedflation"—but have also increasingly been reducing the size of products like snacks, drinks, and even essentials like toilet paper rolls, a new analysis from Groundwork Collaborative shows.
"While shrinkflation is not new, it is arguably the most deceptive pricing practice companies use and has come under renewed scrutiny as Americans face grocery prices 25% higher than prior to the pandemic," reads the report, titled Big Profits in Small Packages. "We find that as much as 10% of inflation in key product categories can be attributed to shrinkflation."
Companies have claimed to customers that shrinking goods is for the public good, with General Mills telling NPR that reducing its "family size" cereal boxes from 19.3 ounces to 18.1 ounces without reducing the cost would allow for "more efficient truck loading leading to fewer trucks on the road and fewer gallons of fuel use, which is important in... reducing global emissions."
To investors, though, executives made no mention of wanting to reduce fuel use or emissions from transportation in a 2021 earnings call, saying the strategy was simply aimed at managing the company's "list pricing" and "promotional optimization," according to Groundwork's report.
"In quarterly earnings calls with investors and analysts, corporate executives are candid about their future plans to downsize product quantities by playing with 'price pack architecture', as well as the profits they plan to derive from doing so," reads the report.
One French grocery chain pulled PepsiCo's snack and drink products from its shelves in January due to its pricing practices after having issued a warning to companies about shrinkflation. In the U.S., however, the company told reporters in 2022, "We took just a little bit out of the bag so we can give you the same price, and you can keep enjoying your chips."
"During this period of high inflation, where rising prices are putting a squeeze on household budgets, shrinkflation just adds insult to injury," said Lindsay Owens, executive director of Groundwork Collaborative and author of the report.
Former Labor Secretary Robert Reich recently pointed to a number of examples of shrinkflation in popular products, including the shrinking of PepsiCo's 32-ounce Gatorade bottle to just 28 ounces for the same price and Nabisco's decision to provide 12% less product in its family size box of Wheat Thins.
The report identified Kimberly-Clark, the maker of diapers, sanitary products, toilet paper, and other personal care products that are essential to millions of families, as a "repeat shrinkflation offender."
CEO Mike Hsu reasoned on a 2023 earnings call that the company can easily get away with shrinking their products since customers have no choice but to use them.
"If the price goes up on bath tissue, generally doesn't mean you're going to use the bathroom less, right?" Hsu said regarding its decision to provide smaller rolls in its Cottonelle toilet paper packages and to make its Scott toilet paper, as Groundwork found, "thinner and rougher with 20% less paper fiber."
Shrinkflation, along with greedflation and the use of algorithms to determine pricing, have made it "increasingly clear that prices are untethered from market fundamentals and instead largely reflect a company's market and pricing power," Owens said late last month.
The group called on Congress to pass the Shrinkflation Prevention Act, which was introduced last month by Sen. Bob Casey (D-Penn.) and would require the Federal Trade Commission (FTC) to classify shrinkflation as an unfair or deceptive practice and regulate it as such. The FTC and state attorneys general would be authorized to confront companies' use of shrinkflation in civil actions.
Groundwork also urged lawmakers to reform the tax code in order to disincentivize companies from using shrinkflation and other "aggressive pricing strategies."
The Institute on Taxation and Economic Policy found in a recent report that some of the biggest companies practicing shrinkflation paid "incredibly low effective tax rates" between 2018-22, thanks to former President Donald Trump's Tax Cuts and Jobs Act.
"Companies will have less incentive to overcharge customers," said Groundwork, "if they have to ship a greater share of the spoils to the Treasury Department."
The corporations driving greedflation don’t care about working families and they never will. The rich continue to get richer while everyday families struggle to afford basic necessities.
The economy remains a top issue in the minds of Americans in 2024. As inflation rates drop across the country and supply chains stabilize post-pandemic, voters are rightfully angry that they’re continuing to make tough decisions every day, like whether to put food on the table or pay rent, while corporations continue hiking up prices to pad their own pockets.
While polls suggest economic issues present an advantage for Republicans, the current dynamic of economic frustration provides Democrats a real opportunity to go on offense and hold Republicans accountable for corporate price gouging.
Because while Americans struggle with these high prices, companies and CEOs brag about record-high profits, and their sticker prices remain inflated.
This is by careful design—a practice called greedflation.
Corporations are bucking the trends and inflating prices to boost their profits. According to a recent report, corporate profits accounted for over half of inflation during last year’s second and third quarters. The same report found that prices for consumers rose by 3.4 percent while input costs for producers increased by just 1 percent.
These corporations don’t care about working families and they never will. The rich continue to get richer while everyday families struggle to afford their basic necessities. And Americans know this. According to recent Navigator Research polling, four in five Americans blame corporations being greedy and raising prices to make record profits as a cause of inflation, including three in five who believe that it is a “major” cause of inflation – a 15-point increase since January 2022.
But corporations are not acting alone. Flying largely under the radar is how greedflation has been enabled by the Republican politicians in Congress who have been bought and paid for by corporate PACs, dark money, and well-connected lobbyists.
Just in case you needed a reminder of where the GOP’s priorities lie: Republicans will never stand against their corporate donors.
For example, oil and gas companies accounted for half of all corporate contributions over $1 million to outside groups in the 2020 cycle––with every contribution going to GOP super PACs and dark money groups. And while oil and gas companies saw record profits in 2022, they spent $124 million on lobbyists.
Across industries, from retail to Big Oil, corporate PACs are shelling out big dollars to fund Republicans—corporate PACs spent $150 million last election cycle alone. Not surprisingly, the corporate PACs doling out millions are the same corporations deliberately relying on greedflation to keep their profits high and consumers’ wallets tight.
While Democrats have been hard at work to combat this profiteering—from President Biden cracking down on junk fees, Senator Elizabeth Warren’s work on shrinkflation, and Senator Bob Casey holding corporations accountable for greedflation—it’s time to go on offense.
Alongside democracy, the economy continues to be a top priority for voters. Democrats must seize this opportunity to expose Republicans’ for turning their backs on Americans in favor of protecting their corporate donors’ pockets.
In addition to running in these crucial districts and states, Democrats must take action against bankrolled Republicans in office. This means calling out their local leaders and their party bosses, like Minority Senate Leader Mitch McConnell and Majority House Leader Steve Scalise, for accepting tens of millions of dollars in corporate PAC contributions to vote against and block legislation that cracks down on greedflation and profiteering—like the Inflation Reduction Act.
To win in November, Democrats must make the contrast clear that on the economy, it’s Republicans who are doing the bidding of their corporate donors and fueling greedflation.
The GOP has never seen a problem that can’t be solved by a corporate tax break and staunchly opposes bills to hold corporations accountable and bring down costs for working families, like the Big Oil Windfall Profits Tax Act and the Price Gouging Prevention Act.
And it’s no coincidence that the first major bill passed by the Republican-controlled House this Congress was a handout to the Big Oil industry and its deregulatory agenda.
Just in case you needed a reminder of where the GOP’s priorities lie: Republicans will never stand against their corporate donors.
To win in November, Democrats must make the contrast clear that on the economy, it’s Republicans who are doing the bidding of their corporate donors and fueling greedflation.
Only then will we be able to make real change—both in our policies and in our wallets
The near-record profits of large corporations are coming, in part, out of the paychecks of average Americans — who are still struggling to get by.
I apologize for beginning this letter to you with a graph. But this is a very important one. It shows corporate profits after taxes, from 1946 through the third quarter of 2023 (the most recent data available).
Notice something?
Corporate profits are near a record high.
Inflation is dropping, but prices aren’t coming down because corporations have enough monopoly power to keep prices high. (Or they’re shrinking the size of the products you’re buying without lowering their prices — a variant of the same thing.)
This is one of the biggest reasons the American public is not crediting Biden with a great economy. Most people aren’t feeling it.
Here’s just one example that will make you fizz: Pepsi.
In 2021, PepsiCo, which makes all sorts of drinks and snacks, announced it was “forced” to raise prices due to “higher costs.” Forced? Really? The company reported $11 billion in profit that year.
In 2023 PepsiCo’s chief financial officer said that even though inflation was dropping, its prices would not. Pepsi hiked its prices by double digits and announced plans to keep them high in 2024.
How can they get away with this?
Well, if Pepsi were challenged by tougher competition, consumers would just buy something cheaper. But PepsiCo’s only major soda competitor is Coca-Cola, which — surprise, surprise — announced similar price hikes at about the same time as Pepsi, and also kept its prices high in 2023.
The CEO of Coca-Cola claimed that the company had “earned the right” to push price hikes because its sodas are popular. Popular? The only thing that’s popular these days seems to be corporate price gouging.
We’re seeing this pattern across much of the economy — especially with groceries.
The rate of inflation is down. The rate of inflation measures how quickly prices are rising: Prices are now rising far more slowly than in the past couple of years.
And while supply chain disruptions really did make it more expensive to produce a lot of goods, the cost to produce them now is rising even more slowly than prices.
But consumer prices are still elevated — allowing most corporations to keep their profit margins near a record high.
They can get away with overcharging you because they have monopoly power — or they have so few competitors that they can easily coordinate price increases with them and avoid price decreases.
If Pepsi and Coca-Cola had lots of competitors, they wouldn’t be able to raise prices so high because someone would make cheaper substitutes, and consumers would buy those instead. But Pepsi and Coke own most of the substitutes!
This isn’t happening just with Coke and Pepsi.
Take meat products. At the end of 2023, Americans were paying at least 30 percent more for beef, pork, and poultry products than they were in 2020.
Why? Near-monopoly power!
Just four companies now control processing of 80 percent of beef, nearly 70 percent of pork, and almost 60 percent of poultry. So of course it’s easy for them to coordinate price increases.
And this goes well beyond the grocery store. In 75 percent of U.S. industries, fewer companies now control more of their markets than they did 20 years ago.
So what should be done?
First, antitrust laws must be enforced.
Kudos to the Biden administration for using antitrust more aggressively than any administration in the last 40 years. It’s taken action against alleged price fixing in the meat industry — which has been a problem for decades.
It’s suing Amazon for using its dominance to artificially jack up prices — one of the biggest anti-monopoly lawsuits in a generation.
It successfully sued to block the merger of JetBlue and Spirit Airlines, which would have made consolidation in the airline industry even worse.
But given how concentrated American industry has become, there’s still a long way to go.
Secondly, big corporations must not be allowed to use their power to gouge consumers.
Senator Elizabeth Warren and others recently unveiled the latest version of their Price Gouging Prevention Act.
“Giant corporations are using supply chain shocks as a cover to excessively raise prices and sometimes charging the same price but shrinking how much consumers actually get,” Warren charges.
The bill would empower the FTC (which would also get $1 billion in additional funding) and state attorneys general to stop companies from charging “grossly excessive” prices, regardless of where alleged price gouging took place in a supply chain.
(The legislation would also protect small businesses — those earning less than $100 million — from litigation if they had to raise prices in good faith during crises.)
The bill would also require public companies to disclose more about their costs and pricing strategies.
I don’t have any illusions that this bill will find its way into law soon. Democrats hold a slim majority in the Senate, and not all Democrats support it. Meanwhile, Republicans and their business backers are dead set against it — and are eager to blame continued high prices on Biden, not on corporations.
But this bill is just as necessary as aggressive antitrust enforcement — and an example of what could and will be done if Democrats sweep the 2024 elections.
The near-record profits of large corporations are coming, in part, out of the paychecks of average Americans — who are still struggling to get by.
Biden and the Democrats must say this loudly and clearly, and tell the public what they are doing — and will do — to stop it.
The word, said one advocate, "rightly identifies who is responsible for this inflation crisis and opens up the range of policy solutions we have at our disposal to fight high prices and deliver relief for families."
Several of the 1,700 new or updated definitions Dictionary.com added to its online catalogue of terms on Thursday were inspired by recent news events.
"Climate breakdown" was identified by the website as "the collective effects of harmful and potentially irreversible trends in climate, specifically those resulting from unchecked global warming," while "energy poverty" is "a lack of adequate access to safe, affordable sources of electricity or fuel for warmth, light, cooking, etc."
Another, "greedflation," was informed by growing evidence that has shown in recent years how rising prices are not always the result of supply chain woes or other market pressures, but can be "caused by corporate executives or boards of directors, property owners, etc., solely to increase profits that are already healthy or excessive."
The dictionary's addition of the word, said economic justice think tank Groundwork Collaborative, solidifies "its place in how we understand" recent inflation.
As Common Dreams reported last month, a Groundwork analysis showed that corporate CEOs have "openly" bragged to their shareholders that they can continue raising prices to increase profits, even as the cost of doing business goes down.
According to the group, corporate profits were what drove 53% of price increases in the second and third quarters of 2023. Business costs rose just 1% in 2023—and went down in some sectors due to drops in transportation, warehousing, and fuel costs—but consumers saw the price of goods go up by 3.4% in the same time period.
Recent polling—and Dictionary.com's word addition—shows a growing understanding of greedflation among the public.
A Navigator Research survey showed on Wednesday that 4 in 5 people believe inflation is being caused by corporations raising prices, and 3 in 5 say greedflation is a "major" cause.
"So many people recognize that corporations are keeping prices artificially high that 'greedflation' is now a word on dictionary.com," said Lindsay Owens, executive director of Groundwork. "Greedflation rightly identifies who is responsible for this inflation crisis and opens up the range of policy solutions we have at our disposal to fight high prices and deliver relief for families."
"Many large firms, beyond just the commodities sector, are using their power to preserve their profit margins," said the co-author of a new report.
A pair of London-based think tanks released research Thursday showing that corporate profits contributed substantially to the high inflation that the United States, Germany, the United Kingdom, and other major nations experienced amid recent global shocks, including the coronavirus pandemic and Russia's invasion of Ukraine.
The new report by the Institute for Public Policy Research (IPPR) and Common Wealth argues that while corporate profiteering was not the "sole driver of inflation," the market dominance of a few powerful companies "amplified" economywide price increases.
Examining the profits of major firms listed on the stock exchanges of five countries, the analysis shows that many large corporations were able to keep their margins stable or even boost them—as in the case of major oil and gas companies like ExxonMobil—during pandemic-related turmoil and global energy market disruptions caused by Russia's attack on Ukraine.
The researchers estimated that the profits of major corporations, bolstered by a relatively small number of companies, were at least 30% higher at the end of last year than they were at the end of 2019, prior to the coronavirus crisis.
As corporate executives and rich shareholders reaped the benefits of rising profits, ordinary people around the world suffered the consequences of soaring fuel, food, and housing costs.
"Our analysis of companies suggests many large firms, beyond just the commodities sector, are using their power to preserve their profit margins," said Chris Hayes, chief economist at Common Wealth and a co-author of the new report. "This pushes the shocks downstream to workers, consumers, and labor-intensive industries that are less able to absorb them."
The new report—which adds to a growing body of research on the role of corporate profits in driving inflation—offers several possible explanations for the coinciding rise of consumer prices and profit margins.
One explanation, the report says, is that "an inflationary environment might give firms cover to hike prices." Some corporate executives admitted on earnings calls that high inflation was good for business.
The report authors also suggested that corporations' growing market power gave them the ability to "increase prices more than inflation," thus maintaining or adding to their margins.
These sectoral findings map nicely onto the 3-stage process outlined by @IsabellaMWeber and Evan Wasner.https://t.co/tt8y2P1aNw pic.twitter.com/T1aTzLdTx0
— Common Wealth (@Cmmonwealth) December 7, 2023
"Our research finds that markets aren't working efficiently, enabling large companies to make profits that likely amplified inflation," said Carsten Jung, a senior economist at IPPR and report co-author. "This has made the cost-of-living crisis worse for most people, and for many smaller firms across the economy."
Jung argued that economists have focused "too much on the labor market" as a source of inflationary pressure. The U.S. Federal Reserve and other central banks have explicitly targeted job markets by jacking up interest rates in a bid to rein in inflation, which has cooled substantially from its peak.
"In fact, most wage earners have taken real losses while many businesses protected their profit margins or even raised them," Jung noted. "We should be scrutinizing the role profits have played in amplifying inflation."
To prevent corporations from exploiting future inflation shocks, Jung and Hayes called for a "new international approach to taxing excess profits," which they said would help "reduce inefficient behavior by dominant corporations." The Economist estimated in July that excess corporate profits globally hit around $4 trillion over the past year.
Other interventions, such as price caps, could "help stabilize markets during economic emergencies," Jung and Hayes added.
"Such fiscal measures have been applied by about half of European economies in the last two years, and were found to be effective in helping to lower inflation," they wrote.
Corporations aren’t raising prices to cover increased costs. No, big corporations are raising prices because they can.
Okay, the House has passed the debt-ceiling deal, and the Senate will follow suit. So the economic crisis is over. Right?
Not quite, because another and more serious economic crisis is brewing: While the Fed continues to raise interest rates to counter inflation by slowing the economy, big corporations continue to raise prices. Greedflation is stalking the economy.
The latest data shows that the average company in the S&P 500 stock index increased its net profit margin from the end of last year. Wall Street analysts forecast that profit margins will keep expanding in the second half of this year.
The Fed has raised borrowing costs at 10 consecutive meetings, increasing its benchmark rate to over 5 percent. Yet inflation has barely slowed. Why? Because the Fed’s rate hikes barely affect big corporations that continue to raise prices to fatten their profits.
I want to emphasize that it’s their profit margins that continue to increase. Corporations aren’t raising prices to cover increased costs. The Producer Price Index dropped 2.3 percent for the 12 months through April. The prices of oil, transportation, food ingredients, and raw materials continue to drop as the shocks stemming from the pandemic and the war in Ukraine fade. Wage gains still lag behind price increases. Wages and salaries in the Employment Cost Index, a broader measure of worker compensation, have been trending downward for a year.
No, big corporations are raising prices because they can — because they have enough monopoly power to do so. With just a handful of companies dominating each market, it’s easy to implicitly agree they’ll all raise their prices.
They’re not plowing those profits back into investments that would make the economy more productive. They continue to sink them into stock buybacks, which reward executives and big investors but do nothing for the economy.
(By the way, corporate economists argue that businesses couldn’t be padding their profits; if they could, they would have done it before the inflation of the last two years. But businesses have been using the cover of inflation to justify price increases, so consumers accept them. According to Paul Donovan, chief economist at UBS Global Wealth Management, businesses “are confident that they can convince consumers that it isn’t their fault, and it won’t damage their brand.”)
Inflation is not being propelled by an overheated economy. It’s being propelled by overheated profits. So it makes no sense to fight inflation by trying to slow the economy with high interest rates. In fact, this strategy is dangerous — especially now that Congress and the administration are on the verge of reducing anticipated federal spending by about $55 billion next year and another $81 billion in 2025. This one-two punch will take the wind out of the job market but not out of corporate monopolies.
As I’ve suggested before, instead of relying on the Fed to “tame” inflation via fewer jobs and lower wages, Democratic lawmakers and the Biden administration should seek legislation that puts more of the onus of fighting inflation on big corporations. Such legislation would:
If Republicans won’t go along, Biden and the Democrats should make this a major campaign issue for 2024.
They should ask the public: Do you want more jobs and higher wages, or do you want large corporations making fatter profits by raising prices?