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After Hurricane Harvey damaged or destroyed nearly 135,000 homes, killed eighty-eight people, and led to the deliberate flooding of west Houston as two main reservoirs threatened to fail, what did the city of Houston do? It did the least possible it could get away with, and then casually moved on with business as usual.
As floodwaters from September's Tropical Storm Imelda still drain from the streets of my hometown , I observe a discourse on Harvey's two-year anniversary constrained by a presumed opposition between the needs of humanity and the forces of nature, as though the two were in mortal combat. In a city well-known for its antipathy to responsible planning, discussions of urban resilience and "making space" for water, as well as the benefits of green versus gray infrastructure, are just now bubbling to the surface, but remain well outside the scope of broad public awareness.
Houston, America's "energy capital," may find it more challenging than other cities to move beyond relying on the market to solve problems. But for all communities facing climate change-induced threats, the future lies in rethinking basic assumptions about how cities work, especially for those most vulnerable.
Harris County, which includes Houston, did manage in 2018 to pass a $2.5 billion flood control bond, a mere drop in the bucket toward the $30 billion estimated to be needed just to protect against a 100-year flood. For reference, Harvey was considered a 500-year flood--and it was Houston's third in three years. The roughly 240 projects funded by the bond sound impressive, until one considers that most are microscopic improvements: widening and repairing existing channels, or upgrading detention ponds and retention sinks. Many agree they won't prevent future flooding. Houston's "flood czar," developer Stephen Costello, had a staff of zero before Harvey, and was given a staff of one after the hurricane. Now the recovery czar, his main task so far appears to be maximizing compensation from FEMA.
Harris County's new judge (an executive position, despite its name), twenty-eight-year-old Colombian-born Lina Hidalgo, aspires to confront the problem by picking "low-hanging fruit," such as warning and communication systems, but so far has not challenged the nexus of powers behind the city's pell-mell development.
Even according to its own shrunken metrics of "recovery," Houston is failing: FEMA has denied applications for aid from many African Americans in ruined neighborhoods like Kashmere Gardens and part of the Fifth Ward. These areas of Houston were devastated before Harvey, and remain so afterward: aging infrastructure, including overflowing open drains, are unchanged from the past. It's easy to imagine that at its current pace any flood bond improvements would take a decade or more to reach residents in these areas.
On other fronts, the scene is just as desultory. Houston is having trouble buying out homes in the most obvious floodplains; only a few hundred have agreed to sell and relocate. Predictably, developers are vigorously contesting even minimal new requirements for housing elevation and building in the floodplains. Mayor Sylvester Turner advocates a hard coastal barrier (the "Ike Dike") constructed off Galveston, a project more in the realm of fantasy than anything that might help vulnerable people in the next large hurricane. A third major reservoir, to supplement the two overwhelmed by Harvey, is unlikely to come to the rescue.
Instead, runaway climate change has been blamed for the intensity of the storm and the devastation in its wake, against which the mayor and city council--mere mortals--are presented as helpless. Attention has thus been successfully diverted from the man-made elements of the disaster to focus on the awesome power of fifteen trillion gallons of water and up to fifty inches of rain.
There have been no legal charges filed against any city officials for spurning any flood mitigation efforts commensurate with the rampant development going on for the last twenty years. And this is despite Tropical Storm Allison offering a preview in 2001 of what was to come. If anything, Harvey has been solicited to boost the city's mythology of hardscrabble frontiersmanship and volunteerism operating under minimalist regulation.
There is yet to be an accounting of the fact that Houston recklessly paved over essential wetlands, and added magnitudes of impermeability at an unsustainable pace. Even in the recent years before Harvey, there were multiple 100-year and even 500-year floods, such as the Memorial Day flood of 2015 and the Tax Day flood of 2016, both of which personally affected me worse than did Harvey. These storms inundated large parts of the city including prosperous middle-class suburbs like Meyerland, Pearland, Friendswood, Kingwood, and Katy. And only a few weeks ago, Tropical Storm Imelda hit, flooding at least 1,700 homes in the area.
At the least, city officials--including recent mayors Annise Parker, Bill White, and Lee Brown--should be scrutinized for ignoring standard flood control measures, and their past deliberations over such measures should be made open and public, and subject to possible legal action. Anna Clark, in her brilliant new book, The Poisoned City: Flint's Water and the American Urban Tragedy, has described the residents there filing legal charges, including for involuntary manslaughter, against officials who ignored conventional measures for protecting residents' health. This should be a standard template residents everywhere should consider, when officials show such abysmal failure.
Houston sought to build its image, with full media cooperation, as a city of freelance heroes taking out their boats (or air mattresses) to rescue stranded neighbors, the spirit of voluntarism, rather than government intervention.
It is instructive to compare the media frame which encompassed the aftermath of Hurricane Katrina in New Orleans, where that city, in tune with its pathological national image, was described as beyond help, its mostly African American residents presented as looters, shysters, rapists, and even murderers delivered from their miserable lives by the hurricane's timely intervention. It offered "slum clearance" for those who couldn't wait to get their neoliberal tentacles into the city's free-floating political economy.
In contrast, Houston sought to build its image, with full media cooperation, as a city of freelance heroes taking out their boats (or air mattresses) to rescue stranded neighbors, the spirit of voluntarism, rather than government intervention, its ultimate grace. Houston Texans star J.J. Watt, and Jim McIngvale ("Mattress Mack"), owner of celebrated Gallery Furniture, have been lauded as philanthropists assisting "recovery," making self-obsessed pastor Joel Osteen's initial reluctance to open up his Lakewood Church to displaced residents appear in quite bad taste.
So, what could have been done? Urban flood planning is a well-developed art, with an elaborate multi-dimensional perspective about preserving and enhancing wetlands and other sinks and barriers, encouraging permeable rather than impermeable surfaces, and the astute management of retention sinks and detention ponds, among other measures designed to minimize flooding. An impressive range of urban flood planning measures is practiced in countries from Mozambique to Bangladesh, not to mention in the Netherlands with its "room for the rivers" approach.
"Resilience" has become a favorite buzzword among many city and state officials, but the concept, as the discourse surrounding Harvey's aftermath makes clear, is often deployed in narrow, adversarial terms, treating natural processes as enemies, the approach easily blending into the theory of resistance to nature it originally sought to replace.
Resilience tends to divide urban areas into wanted and unwanted zones: those unfortunate or poor enough to live within floodplains, or low-lying areas, somehow needing to be coaxed out of their voluntary servitude to nature's barbarism when it decides to go full-on Biblical. Resilience presumes that the division between poor and rich must remain untouched, while it engineers levees, seawalls, and catchment basins, big infrastructure approaches that often only strengthen the existing structure of inequality.
It is a never-ending game, because resilience fights enemies that are evanescent and transmogrifying, only aided by our current urban development archetype. How can we even understand floodplains, involving the precise mapping of 100 or 500-year flood zones, when Houston flooded well outside these zones in all the recent floods? How can we understand vulnerability in New Orleans from a purely engineering standpoint, when the victims of that cataclysmic event were always barred from politics?
One indication of a different model is that followed in China's Chengdu Urban Revitalization, which granted relocated residents new social and property rights after resettlement. Elements of the increasingly popular SUDS (sustainable urban drainage systems) are gaining traction in China and other parts of the world, and include such eminently practicable measures as rainwater harvesting and reconstructing wetlands, treating nature as an ally rather than an enemy. Flood planning, in this perspective, starts becoming part of a healthy reinterpretation of the city's relationship with nature (including rooftop catchments and widespread urban gardening), rather than an abstracted confrontation.
The problem with current conceptions of resilience, and much of American planning, though, is that the city--or rather the particular economic interests it serves--still comes first, and nature is treated as secondary, if it is considered at all, never for its own sake. As long as this faulty paradigm reigns, so-called catastrophes will continue to be magnified in the context of no-zoning, no-planning, acutely segregated urban landscapes. Houston has not dared to imagine itself within its regional topography, including wetlands, prairie, forest, desert, and coast, and instead embraces growing magnitudes of asphalt.
Imagine, instead of a city imposed on a given topography, the natural elements of a place being granted equal footing. Urbanism would then work around what existed, rather than rooting it out and creating a perpetual, unwinnable war against nature. The most important consequence of this different way of imagining cities is that it would transform the whole psychology of subservience. The aftermath of a Katrina or a Harvey only too clearly reveals who is immune from disaster, and who really suffers from dislocation and displacement. Regardless of all the talk of resilience, if urban planning does not address segregation and inequality as part of its responses to flood control and disaster preparedness, the city remains a perpetual inequality machine. The city of the future, by embracing its natural surroundings and giving it its due, could become a playing field for equality.
While many lawmakers and pundits continue to complain that the cost of an ambitious Green New Deal would be "too expensive," a new nonpartisan government agency report on Wednesday details the billions upon billions of dollars the U.S. is spending each year as the climate crisis continues to intensify.
The Government Accountability Office (GAO) released its bienniel "High Risk" report Wednesday and presented its findings to the House and Senate. The study details waste, mismanagement, abuse, and fraud in government agencies and programs, and found that federal inaction regarding climate change is costing U.S. taxpayers tens of billions of dollars annually.
According to the GAO, taxpayer funds spent on disaster relief could be saved if more effort and spending went into mitigating the climate crisis that is intensifying the frequency of extreme weather events and natural disasters.
"Continuing to in the wrong direction will not only impose mounting costs on taxpayers, but could also jeopardize the health, safety, and livelihoods of people around the country." --Rachel Cleetus, UCS
"We found that federal investments in resilience could be more effective if post-disaster hazard mitigation efforts were balanced with resources for pre-disaster hazard mitigation," the report reads (pdf).
The U.S. government spent nearly half a trillion dollars on disaster relief since 2005, the GAO reported, "most recently for catastrophic hurricanes, flooding, wildfires, and other losses in 2017 and 2018"--and such disasters are expected to cost more each year "as extreme weather events become more frequent and intense due to climate change."
"Beginning in 2017, the administration revoked policies that had identified addressing climate change as a priority," the GAO added--making it highly unlikely that the Trump administration will give serious consideration to the office's warnings.
Critics demanded that the Trump administration take the report seriously "for the sake of communities on the frontlines of climate risks."
The report pointed to President Donald Trump's elimination of the Federal Flood Risk Management in August 2017--days before Hurricane Harvey hit Houston--as one example of how the president has increased "federal fiscal exposure," making it more likely that the U.S. will have to spend hundreds of billions of dollars on disaster relief when infrastructure is damaged by flooding.
The Obama-era standard had ordered builders to ensure that infrastructure can withstand rising sea levels and heavier downpours.
Trump's failure to reform national flood insurance and federal crop insurance programs also indicate his disinterest in admitting that the climate crisis is having an impact on farms and coastal communities vulnerable to flooding and in tackling the effects of climate crisis, the Union of Concerned Scientists (UCS) said in a statement about the report.
"The report cites the failure to reform the national flood insurance and federal crop insurance programs and account for climate risks to federally funded infrastructure as evidence that the U.S. government urgently needs to develop an adequate, comprehensive response to climate change," said Rachel Cleetus, lead economist for UCS's Climate and Energy Program.
"Continuing to [go] in the wrong direction will not only impose mounting costs on taxpayers, but could also jeopardize the health, safety, and livelihoods of people around the country," she added.
Cleetus cited a recent study by the National Institute of Building Sciences, which bolstered the GAO's case that the government must develop a wide-ranging strategy to invest in climate-resilient infrastructure as well as sustainable energy to significantly reduce the united states' fossil fuel dependence.
"A recent study shows the nation can save $6 in future disaster costs, for every $1 spent on pre-hazard mitigation," she said.
"In light of growing extreme weather and climate-related disaster costs, the federal government must invest ahead of time to help communities prepare instead of just picking up the pieces after disasters strike," Cleetus added.
President Donald Trump's Environmental Protection Agency and Texas state officials rejected an offer from NASA scientists in 2017 to use their state-of-the-art flying laboratory to evaluate air quality in Houston after Hurricane Harvey, new reporting by the Los Angeles Times reveals.
"This is disturbing," said Lina Hidalgo, judge for Texas's Harris County.
Harvey brought historic rainfall, catastrophic flooding, and triggered potentially dangerous environmental and public health impacts: Houston's many refineries and petrochemical released pollutants into the air and waters, and area residents began to complain of worrisome smells and toxic sights near the facilities, as well as symptoms including headaches. The EPA asserted that the air quality posed no threat.
NASA, it turned out, was in a good position to gather data on air quality in the area with its DC-8. The jet, whose ability to ability to gather data dwarfs that of the EPA's air pollution plane or the hand-held devices used by Texas state officials, was already set up for testing because of a scheduled six-hour test flight to Lamont, Oklahoma on Sept. 14.
The response to NASA's offer? Thanks but no thanks.
Susanne Rust and Louis Sahagun reported for the Times:
On Sept. 9, David Gray, the EPA's deputy regional administrator in Texas and leader of the agency's emergency response, wrote to NASA and Texas officials that he was "hesitant" to have the jet "collect additional information that overlaps our existing efforts" until he learned more about the mission. He noted that media and nongovernmental organizations were releasing data that was "conflicting" with the state and EPA's.
The NASA scientists offered assurances that their fact-finding would not get in the way, but noted that the data would eventually be seen by the public. Texas and the EPA were unmoved.
The state-level response came from director of toxicology Michael Honeycutt, who now heads EPA's Science Advisory Board and is known for expressing views well out of the reach of mainstream science, such as the idea that lowering ozone would be bad for public health.
On Sept. 11, Honeycutt wrote in an email to NASA and EPA officials that state data showed no sign for concern, and "we don't think your data would be useful for source identification while industry continues to restart their operations."
Gray agreed with Honeycutt: "EPA concurs with your assessment and we will not plan to ask NASA to conduct this mission."
Associated Press reporter Frank Bajak noted that the new investigation adds weight to his own news agency's previous reporting showing that "Texas environmental regulators had little interest in exposing most post-Harvey industrial contamination."
Reacting to the reporting on Twitter, Dr. Chelsea Thompson, a research scientist in atmospheric chemistry, wrote, "It's worth noting that, over a year later now, all of us involved are still stunned by how this played out."
\u201cAnother, more colorful, take on this debacle from @CharlesPPierce @esquire.\nIt's worth noting that, over a year later now, all of us involved are still stunned by how this played out. \nhttps://t.co/OsxAIpWZVV\u201d— Dr. Chelsea Thompson \u2744\ufe0f (@Dr. Chelsea Thompson \u2744\ufe0f) 1551802795
Another scientist, air pollution expert Nick Vizenor, who said he was part of lab team preparing for the potential mission over Houston, said the new investigation shows the "EPA and the state of Texas did not want to have all the information it could to try and help and protect the citizens of Houston."
"This is yet another story that shows how little the current administration cares about [its] citizens and the environment," he said.
\u201cThen, just as quickly as we had been informed that the DC-8 was headed to Houston, the mission was cancelled. The entire team in the lab was frustrated and confused. Why did NASA need permission? Why did the EPA say no? Who made those decisions?\u201d— Nick Vizenor (@Nick Vizenor) 1551808379
\u201cMore data is never a bad thing. The DC-8 would have provided data that supported the work that was being done on the ground, not hampered it. The EPA didn't see it that way, and that is scary.\u201d— Nick Vizenor (@Nick Vizenor) 1551808379
\u201cThere will be more hurricanes. There will be more natural disasters. Shouldn't we have all the data we can about them to help plan for the future? Shouldn't the citizens of Houston had all the data at their disposal to protect themselves from potentially hazardous air quality?\u201d— Nick Vizenor (@Nick Vizenor) 1551808379
"EPA and the Texas Commission on Environmental Quality knew air pollution was one of the unseen dangers of Hurricane Harvey, but according to news reports they deliberately chose not to use every available tool to discover it," added Elena Craft, senior health scientist with Environmental Defense Fund. "Their rejection of NASA's plan to fly a pollution-spotting plane over Houston after the storm is an abdication of responsibility and part of a disturbing trend of willful ignorance."
"Their action," she continued, "caused unnecessary risk to the health and safety of Texas families."