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Trump winning twice is not an accident. It’s the result of the abject failure of a left political strategy that ignores financial reform and attempts to nudge the Democratic Party forward based more on identity than class.
“What the Democrats are not saying is how they propose to fix what was wrong with the system Trump is destroying. I won’t repeat the numbers here. But the richest country on Earth is also one of the most unequal, unhealthy, and unhappy countries on Earth—probably half the nation is again ‘ill-fed, ill-clothed, and ill-housed,’ to quote FDR. Is it any wonder many people are fed up? Is it any wonder they grasp at straws? The most radical proposal I have heard from the establishment Democrats is to shut the government down. In other words, the best they can come up with is what the Republicans have been demanding for years. Shoot me now!” —Professor Mike Merrill, Rutgers University, February 2025
Democrats and the Left are terrified of the threat to democracy posed by the Trump administration and by his assault on needed government programs. But so far, the public doesn’t seem to care all that much.
U.S. President Donald Trump’s approval rating is at 49%, three points higher than his disapproval rating, (according to fivethirtyeight.com). Former President Joe Biden’s end of term approval rating was only 37%.
Build a worker political movement outside the Democratic Party—a movement, an association, an organization by and for working people.
Flailing away at every perceived Trump transgression isn’t working any better now than it did during the Harris campaign. The Center for Working Class Politics demonstrated that focusing on Trump and the threat to democracy was the least effective message for Pennsylvania voters, while a bold populist message was the strongest. Which supports Merrill’s point—voters, especially working-class voters, want proposals “to fix what was wrong with the system Trump is destroying.”
But aren’t working people the problem? Aren’t they getting what they really want? A dictator to own the libs? An enforcer to put America first? An attacker of DEI, transgender people, and criminal immigrants who bedevil the country? Don’t they really crave a sexist, racist leader willing to play footsie with authoritarians the world over? Isn’t this just another populist uprising, like others which have historically been threats to democracy and liberty?
That’s not what we’ve found in the hundreds of day-long Reversing Runaway Inequality workshops we’ve conducted for working-class union members. (See curriculum here.) We ask, during these sessions, rather than tell, and we listen to what the participants say.
After spending much of the workshop day reviewing materials on the economy and having small group discussions about the causes of rising inequality, the participants are asked:
“What would the world look like if we were able to reverse runaway inequality? How is your vision different from the world we live in today?”
The trainers then give each small group a piece of easel paper and some markers and ask them to create a map or drawing of what a community would look like in a world without runaway inequality. After they finish the drawings each group in turn goes to the front of the room and describes their vision.
In workshop after workshop, workers all along the blue-red political spectrum come up with joyful expressions of the world they want. When shared with the class, applause always breaks out, eyes water, there’s hope bursting out all over the room. (Full disclosure: At first, I thought this exercise would be hokey. But my colleagues, thankfully, ignored me. I was wrong.)
While every picture is different, the common elements are predictable. The groups want job security, better pay, vacation time, responsive institutions, reliable and affordable healthcare, and a safe environment. The drawings represent a party platform of ideas supported by the working class across party lines.
Here’s my version of what a working-class agenda would include:
Why isn’t the Democratic Party vigorously supporting these kinds of policies? They certainly fall within the Roosevelt and Truman agendas and are akin to the Freedom Budget developed by A. Philip Randolph and Bayard Rustin in 1966. Full employment legislation was once a cause celeb for the Democrats. Not any longer. Why is that?
Today, far too many Democrats are no longer interested in radically changing the institutions that are reproducing rising inequality and job insecurity. They support a system that has served them well. Change would require more than messaging and branding. It would require going after Wall Street and large corporations through much tougher regulations, higher taxes on the wealthy, price controls on price gougers, ending stock buybacks, and more.
Many Democrats also believe that the pendulum will swing their way without major changes. The inevitable rise of the knowledge economy, pushed forward by AI, means that more and more educated workers will replace those without degrees, they think. As those more educated voters flock to the Democrats, the party will gain an electoral advantage. So best to stay the course and not panic!
That’s not exactly an inspirational call to working people. As educated voters turn to the Dems, workers and business owners without degrees have turned to the Republicans. At some point progressive Democrats and the Left need to face up to reality. Trump winning twice is not an accident. It’s the result of the abject failure of a left political strategy that ignores financial reform and attempts to nudge the Democratic Party forward based more on identity than class.
What should we do?
We should do what working-class activists have done for the last 150 years. Build a worker political movement outside the Democratic Party—a movement, an association, an organization by and for working people.
That’s a tall order and will require a great deal of debate, discussion, and planning. It will require dozens of pilot programs to find a model that can scale up. It will require most of all a belief and commitment to the idea that something new needs to be built. Working people are desperate for a political voice independent from the two major parties.
The alternative is more of the same: resist, resist, resist, while, in effect, defending the elite establishment that so many voters detest.
If that’s all we do, don’t be surprised if Trump’s wrecking ball makes him even more popular.
If we do have the courage to face up to our strategic failures, we may become as hopeful as the workers who share their depictions of a fair and just society.
"If your income was $274 million per year, you'd make more than 99.9% of Americans," wrote one activist. "Elon Musk spent that buying the 2024 elections for Republicans."
Federal filings released Thursday revealed that Elon Musk spent significantly more than previously known to help secure a second White House term for Donald Trump and boost GOP congressional candidates, making the world's richest man the nation's largest political donor and perhaps the most influential figure involved with the incoming administration.
The Federal Election Commission (FEC) filings showed that Musk, the CEO of Tesla and owner of the social media platform X, spent around $270 million this year in support of super PACs backing Trump's reelection bid.
The filings also exposed Musk as the mysterious funding source behind RBG PAC, a Republican organization named after the late Supreme Court Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg. Musk pumped more than $20.5 million into the super PAC, which aimed to paint Trump as more moderate on abortion than other Republicans and falsely claimed Trump shared Ginsburg's views on reproductive rights.
"In reality, RBG unequivocally supported abortion rights, believing it was a fundamental matter of equality," notedRolling Stone's Andrew Perez. "Trump, on the other hand, pledged to appoint Supreme Court justices who would overturn Roe v. Wade and allow states to ban abortion—and his justices did just that. When Ginsburg died late in Trump's first term, he replaced her with Justice Amy Coney Barrett, creating a 6-3 conservative supermajority on the court that overturned Roe and ended the federal right to an abortion."
Musk's ability to convert his extreme wealth into political influence underscored the need for far higher taxes on the nation's economic elites, progressives said in response to the FEC disclosures. In 2018, Musk paid nothing in federal income taxes even as his wealth soared, largely due to Tesla stock appreciation.
"We need to tax the rich so much more," activist Jonathan Cohn wrote on social media. "Not just so that we can fund programs to benefit everyone, but to prevent them from rigging the political system in their favor."
Melanie D'Arrigo, executive director of the Campaign for New York Health, noted that "if your income was $274 million per year, you'd make more than 99.9% of Americans."
"Elon Musk spent that buying the 2024 elections for Republicans," she wrote. "Tax the oligarchs."
Musk's spending on the 2024 elections outpaced that of Timothy Mellon, the secretive heir to a Gilded Age fortune who pumped $197 million into races in support of Republican candidates, Bloombergreported.
"The clear story from the final federal campaign filings of 2024 is of the damage concentrated money in politics does to our elections," said Public Citizen co-president Lisa Gilbert. "This includes being the sole backer of a super PAC that vandalized Ruth Bader Ginsburg's image to try and change Trump's public abortion position. Rich billionaires and corporate money simply ran the table in the 2024 election. They singlehandedly made the case for the aggressive campaign finance reforms we need to fix our system and get big money out of politics."
Musk, whose wealth jumped substantially following Trump's victory, is one of more than a dozen billionaires set to be either a member or close adviser to the incoming administration. The president-elect has tasked Musk and fellow billionaire Vivek Ramaswamy with leading a commission whose goal is to gut federal regulations and slash spending.
"It's not hyperbole to call this a government of billionaires," Axiosreported Friday. "Trump's projected Cabinet alone is worth at least $10 billion... Trump's gilded Cabinet is the product of an election in which billionaires spent like never before in U.S. history—mostly on behalf of Republicans."
The billionaires in Trump's inner circle are set to play central roles in crafting policy over the next four years, including another tax-cut package that's expected to disproportionately benefit wealthy Americans. The 2017 Trump-GOP tax law that Republicans are looking to extend and expand helped boost the collective wealth of U.S. billionaires by over $2 trillion.
"The looters and polluters who are swarming around Trump bear careful watching," Sen. Sheldon Whitehouse (D-R.I.) said earlier this week. "Looks like no one's too rich to want to steal."
This story has been updated to include a statement from Public Citizen.
There’s a very large and powerful movement to be built if we are willing to take on corporate bosses and the financial sector.
Today thousands of activists are working hard to protect voting rights, halt undemocratic gerrymandering, and defend women’s and LBGTQ+ rights. But those valiant and critically important efforts are not likely on their own to stop the rise of authoritarianism.
To have any chance of success we also have to address fundamental economic issues that plague the working class and bring them into the fight for democracy. And that requires doing all we can to halt Wall Street’s mass slaughter of jobs.
So why aren’t more progressives bringing mass layoffs into their agendas? One possible reason is that the leaders of major community organizations, as well as the Democratic Party, have become too financially dependent on the super-rich. As the executive director of a 501c3 organization for the past 40 years, I am all too familiar with the perils of raising money from philanthropic foundations. In many cases they avoid working-class issues for fear of upsetting their wealthy donors and board members.
Why vote when your vote can’t save you from economic catastrophe not of your own making?
We should also be wary of the shallow democratic commitments of financial elites. As history has shown us again and again, they find ways to make their peace with authoritarians. Jamie Dimon, president of JP Morgan Chase and supposedly a Democrat, has already made that clear by strategically praising Trump without any mention of Trump’s obvious threats to democracy. The primary goal of financial elites is to make money, not democracy.
What does fighting against mass layoffs have to do with fighting against authoritarianism?
The barons of Wall Street have absolutely no desire to help working people achieve what they need most: job stability. And if democracy can’t deliver something close to that, we are in serious trouble.
Defending democracy becomes a secondary concern to those losing their jobs. It’s not so much that the victims of mass layoffs will flock to authoritarians with great enthusiasm, all though they might if a strong man finds a way to protect their jobs. (When Trump intervened to save jobs at the Carrier Air Conditioning Company in 2017, polling showed it was widely popular.)
The barons of Wall Street have absolutely no desire to help working people achieve what they need most: job stability.
It’s more likely that many working people will not get very worked up about the loss of certain voting rights when they see politicians of both parties do little or nothing to protect their livelihoods. Why vote when your vote can’t save you from economic catastrophe not of your own making?
As my book, Wall Street’s War on Workers (available starting today!!) shows, if there is working-class attraction to the strongman, that attraction is connected to mass layoffs. Contrary to media portrayals, that attraction has very little to do with growing resentment against those who are different.
Two key findings of my book show how the working class can be brought into an anti-authoritarian movement:
Mass layoffs are ubiquitous. We estimate that more than 30 million workers have gone through a mass layoff since 1996 (defined as 50 or more workers let go at one time for at least one month). If we add in family members, more than half of all working people have experienced the harmful effects of mass layoffs.
Mass layoffs are gut-wrenching experiences that can debilitate individuals, families, and communities. If you or a family has gone through one, this requires little explanation. Not only do such layoffs cause financial difficulties, but they negatively affect health and well-being.
For example, research shows that losing your job is the seventh most stressful life event, ranked more stressful than divorce, a sudden and serious impairment of hearing or vision, or the death of a close friend. Little wonder than that the U.S. Department of Labor recognizes that “being laid off from your job is one of the most traumatic events you can experience in life.”
And it’s not just industrial workers who have suffered these traumatic events. Workers in tech companies are also taking the hit. More than 262,000 lost their jobs in 2023, and another 41,700 so far in 2024.
As my book shows, to stop mass layoffs requires ending Wall Street’s ability to conduct leveraged buyouts and stock buybacks, something that neither political party has had the guts to do. These financial maneuvers kill jobs, even during good times, and do nothing to improve the economy.
There’s a very large and powerful movement to be built if we are willing to take on Wall Street. This requires building a multi-ethnic working-class crusade with a focus on curtailing Wall Street’s greed as well as supporting democratic rights.
Because both political parties are so hungry for Wall Street cash (and future lucrative jobs when politicians leave office), the economic terrain is wide open for a political working-class movement that fights against mass layoffs, curtails leveraged buyouts, and ends stock buybacks (which were essentially illegal until 1982).
Aren’t Mass Layoffs Inevitable?
The most difficult challenge, perhaps, will be changing our ingrained sense that mass layoffs are an inevitable feature of a modern economy. Mass layoffs are not inevitable. They are not due to unstoppable forces unleashed by new technologies, globalization, or even AI. Rather, they are the result of actual human-made deregulatory policies enacted during the past four decades, policies which gave Wall Street the green light to destroy jobs at will.
Of course, there are many other important working-class issues, including wages, healthcare, and retirement benefits. But job stability is paramount to every worker. A progressive movement must place job security at the center of its demands, which is precisely what labor unions are doing right now.
But hasn’t the white working class become authoritarian when it comes to key social issues?
No!
Another challenge is moderating our ingrained negative stereotypes about the alleged racist, sexist, homophobic, xenophobic white working class. In Wall Street’s War on Workers, we review the answers provided by white working-class voters to 23 divisive social issue questions from thousands of voter survey results. Here’s a sample of what we’ve found:
Should gay or lesbian couples be legally permitted to adopt children?
Do you believe that sexual relations between two adults of the same sex is always wrong.
Are you in favor of granting legal status to illegal immigrants who have held jobs and paid taxes for at least three years and not been convicted of any felony crimes.
Do you agree that most Blacks just don’t have the motivation or willpower to pull themselves up out of poverty.
Wait! What about all those white-working class Trump voters?
To be sure, about one-third of the white working class supports illiberal positions. And many of them support Trump. But our research shows there’s very little attitudinal difference between white worker and white professionals on these issues.
The vast majority of working people are united in their desire for stable jobs, fairness, and freedom from all forms of discrimination.
Also, contrary to popular portrayals, it’s not at all clear that the white working-class forms the hard core of the MAGA movement. In our book we show that the members of the Tea Party, for example, were disproportionately upper middle class, not working class. The January 6th insurrectionists who have been arrested are disproportionately white collar and business owners. Republican Party primary voters are wealthier and better educated than the average voter.
Democratic Party pollster, Mike Lux, agrees with our finding that economics, not the culture wars, is what motivates working-class voters:
“Based on the evidence I have seen, these voters wouldn’t care all that much about the cultural difference and the woke thing if they thought Democrats gave more of a damn about the economic challenges they face deeply and daily.”
There’s a very large and powerful movement to be built if we are willing to take on Wall Street. This requires building a multi-ethnic working-class crusade with a focus on curtailing Wall Street’s greed as well as supporting democratic rights.
Our research strongly suggests that there is no reason for a working-class movement to avoid discussions and debates on difficult social issues while tackling mass layoffs. Certainly, there will be disagreements, but our data suggests that the vast majority of working people are united in their desire for stable jobs, fairness, and freedom from all forms of discrimination.
The need for mass education
Wall Street’s War on Workers is part of our contribution to building an educational infrastructure to assist progressive movement building. For that tool to be useful, however, it needs to travel widely.
Please read the book, review it wherever you can, and help get the message out. (All proceeds go to the Labor Institute’s Political Economy for Workers educational projects.)
Thank you for your support and for the good work you are doing to make our world a better place.