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"I watched them shoot my grandfather, first in the chest and then in the head. Then they killed my granny," said one survivor who was just 8 years old during the attack by U.S. Marines.
After years of working with Iraqis whose relatives were killed by U.S. Marines in the 2005 Haditha massacre, American journalists finally obtained and released photos showing the grisly aftermath of the bloody rampage—whose perpetrators never spent a day behind bars.
On Tuesday, The New Yorker published 10 of the massacre photos—part of a collaboration with the "In the Dark" podcast that joined the magazine last year.
The podcast's reporting team had filed its public records request four years ago, then sued the U.S. Navy, Marine Corps, and Central Command over their failure to hand over the images. "In the Dark" host Madeleine Baran also traveled with a colleague to Iraq's remote Anbar Province to meet relatives of some of the 24 Iraqi civilians—who ranged in age from 1 to 76—slaughtered by U.S. troops.
"The impact of an alleged war crime is often directly related to the horror of the images that end up in the hands of the public."
Baran explained that she sought the relatives' help partly because "we anticipated that the government would claim that the release of the photos would harm the surviving family members of the dead," as "military prosecutors had already made this argument after the trial of the final accused Marine."
Khalid Salman Raseef, an attorney who lost 15 members of his family in the massacre, told Baran that "I believe this is our duty to tell the truth."
The graphic photos show dead Iraqi men, women, and children, many of them shot in the head at close range. One 5-year-old girl, Zainab Younis Salim, is shown with the number 11 written on her back in red marker by a U.S. Marine who wanted to differentiate the victims in photos.
On November 19, 2005, a convoy of Humvees carrying Marines of Kilo Company, 3rd Battalion, First Marine Division was traveling through Haditha when a roadside bomb believed to have been placed by Iraqis resisting the U.S. invasion killed Miguel Terrazas, a popular lance corporal, and wounded two other Marines.
In retaliation, Marines forced a nearby taxicab to stop and ordered the driver and his four student passengers out of the vehicle. Sgt. Frank Wuterich then executed the five men in cold blood. Another Marine then desecrated their bodies, including by urinating on them.
Wuterich then ordered his men to "shoot first and ask questions later," and they went house to house killing everyone they saw. They killed seven people in the Walid family home, including a toddler and an elderly couple.
"I watched them shoot my grandfather, first in the chest and then in the head. Then they killed my granny," Iman Walid, a survivor who was 8 years old when her family was slain, toldTime in 2006.
Next, the Marines killed eight people in the Salim family home, six of them children. Finally, the troops executed four brothers in a closet in the Ahmad family home.
The Marines subsequently conspired to cover up what a military probe would deem a case of "collateral damage." The military initially claimed that 15 Iraqi civilians were killed by the same explosion that took Terrazas' life. However, a local doctor who examined the victims' bodies said they "were shot in the chest and head from close range."
Eight Marines were eventually charged in connection with the massacre. Six defendants were found not guilty and one had their case dismissed. Initially charged with murder, Wuterich pleaded guilty and was convicted of dereliction of duty. He was punished with a reduction in rank and was later honorably discharged from service.
Marine Corps Gen. James Mattis—who earned his "Mad Dog" moniker during one of the atrocity-laden battles for the Iraqi city of Fallujah in 2004—intervened on behalf of the Haditha defendants and personally dismissed charges against one of them.
Later, while serving as former President Donald Trump's defense secretary, Mattis oversaw an escalation in what he called the U.S. war of "annihilation" against Islamic State in Iraq and Syria. The general warned that "civilian casualties are a fact of life in this sort of situation," and thousands of men, women, and children were subsequently slaughtered as cities including Mosul and Raqqa were leveled.
The Haditha massacre was part of countless U.S. war crimes and atrocities committed during the ongoing so-called War on Terror, which has claimed hundreds of thousands of civilian lives in at least half a dozen countries since 2001. One of the reasons why the Haditha massacre is relatively unknown compared with the torture and killings at the U.S. military prison in Abu Ghraib, Iraq is that photos of the former crime have been kept hidden for decades.
"The impact of an alleged war crime is often directly related to the horror of the images that end up in the hands of the public," Baran wrote in the New Yorker article. She noted that Gen. Michael Hagee, who commanded the Marines at the time of the Haditha massacre, later boasted how "proud" he was about keeping photos of the killings secret.
"This," journalist Murtaza Hussain
reminded the world on Tuesday, "is what the U.S. military was doing in Iraq."
"Guess we now know why former Defense Secretary Mattis has not been publicly critical of Trump," quipped one observer.
Before becoming former President Donald Trump's defense secretary, retired U.S. Marine Corps Gen. James Mattis secretly worked for the de facto ruler of the United Arab Emirates while the United States was supporting the monarchy in the Saudi-led war on Yemen, a Washington Post investigation revealed Tuesday.
Records obtained by the Post show that in June 2015, Mattis—then a recently retired four-star general—applied to work as a personal consultant to Sheikh Mohamed bin Zayed al-Nahyan, who at the time was also the deputy supreme commander of the UAE military.
Mohamed, who became the UAE's president following the 2022 death of his brother Sheikh Khalifa bin Zayed bin Sultan al-Nahyan, sought Mattis' counsel as the Saudi-led coalition intervening in Yemen's civil war was killing a staggering number of civilians while making little progress toward defeating Houthi rebels.
In his application to work as an agent for a foreign government, Mattis—who had earned the moniker "Mad Dog" during one of the 2004 battles for Fallujah, Iraq in which hundreds of civilians were killed or wounded by American forces—wrote that "my duties would include reviewing the UAE's military situation, focused initially on the Yemen campaign, with the purpose of providing military advice."
"The purpose of this position is to bring American military experience in warfighting and campaigning to bear in terms of strengthening UAE's efforts," he explained.
"I will be compensated," Mattis added. However, Robert Tyrer, co-president of the Cohen Group, a Washington consulting firm where Mattis works as a senior counselor, told the Post that the UAE did not pay Mattis for his work, and that the former defense secretary at the time had a "long-standing policy" of not taking payment from foreign officials.
Mattis' request was approved by Marine Corps brass, and then in August 2015 by the State Department Bureau of Political-Military Affairs. While a handful of federal officials knew of his work for Mohamed, "other national security officials said they did not—including diplomats in charge of U.S. policy in the Middle East," according to the Post.
"This whole thing is very curious," Gerald Feierstein, the U.S. deputy assistant secretary for Near East Affairs at the time, told the paper. "I find it kind of hard to believe he would never have mentioned it to any of us. Mattis as you know is a pretty straight shooter, so I would have thought he would have briefed somebody."
Mattis worked for Mohamed at the same time as the United States was participating in the Saudi-led war. Then-President Barack Obama announced in March 2015 that U.S. forces—which had already been conducting drone strikes in Yemen—would provide "logistical and intelligence support" to the coalition. That assistance included refueling the Saudi and Emirati warplanes that were bombing Yemeni targets and killing thousands of civilians.
"This whole thing is very curious. I find it kind of hard to believe he would never have mentioned it to any of us."
The secrecy surrounding Mattis' work for Mohamed continued even after he returned to the Pentagon in January 2017 to serve as Trump's defense secretary. According to the Post: "He omitted it from his public work history and financial disclosure forms that he filed with the Office of Government Ethics. Though he reported it confidentially to the Senate Armed Services Committee, multiple senators said they were not informed."
In August 2018, United Nations human rights officials reported that nearly 17,000 civilians had been killed in Yemen, mostly by Saudi-led airstrikes. In the face of mounting evidence of coalition war crimes, Mattis warned that the Trump administration was considering suspending support for the coalition if it did not reduce civilian casualties.
This, a little over a year after Mattis declared that "civilian casualties are a fact of life" and announced that U.S. forces were adopting a policy of "annihilation" in the battle against Islamic State in Syria and Iraq, where American bombs and bullets were killing thousands of noncombatants.
After resigning as defense secretary over Trump's decision to withdraw U.S. forces from Syria and dramatically reduce the number of troops in Afghanistan, Mattis returned to the private sector and again applied to work for the Emirati government, which paid him $100,000 plus airfare and lodging for a series of May 2019 talks on U.S.-UAE relations.
An annual report published Tuesday by the Pentagon claiming that the U.S. military only killed 12 noncombatants last year was met with skepticism by civilian casualty monitors, who perennially accuse the United States of undercounting the people killed by its bombs and bullets.
"They were targeting people. It was intentional."
The U.S. Department of Defense "assesses that there were approximately 12 civilians killed and approximately five civilians injured during 2021 as a result of U.S. military operations," the report--the fifth of its kind--states.
However, the U.K.-based monitor group Airwars counted between 12 and 25 civilians likely killed by U.S. forces, sometimes working with coalition allies, in Syria alone last year, with another two to four people killed in Somalia and one to four killed in Yemen.
"Once again the confirmed civilian casualty count is below what communities on the ground are reporting," Airwars director Emily Tripp told Al Jazeera.
Airwars does not count civilians killed or wounded in Afghanistan, where all of the 2021 casualties acknowledged by the Pentagon occurred. These incidents include an errant August 29 drone strike that killed 10 people--most of them members of one family--including seven children.
No one was ever held accountable for the attack, which Joint Chiefs of Staff Chair Gen. Mark Milley first described as a "righteous strike."
\u201cYeah, right. Pentagon alleges only 12 civilians killed by US troops in 2021 https://t.co/F2I4CG87mi\u201d— Sharmine Narwani (@Sharmine Narwani) 1664380723
However, nearly 20 witnesses who spoke to CNN after a suicide bomber killed more than 100 Afghans and 13 U.S. troops on August 26 during the rushed American withdrawal from the country said that U.S. and British troops opened fire on the panicking crowd, killing and wounding many civilians.
"They were targeting people. It was intentional," said one survivor. "In front of me, people were getting shot at and falling down."
Although the U.S. military claimed all of the casualties at the airport that day were caused by the bombing, a doctor working at a local hospital said that "there were two kinds of injuries... people burnt from the blast with lots of holes in their bodies. But with the gunshots, you can see just one or two holes--in the mouth, in the head, in the eye, in the chest."
The Italian-run Emergency Surgical Center in Kabul said it received nine bodies with gunshot wounds following the bombing.
Despite all this--and forensic analysts' assertions that so many people could not have been killed by a single bomb--a spokesperson for U.S. Central Command refuted the claim that U.S. troops shot civilians at Kabul's airport, attributing eyewitness accounts, including by people who were shot, to "jumbled memories."
\u201cAfghans Demand Truth About Kabul Airport Massacre as U.S. Continues to Deny Soldiers Shot Civilians https://t.co/tDeAgyOoPN\u201d— Democracy Now! (@Democracy Now!) 1644505633
U.S. administrations have long been accused of undercounting civilians killed by American forces. During the administration of former President George W. Bush, top officials dismissed the carnage that critics warned the so-called "War on Terror" would cause, with one top general declaring that "we don't do body counts." The vast majority of the hundreds of thousands of civilians killed in the war died during Bush's two terms.
While civilian casualties declined dramatically during the tenure of former President Barack Obama, his administration was criticized for relying heavily upon unmanned aerial drones--whose strikes killed hundreds of civilians in more nations than were bombed by Bush--and for redefining "militant" to mean all military-aged males in a targeted strike zone in a bid to falsely lower noncombatant casualty figures.
Former President Donald Trump dispensed with pretenses, relaxing rules of engagement meant to protect civilians from harm and vowing to "bomb the shit out of" Islamic State militants and "take out their families." Then-Defense Secretary James Mattis--who earned his "Mad Dog" moniker during the fight for Fallujah in which hundreds of civilians were killed or wounded by American forces--said in 2017 that noncombatant deaths "are a fact of life" as the U.S. transitioned from a policy of "attrition" to one of "annihilation" in the war against Islamic State.
The result was a sharp increase in civilian casualties as U.S. and allied forces laid waste to entire cities like Mosul, Iraq and Raqqa, Syria, killing and wounding thousands of men, women, and children. As Common Dreams reported at the time, Trump's decision to loosen rules of engagement was blamed for a more than 300% spike in civilian casualties in Afghanistan as well.
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U.S.-caused civilian casualties have declined precipitously with the withdrawal of U.S. troops from Afghanistan, although deadly incidents still occasionally occur. The initial annual Pentagon civilian casualty report, released during the Trump administration's first year, admitted to 499 civilians killed by U.S. forces. The true figure is believed to be much higher.
Last month, human rights groups cautiously welcomed news that the U.S. military--which has killed more civilians in foreign wars than any other armed force on Earth in the post-World War II era--published a plan aimed at reducing noncombatant casualties.