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"Everybody that is in prison now is keenly aware of the environment, and it's become a very hot topic within the low- and minimum-security inmate communities," said a consultant who has advised white-collared convicts.
U.S. President Donald Trump began his second term with a blitz of clemency actions, including issuing pardons and commutations for over 1,500 rioters convicted in connection to the January 6 insurrection at the Capitol and pardoning Silk Road founder Ross Ulbricht, and now the president's "moves to expand the use of pardons have white-collar defendants jolting to attention," according to Tuesday reporting from Politico.
Those reportedly angling for clemency include individuals like jailed crypto titan Sam Bankman-Fried, former Sen. Bob Menendez (D-N.J.) who earlier this year was sentenced to 11 years in prison for corruption and bribery, two reality TV stars guilty of defrauding banks and evading taxes, and a member of the music group the Fugees who was convicted for taking part in an embezzlement scheme.
Sam Mangel, a consultant to people convicted of white-collar crime who has advised individuals like Bankman-Fried, told Politico that "everybody that is in prison now is keenly aware of the environment, and it's become a very hot topic within the low- and minimum-security inmate communities."
According to The New York Times, "The new administration has a team of appointees focusing on the process early in Mr. Trump's term, with a particular focus on clemency grants that underscore the president's own grievances about what he sees as the political weaponization of the justice system."
Accordingly, clemency petitioners are "tailoring their pitches to the president by emphasizing their loyalty to him and echoing his claims of political persecution," per the Times.
For example, a lawyer representing conservative reality TV stars Todd and Julie Chrisley wrote in a document prepared for the Trump administration that the couple's conviction for bank fraud and tax evasion "exemplifies the weaponization of justice against conservatives and public figures, eroding basic constitutional protections."
Some, like Menendez, have made themselves out to be the victims of the "corrupt" justice system.
"President Trump is right," wrote Menendez on X the day he was sentenced to 11 years in prison. "This process is political and has been corrupted to the core. I hope President Trump cleans up the cesspool and restores integrity to the system."
In Trump's first term, his use of clemency was "all about cronyism and partisanship and helping out his friends and his political advisers," Rachel Barkow, a professor at New York University School of Law, told the Times. This time around, "the potential for corruption is higher," she said, "because they're starting early, they have figured out how they want to set it up so that people have a pipeline to get to them."
This shift in Trump's second term includes disempowering the Justice Department's Office of the Pardon Attorney and instead shifting control of the clemency operations to the White House Counsel's Office, according to anonymous sources cited by the Times.
Elizabeth Oyer, who had been the U.S. pardon attorney since being appointed in 2022, was fired last week after she refused to recommend that actor Mel Gibson—who is a supporter of Trump—should have his gun rights restored, according Monday reporting from the Times. Gibson lost his gun rights following a 2011 domestic violence misdemeanor conviction.
In late February, Trump also appointed White House "pardon czar" Alice Johnson. Both the appointment of Johnson and the departure of Oyer, "signal that Trump is not done exercising his clemency powers," according to Politico.
It’s time to link up with politically alienated workers and build something new.
I learned early on in my career that it’s not easy to discuss alternatives to the Democratic Party, especially with labor union officials. In 1979, I was piloting the Labor Institute’s new political economy workshop with UAW Local 259, which represented Cadillac mechanics in the New York City area.
Sam Meyers, the president, was a labor radical who had survived the McCarthy era. He was militant and deeply committed to social democracy. He and Bernie would have gotten along nicely.
At the end of the course, in all naivete, I asked the workers what kind of political party they wanted to support – The Democrats? The Republicans? Or a new workers’ party? There was nearly unanimous consent for a new workers’ party.
Except for Sam, who jumped up and said, “You can’t do that. We have to stick with the Democrats.” And that shut down the discussion.
It’s been that way ever since. The leadership of nearly every progressive labor union is deeply entwined with the Democrats, even as half or more of their members have defected to MAGA.
Trump is in power for the second time because there is no magic formula that will stop the exodus of workers of all shades and proclivities from the Democratic Party.
As one national official told me, “The Democrats are the only political friends we have.” As a result, union members are not asked what they want politically, because the leadership fears the answer will divert the union from what it must do – stick with the Democrats at all costs.
But it’s a losing battle. Working-class support for Democratic presidential candidates has collapsed. Jimmy Carter received 52 percent in 1976. Kamal Harris got only 33 percent in 2024.
In rural America, the defections are even greater. Take Mingo County, West Virginia, the county that has lost 3,000 of its 3,300 coal jobs. In 1996, Bill Clinton got 70 percent of the vote. In each following national election, the Democratic vote has declined, with Joe ‘Six-Pack’ Biden getting 14 percent in 2020, and Kamala Harris getting only 12 percent in 2024. The research for my book showed that since the 1990s, as the mass layoff rate went up in rust-belt counties, the Democratic vote went down. (See Wall Street’s War on Workers.)
It’s hard not to sympathize with labor leaders as they cope with the day-to-day tasks of keeping their union alive and protecting their members from a system that is rigged against them. In that context, building something new is a fantasy, the idle dreams of pontificators (like me!). These leaders believe what others have been saying for decades – that third parties are impossible in the system we have.
There is some very good rationale behind their fears. Third-party efforts can be dangerous, acting as “spoilers,” which then help anti-labor candidates win. Ralph Nader’s presidential run in 2020 may have tilted Florida and the presidency to Bush. After all those hanging chads, third parties became anathema to political dreamers, as well as labor leaders.
Most third-party efforts fail because they attract so few voters. They are then viewed as time-consuming distractions – more like vanity projects with the potential to have serious negative consequences.
But that’s not inevitable. The spoiler effect can be mitigated if the third-party efforts refrain from electoral activities until they are large enough to seriously contend.
So here's a fresh question: What would you think if a million workers said they would be willing to back a new political effort?
One million names on a petition would show that the effort has a far wider reach than a fringe group or a self-promoter. One million names would signal to the political actors that there is mass support for building a new working-class political home. One million names might even push some Democrats to support pro-worker legislation.
Mobilizing a petition drive would cost relatively little and could start with a few progressive unions circulating one that read:
We the undersigned support building a new independent party of working people that would back working-class issues independent of both the Democratic and Republican parties. The new party would fight to:
The Billionaires have two parties. We need one of our own!
Once a million names, emails, and telephone numbers are recorded, ways could be found to support independent candidates who were willing to fight for this platform and organize around ballot initiatives or legislation that would push such demands forward. A website and newsletter could connect with those who have signed up.
But are there really a million working people out there who would sign this petition? We won’t know until it’s tried. Right now, approximately 1.7 million workers are suffering through involuntary layoffs each month. Federal workers are joining these ranks as Musk wields his axe. These are potential recruits for this petition, effort, let's call it the Committee of a Million.
Are there really a million working people out there who would sign this petition?
Dan Osborn, the former local union president, ran in 2024 as an independent for Senate in Nebraska on a powerful worker-focused populist campaign. He lost by seven points, while Kamala Harris lost the state by 20 points. Osborn is now setting up a political action committee to recruit and support more working-class candidates. Imagine what could happen if the Committee of a Million linked with his effort.
No! No! No! Say my friends in the labor movement. “We have to support the Dems to take back control of the House and stop Trump.”
But can’t we walk and chew politics at the same time? Can’t we work on those swing districts and support independents like Osborn? Don’t we have an obligation at least to ask our members what they really want? Wouldn’t it be worthwhile to find out if they are willing to sign up for the Committee of a Million?
I can’t stop obsessing over brutal realities. Trump is in power for the second time because there is no magic formula that will stop the exodus of workers of all shades and proclivities from the Democratic Party.
Sure, it could fail. But continued failure is certain if we don’t try something new.
That ship has sailed. It’s time to link up with politically alienated workers and build something new outside of the two-party political oligopoly.
Sure, it could fail. But continued failure is certain if we don’t try something new.
If you have an alternative idea, please send it along. We’ve got to have this discussion.
The decision tells the international community that "you can ignore American law with respect to the provision of humanitarian aid and the use of weapons provided by American taxpayers."
A memorandum aimed at restricting arms sales to protect human rights, issued by former U.S. President Joe Biden last year amid intensifying outcry over his administration's support for Israel's bombardment of Gaza, ultimately did little to stop the U.S. from continuing to back a military operation in which there is abundant evidence of war crimes.
But advocates decried President Donald Trump's decision Monday to repeal the document, National Security Memorandum-20 (NSM-20) as "shameful," warning that it sends the message that "anything goes," as Sen. Chris Van Hollen (D-Md.) said.
Van Hollen proposed legislation last year that pushed Biden to introduce NSM-20, which required countries that receive military aid from the U.S. to provide assurances that the weapons will not be used to violate international humanitarian law.
When the memo was introduced last February, rights advocates had been warning for months that continued U.S. support for Israel violated laws that were already in place, including the Foreign Assistance Act and the Arms Export Control Act, which restrict arms sales to countries that block humanitarian aid or otherwise break human rights laws.
The U.S. is the largest international funder of the Israel Defense Forces (IDF), which began bombarding Gaza in October 2023 in retaliation for a Hamas-led attack. Numerous reports have shown that the Israeli military has attacked Palestinian civilians indiscriminately in Gaza, with U.S. weapons used in some assaults.
At least 48,346 people have been killed in Gaza since the bombardment began. A temporary cease-fire was established in January.
Trump quietly repealed NSM-20 after approving the sale of more than $7.4 billion in arms sales to Israel earlier this month and lifting sanctions on Israeli settlers in the occupied West Bank.
The president also released one shipment of 2,000-pound bombs that had been frozen by the Biden administration after NSM-20 was issued last year.
Last May, Biden paused the shipment as Israel's incursion in the southern Gaza city of Rafah garnered international outcry over the danger the expanded attacks posed to the 1.5 million Palestinians who were sheltering in the city.
But that same month, the Democratic administration issued a report that was required by NSM-20 claiming that there was not enough evidence that Israel had violated international humanitarian law to end overall U.S. support for the IDF.
That assessment came days after World Food Program executive director Cindy McCain warned that Israel's blocking of humanitarian aid into Gaza had led to a "full-blown famine" in the northern part of the enclave.
The administration's continued support for Israel led some to dismiss NSM-20 as a "PR stunt" and a "gimmick."
Although NSM-20 did not stop the Biden administration from putting human rights at risk, critics warned that countries such as Israel will be even more emboldened following Trump's repeal of the memo.
The decision tells the international community that "you can ignore American law with respect to the provision of humanitarian aid and the use of weapons provided by American taxpayers," Van Hollen told The Washington Post.
Christopher Le Mon, a former State Department official under Biden, told the outlet that "the only thing the Trump administration does by eliminating NSM-20 is signal to U.S. partners that the administration simply doesn't care how these governments use U.S. arms, no matter how immoral or illegal their conduct."
Sarah Yager, Washington director of Human Rights Watch, told the Post that with NSM-20 rescinded but other laws like the Foreign Assistance Act still in place, the Trump administration must now "show the American people that [it] will abide by U.S. laws when sending weapons to allies."