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Daily news & progressive opinion—funded by the people, not the corporations—delivered straight to your inbox.
Voting is more than a civic duty. It is a form of empowerment.
A recent UCLA study found that 2 million people with felony convictions have the right to vote, but misinformation and lack of clarity can prevent them from exercising this right. Similar trends are pervasive in other marginalized communities – such as those experiencing homelessness and recent immigrants – which is why social workers are uniquely positioned to help empower citizens to vote this election cycle. As the 2024 presidential and state elections approach, doing so is more important than ever.
Many of the individuals we work with are politically and socially disenfranchised, and thus turn out to the polls in much lower numbers. However, low voter turnout in these communities reinforces a cycle of neglect, as elected officials are less inclined to allocate resources to areas that don’t engage in the political process. It also means that their voice isn’t heard, even when issues that directly impact them are on the line.
Social workers can help break this cycle by showing clients how their personal struggles are linked to policy decisions. For example, as few as 10% of unhoused individuals vote in elections, while this year alone more than 2,000 bills about housing and homelessness were introduced in 48 of 50 states—not to mention the other economic and social policies enacted that affect the state of homelessness and welfare of unhoused individuals. In essence, the clients that we work with are often disproportionately affected by the outcomes of elections—and deserve a voice.
Voting is one of the most direct ways individuals can influence policies on education, healthcare, housing and social services. Research from the University of Connecticut shows that higher voter turnout leads to better health, education and economic outcomes, particularly for low-income populations. When communities vote, they compel elected officials to pay attention. Social workers, as trusted advocates, can help bridge the gap between disempowered individuals and the political system that governs their lives.
Voting is one of the most direct ways individuals can influence policies on education, healthcare, housing and social services.
Doing so means first becoming more informed about the voting process ourselves. For many of the people we serve, voting feels daunting. Some don’t know if they are eligible, how to register, or where to vote. Social workers can demystify the process by providing clear, factual information about registration, poll locations, absentee ballots and early voting. Our role is to ensure our clients know these rules and are prepared to vote.
Armed with information, we can better help clients identify registration deadlines, voting locations and nonpartisan resources on candidates and issues. By integrating voter education into our practice, we can impact voter turnout in communities often overlooked by policymakers.
Beyond registration, social workers can help clients make informed decisions at the ballot box. We can help identify the issues that matter most to them: For instance, many of our clients are directly affected by policy decisions on food assistance, education reform, healthcare access, and criminal justice. Whatever the topic, we can help them find reliable, nonpartisan information about candidates, and encourage thoughtful participation in the election. This isn’t about endorsing any candidate – it’s about ensuring our clients have the information they need to vote for the candidates and policies that align with their best interests.
Voting is more than a civic duty. It is a form of empowerment. When people vote, they have a say in decisions that affect their lives, from local issues like school funding to national debates on healthcare and immigration. For those who have been marginalized or feel disconnected from society, this ability to effect change can be incredibly empowering.
With the 2024 elections nearing, social workers have a crucial role to play in creating a stronger and more inclusive democracy. Many of the people we serve are from marginalized and traditionally underserved communities, and feel disconnected from not just politics, but their civic community. They may have been taught their voice doesn’t matter, and thus believe that voting won’t have an impact—and doesn’t have the power to change their lives. This is where social workers can make a difference.
We have an opportunity to educate and encourage participation in a system that directly affects the well-being of our clients and communities. Our work doesn’t stop with addressing the immediate needs of our clients—it extends to advocating for systemic change that can improve the lives of entire communities. And few actions are as powerful in shaping systems as casting a vote.
Imagine that you were just assaulted and needed emergency assistance from the police. But instead of responding with care and concern, the police reacted with hostility, shamed you for seeking help, and expressed disinterest in your safety or in investigating your case. This is too often the reality for the too many victims of sexual assault and domestic violence every year in the United States.
When discriminatory attitudes negatively affect the response that survivors receive from police, most survivors stop reaching out to the police for help altogether.
A new report by the ACLU and scholars from the University of Miami School of Law and CUNY School of Law exposes the widespread discrimination that survivors of these crimes face when dealing with law enforcement. We surveyed over 900 advocates, service providers, and attorneys who work with survivors of sexual assault and domestic violence from across the country about their concerns regarding policing and recommendations for improvement. Responses from the Field: Sexual Assault, Domestic Violence, and Policing describe what they shared with us. We presented our findings at the White House Domestic Violence Awareness Month Roundtable this month.
Advocates identified police inaction, hostility, and bias against survivors as a key barrier to seeking criminal justice intervention. Eighty-eight percent said that police sometimes or often do not believe victims or blame victims for the violence. Survivors also commonly experienced bias based on gender, race, immigration status, sexual orientation, gender identity, socio-economic status, disability, and other identity characteristics. Many of these concerns are magnified within communities already entrenched in problematic policing practices. Over 80 percent of respondents believed that police relations with marginalized communities influenced survivors' willingness to call the police.
Police involvement can also trigger collateral consequences that make survivors think twice about reaching out for help. Nearly 90 percent of survey respondents said that contact with the police sometimes or often resulted in the involvement of child protective services, threatening survivors with loss of custody of their children. Other negative consequences named by respondents include initiation of immigration proceedings and loss of housing, employment, or welfare benefits. Some reported that victims themselves face arrest when reaching out to the police, particularly if they have a criminal record.
In addition, advocates said that many survivors' goals do not align with those of the criminal justice system or how it operates. Some survivors were looking for options other than punishment for the abuser, while others feared that once they were involved with the criminal justice system, they would lose control over the process. Still, others were reluctant to engage the system because they believed that it was complicated, lengthy, and trauma-inducing.
In spite of these challenges, community meetings between social service providers, police, and prosecutors were reported to be helpful in addressing the needs of survivors. However, 72 percent did not know whether civilian complaint boards or other types of independent, community-based police oversight mechanisms exist in their communities. The majority were unaware of the Department of Justice's ability to investigate gender-biased policing.
Advocates recommended improvements in police training, supervision, and hiring of more women and people of color. Changes in police culture must include prioritizing domestic violence and sexual assault cases and greater partnerships between police and community-based organizations that provide support to survivors.
The ACLU and over 170 national and local organizations have urged Attorney General Loretta Lynch to provide guidance from the Department of Justice that would show how police departments can work with communities to end biased policing that strips victims of their civil rights.
The only way to ensure equal protection for survivors of domestic and sexual violence is to institute more robust accountability for law enforcement and child protection, immigration, and other systems that render people more vulnerable to violence.
As we come up on the 10th anniversary of Hurricane Katrina, the terrible devastation wrought by the hurricane is in the headlines again. For those who experienced the storm first-hand, the ongoing struggle to recover is ever-present, and this must be a wrenching anniversary. What can we do as a nation to support frontline communities better prepared and protected for future disasters? How can we better account for the growing risks to coastal communities, especially in light of sea level rise and worsening storm surge? And how can we ensure that we equitably channel our investments to build resilience in all communities?
Major storms like Katrina cut a wide swathe of destruction. Still, they have a disproportionate impact on marginalized communities that may lack the means to get out of harm's way or live in places that are more prone to flooding or more exposed to wind damage. Low-income and fixed-income households may also be unable to afford to pay for insurance that could help cover their losses. The elderly can be particularly vulnerable. All this means that recovery efforts and preparations for the next storm must be made to protect those most at risk.
In the case of storms like Katrina, two federal agencies play a major role in disaster aid and recovery: the Federal Emergency Management Agency (FEMA) and the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD). Once a presidential disaster declaration is made, several federal response and recovery programs are triggered, with funding attached as Congress approves. Through various programs deployed in the wake of Katrina, FEMA has spent nearly $10 billion in Mississippi. The agency has also spent nearly $20 billion in Louisiana on recovery, rebuilding, and mitigation after Hurricanes Katrina and Rita. In addition, Congress appropriated $19.7 billion in supplemental Community Development Block Grant (CDBG) program funds administered by HUD for Gulf Coast disaster recovery in the wake of Hurricanes Katrina, Rita, and Wilma in 2005.
Targeting these major sources of funding more effectively and ensuring that they are helping communities become resilient instead of just rebuilding as before in potentially maladaptive ways is an important opportunity to do better. As my colleague Erika wrote: We simply can't afford to still play business as usual.
Furthermore, we've got to make sure that aid also flows to those who rent, instead of just to homeowners, that communities get help navigating myriad administrative hurdles in applying for aid (including translation services if needed), and that those who are displaced have the opportunity to return if they want.
If shelter is considered a basic human need, Mississippi's experience after Katrina highlights the importance of ensuring disaster aid funding prioritizes rebuilding and repairing safe, affordable housing in frontline communities. For example, a study from the RAND Corporation estimated that affordable housing units in Harrison County, MS, which were already in short supply prior to the storm, declined by 25 percent due to damage from Katrina.
Recovery efforts focused more on repairing single-family, owner-occupied homes than on multi-family rental units. This increased the shortage of affordable housing, with rents climbing for the remaining units. Employment losses, healthcare costs, and property damage caused by the storm have further damaged low-income communities.
A striking example of the missteps in recovery efforts was the diversion of disaster aid from rebuilding affordable housing to building the Port of Gulfport. Local groups had to sue HUD to remedy the situation.
Hurricane Katrina's damage to the Gulf Coast was incalculable, with a huge storm surge of 25 to 28 feet reaching far inland. Scientific projections show that land subsidence along the Gulf coast, combined with accelerating sea level rise due to climate change, will lead to an estimated increase in local sea level of an additional 19 inches by 2050 in Mississippi and Louisiana. The rapid loss of coastal wetlands to growing development and industrial activities simultaneously reduces natural protections against storm surges and flooding and worsens their impacts.
These growing risks make it urgent to adopt a more protective, science-based approach to future planning, one that considers the perspectives of frontline communities and their first-hand experience of climate impacts.
Some tough choices are ahead in places where the seas will ultimately prevail. Coastal Louisiana, for instance, is already experiencing a loss of coastal land, which is set to grow significantly over time. Those living in these highest-risk places deserve the resources to ensure they have options even in these difficult circumstances.
What about preparing before disaster strikes? A recent GAO report found that despite numerous expert recommendations highlighting the value of pre-disaster mitigation efforts, we tend to spend much more on post-disaster recovery.
For example, from fiscal years 2011-2014, FEMA obligated more than $3.2 billion for HMGP post disaster hazard mitigation while the Pre-Disaster Mitigation Grant Program obligated approximately $222 million.
A 2014 report from the Office of the Inspector General, Department of Homeland Security found that:
Over 8 years since Hurricane Katrina, FEMA has not obligated approximately $812 million of the $2.16 billion in authorized mitigation funds... This $812 million represents missed or delayed opportunities to protect lives and property from future disasters.
Investing adequate resources in preparing communities ahead of the next disaster is critical. It's a smarter, more cost-effective way to use limited taxpayer dollars and can help us plan instead of merely being in an emergency response framework.
What's more, FEMA and HUD need to do more to proactively engage with frontline communities, understand their needs, and build working relationships before a storm hits. That will make recovery efforts more effective and aligned with a community's wants.
FEMA's Hazard Mitigation Grant Program is the primary source of federal funds to help communities become more resilient after disasters. FEMA's Public Assistance program assists in debris removal, emergency measures, and restoration of infrastructure. Where cost-effective, this includes funding for measures to reduce future risks and repairing damaged buildings and infrastructure. FEMA pays up to 75% of a project's costs through these programs, while the state contributes 25%. HUD's Community Development Block Grant program is another federal source of recovery and rebuilding funds.
Local residents in Gulf Coast cities and towns affected by Hurricane Katrina have fought hard to protect and revitalize their communities and regain decision-making power. Through organizations, including the North Gulfport Community Land Trust, the NAACP, the Steps Coalition, the Sierra Club, the Audubon Society, the Gulf Coast Fund, the Gulf Restoration Network, the Deep South Center for Environmental Justice, the Greater New Orleans Organizers' Roundtable, regional collaborations like Gulf South Rising, and many others they are advocating for environmental and climate justice and putting pressure on state. Local officials to include their perspectives in how funds are used and how the region plans for coastal development and restoration.
There are clear opportunities to help ensure frontline communities are better prepared and protected. These include:
The 'Katrina 10 Week of Action', commemorating the 10th anniversary of Hurricane Katrina, is a powerful testament to the strength and endurance of frontline communities in the Gulf Coast states. It's also a reminder that if we fail to take action to protect frontline communities, the devastation and hardships they face today will be a reality for many more communities tomorrow. Let's honor the losses that so many, many people suffered through Hurricane Katrina and other more hidden daily disasters unfolding even now in frontline communities by ensuring that the core American values of fairness and equity are a part of all our climate solutions.