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Daily news & progressive opinion—funded by the people, not the corporations—delivered straight to your inbox.
From conventional therapy to culturally relevant initiatives and healing-based, trauma-informed programming, youth can grow in a healthy manner through a sustainable relationship with community-based caregivers.
The currently popular “tough on crime” narratives touted by local, state, and federal policymakers—as evidenced by the attacks on mayors of sanctuary cities at recent congressional hearings—pose a risk that the United States will revert to a dangerous place that will harm marginalized communities for decades to come.
The nation’s stability is directly tied to the stability of this country’s younger generations. As a 25-year veteran of Juvenile Diversion programs in Denver, I took an early retirement to lead a nonprofit that works with young people referred through deflection, a pre-citation or pre-arrest intervention that connects young people to resources without criminalizing their behavior.
The goal is to make my old job obsolete.
Something must change. Community based organizations and legal advocates are already seeking solutions and are floating reform initiatives across the country.
During the past three decades, I have been deeply involved in community organizing, while simultaneously working full time inside the Juvenile Justice Industrial Complex where I have heard the internal systemic whisperings while also seeing how those systemic policies affect the communities they serve in real time.
On any given day, there are about 27,600 youth in detention centers in the U.S., representing a 75% decline since the year 2000. Juvenile crime rates plummeted between 1994-2020 by 78%. There is an obvious correlation between the drop in youth in detention and the decrease in crime. Reducing involvement in the juvenile justice system reduces juvenile crime.
The troubling national trend of rolling back justice reform efforts is raising alarms among advocates, as seen in Washington state where they are repurposing adult detention centers to create more juvenile lock-ups. And in North Carolina, legal expert Jake Sussman criticized policies leading to youth isolation, stating, “We are only aggravating any existing problems by placing these very vulnerable kids in isolation.”
Recently, I witnessed a 10-year-old stand behind his mother in Denver’s municipal juvenile court, clutching her jacket sleeve, struggling to understand how he came to be paraded before a judge for age-appropriate behavior. He tossed a pencil behind his back that grazed a teacher’s leg. Sitting in the intake room, his feet did not even touch the floor.
A 2024 study clearly spells out the damage that this one experience in the juvenile justice system will have on this child’s life as he grows up, carrying the trauma of this day and the burden of heightened scrutiny that will come from being placed on juvenile diversion. The study highlights the fact that young offenders often experience polyvictimization, developmental trauma, and complex PTSD, emphasizing the need for trauma-informed approaches within juvenile justice systems.
The National Center for Youth Law published a report in January detailing the extensive harm that tickets inflict on students everywhere, which unveils specifically how Lakewood, a large Denver suburb, has vastly overcriminalized students through the municipal court system.
Many municipal courts in the country, like Cleveland, New Orleans, and Denver, function in much the same manner as Lakewood. Children are ticketed for low-level offenses not worthy of a district-level charge, often by a police officer at their own school.
Ticketed students are siphoned into diversion programs that require them to miss school (and their parents to miss work) so they can show up for a court appearance. That experience is followed by another missed day of school and work to show up for a highly invasive intake interview.
Finally, the student is required to participate in costly classes that range from $60-$150 for one class, which is designed to address and correct criminogenic thinking in adults, at the family’s expense.
Students are required to complete rigorous community service assignments that can include dozens of hours of work. In Colorado for instance, a child is not permitted to perform community service hours without a parent present. So once again, a child’s ticket jeopardizes their parent’s employment.
Something must change. Community based organizations and legal advocates are already seeking solutions and are floating reform initiatives across the country such as the Colorado Youth Justice Collaborative, MILPA Collective, and Denver Healing Generations.
Ideally, healing a young person happens at home and within their own school and community. Some children are not able to have these positive resources.
In the school environment, alongside school discipline matrix reforms is a push for what has been termed deflection. The proposed deflection policies are what advocacy organizations nationwide tout as a means of avoiding harming a child through the juvenile justice system. The goal is to send the young person to an organization for services within their community directly from the point of contact with law enforcement instead of formally charging them.
There are bills in Colorado Judiciary Subcommittees that would begin to codify these policies and lead to a refreshing approach to addressing problematic behavior in young people. The City of Longmont, Colorado has had an 86% success rate already with its Deflection program as it routed youth away from the justice system.
Similarly, Cambridge, Massachusetts has a program that serves as a model for expansion into more cities.
From conventional therapy to culturally relevant initiatives and healing-based, trauma-informed programming, youth can grow in a healthy manner through a sustainable relationship with community-based caregivers. This is an investment in the future of America where healthy young people become healthy adults. That is a net positive for everyone.
Voting is more than a civic duty. It is a form of empowerment.
A recent UCLA study found that 2 million people with felony convictions have the right to vote, but misinformation and lack of clarity can prevent them from exercising this right. Similar trends are pervasive in other marginalized communities – such as those experiencing homelessness and recent immigrants – which is why social workers are uniquely positioned to help empower citizens to vote this election cycle. As the 2024 presidential and state elections approach, doing so is more important than ever.
Many of the individuals we work with are politically and socially disenfranchised, and thus turn out to the polls in much lower numbers. However, low voter turnout in these communities reinforces a cycle of neglect, as elected officials are less inclined to allocate resources to areas that don’t engage in the political process. It also means that their voice isn’t heard, even when issues that directly impact them are on the line.
Social workers can help break this cycle by showing clients how their personal struggles are linked to policy decisions. For example, as few as 10% of unhoused individuals vote in elections, while this year alone more than 2,000 bills about housing and homelessness were introduced in 48 of 50 states—not to mention the other economic and social policies enacted that affect the state of homelessness and welfare of unhoused individuals. In essence, the clients that we work with are often disproportionately affected by the outcomes of elections—and deserve a voice.
Voting is one of the most direct ways individuals can influence policies on education, healthcare, housing and social services. Research from the University of Connecticut shows that higher voter turnout leads to better health, education and economic outcomes, particularly for low-income populations. When communities vote, they compel elected officials to pay attention. Social workers, as trusted advocates, can help bridge the gap between disempowered individuals and the political system that governs their lives.
Voting is one of the most direct ways individuals can influence policies on education, healthcare, housing and social services.
Doing so means first becoming more informed about the voting process ourselves. For many of the people we serve, voting feels daunting. Some don’t know if they are eligible, how to register, or where to vote. Social workers can demystify the process by providing clear, factual information about registration, poll locations, absentee ballots and early voting. Our role is to ensure our clients know these rules and are prepared to vote.
Armed with information, we can better help clients identify registration deadlines, voting locations and nonpartisan resources on candidates and issues. By integrating voter education into our practice, we can impact voter turnout in communities often overlooked by policymakers.
Beyond registration, social workers can help clients make informed decisions at the ballot box. We can help identify the issues that matter most to them: For instance, many of our clients are directly affected by policy decisions on food assistance, education reform, healthcare access, and criminal justice. Whatever the topic, we can help them find reliable, nonpartisan information about candidates, and encourage thoughtful participation in the election. This isn’t about endorsing any candidate – it’s about ensuring our clients have the information they need to vote for the candidates and policies that align with their best interests.
Voting is more than a civic duty. It is a form of empowerment. When people vote, they have a say in decisions that affect their lives, from local issues like school funding to national debates on healthcare and immigration. For those who have been marginalized or feel disconnected from society, this ability to effect change can be incredibly empowering.
With the 2024 elections nearing, social workers have a crucial role to play in creating a stronger and more inclusive democracy. Many of the people we serve are from marginalized and traditionally underserved communities, and feel disconnected from not just politics, but their civic community. They may have been taught their voice doesn’t matter, and thus believe that voting won’t have an impact—and doesn’t have the power to change their lives. This is where social workers can make a difference.
We have an opportunity to educate and encourage participation in a system that directly affects the well-being of our clients and communities. Our work doesn’t stop with addressing the immediate needs of our clients—it extends to advocating for systemic change that can improve the lives of entire communities. And few actions are as powerful in shaping systems as casting a vote.
Imagine that you were just assaulted and needed emergency assistance from the police. But instead of responding with care and concern, the police reacted with hostility, shamed you for seeking help, and expressed disinterest in your safety or in investigating your case. This is too often the reality for the too many victims of sexual assault and domestic violence every year in the United States.
When discriminatory attitudes negatively affect the response that survivors receive from police, most survivors stop reaching out to the police for help altogether.
A new report by the ACLU and scholars from the University of Miami School of Law and CUNY School of Law exposes the widespread discrimination that survivors of these crimes face when dealing with law enforcement. We surveyed over 900 advocates, service providers, and attorneys who work with survivors of sexual assault and domestic violence from across the country about their concerns regarding policing and recommendations for improvement. Responses from the Field: Sexual Assault, Domestic Violence, and Policing describe what they shared with us. We presented our findings at the White House Domestic Violence Awareness Month Roundtable this month.
Advocates identified police inaction, hostility, and bias against survivors as a key barrier to seeking criminal justice intervention. Eighty-eight percent said that police sometimes or often do not believe victims or blame victims for the violence. Survivors also commonly experienced bias based on gender, race, immigration status, sexual orientation, gender identity, socio-economic status, disability, and other identity characteristics. Many of these concerns are magnified within communities already entrenched in problematic policing practices. Over 80 percent of respondents believed that police relations with marginalized communities influenced survivors' willingness to call the police.
Police involvement can also trigger collateral consequences that make survivors think twice about reaching out for help. Nearly 90 percent of survey respondents said that contact with the police sometimes or often resulted in the involvement of child protective services, threatening survivors with loss of custody of their children. Other negative consequences named by respondents include initiation of immigration proceedings and loss of housing, employment, or welfare benefits. Some reported that victims themselves face arrest when reaching out to the police, particularly if they have a criminal record.
In addition, advocates said that many survivors' goals do not align with those of the criminal justice system or how it operates. Some survivors were looking for options other than punishment for the abuser, while others feared that once they were involved with the criminal justice system, they would lose control over the process. Still, others were reluctant to engage the system because they believed that it was complicated, lengthy, and trauma-inducing.
In spite of these challenges, community meetings between social service providers, police, and prosecutors were reported to be helpful in addressing the needs of survivors. However, 72 percent did not know whether civilian complaint boards or other types of independent, community-based police oversight mechanisms exist in their communities. The majority were unaware of the Department of Justice's ability to investigate gender-biased policing.
Advocates recommended improvements in police training, supervision, and hiring of more women and people of color. Changes in police culture must include prioritizing domestic violence and sexual assault cases and greater partnerships between police and community-based organizations that provide support to survivors.
The ACLU and over 170 national and local organizations have urged Attorney General Loretta Lynch to provide guidance from the Department of Justice that would show how police departments can work with communities to end biased policing that strips victims of their civil rights.
The only way to ensure equal protection for survivors of domestic and sexual violence is to institute more robust accountability for law enforcement and child protection, immigration, and other systems that render people more vulnerable to violence.