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The bill would limit the upward economic mobility of part-time workers and workers at businesses with less than 25 people, reduce paid time off, and strip workers of protections they may otherwise be entitled to.
This week, as we honor the work of and the life of Dr. Martin Luther King Jr., we must remember that to meaningfully honor his legacy means to uplift his work fighting for working class communities through race and class solidarity, his critical work in the labor movement, and his efforts to ensure people understood that racial justice was deeply intertwined with economic justice. In fact, labor rights were so deeply entrenched in Dr. King's work that it is the right of the individual worker that brought him to Memphis before he was assassinated.
In February 1968, two Memphis garbage collectors, Echol Cole and Robert Walker, were crushed to death by a malfunctioning garbage truck. Following their preventable death, Black workers across the city went on strike to protest the long history of neglect and abuse of its Black employees. It was a tale as old as time: greedy CEOs and corporations with a history of forcing workers into unsafe working conditions and putting the safety of these workers at risk, and fed up labor leaders who were sick of being mistreated. Dr. King came to Memphis to show support for these striking workers, and addressed a crowd of 25,000 in Memphis.
This was not his first time standing up for the rights of the worker. While addressing the Illinois AFL-CIO in 1965, King quipped: "The two most dynamic movements that reshaped the nation during the past three decades are the labor and civil rights movements. Our combined strength is potentially enormous." And he was right. And the big corporations and wealthy elites of this country know it. That's why they have been fighting so hard against class solidarity and against worker protections
The choice before us is clear: We can stand with working families, or we can roll back essential protections that Michiganders have fought hard to secure.
We deserve an economy that works for all of us, especially working class people that are critical to keeping our economy afloat. A nation's economy must do more than just help people survive: it should take active measures to level the playing field. It should allow people to choose where and how to live. And it should enable them to pass on their wealth to the next generation.
In Michigan, instead of fighting to uplift working class families and make this vision a reality, the Michigan state legislature dishonors both their commitment to Michigan families and the legacy of MLK Jr. by working to pass an anti-worker bill known as the Earned Sick Time Act. This legislation is a red-herring claiming to fight for small businesses while stripping employees at those businesses of their rights. If passed, this bill would limit the upward economic mobility of workers at small businesses as well as part-time workers, reduce paid time off, and strip workers of protections they may otherwise be entitled to under state and federal labor laws.
In other words, this bill deprioritizes workers at a time when Michigan families, Black mothers, and caregivers of color are struggling with rising costs. With so many of us feeling the squeeze at the grocery store while searching for child or eldercare, paying rent, or helping our kids afford college, elected officials should be working to level the playing field, not widening income disparities. The choice before us is clear: We can stand with working families, or we can roll back essential protections that Michiganders have fought hard to secure. I choose to stand with working families, and I urge our elected officials in the state to do the same by voting no on the Earned Sick Time Act.
The bill's proposed changes to earned paid sick time would make it harder for workers to care for themselves and their families. Right now, more than 1.7 million Michigan workers lack access to even one hour of paid sick time. This isn't just a statistic—it represents real families in our districts making impossible choices between their health, their safety, and their paycheck. The Earned Sick Time Act would worsen this crisis by reducing protections for thousands more workers, forcing them to choose between coming into work sick and risking the health of those around them, and keeping food on the table.
The most troubling part is this fight we are faced with in Michigan is not unique. All across the country, we are seeing billionaires and dark money groups working to strip people of their rights and their ability to provide for their families. It reminds us of a very simple truth: The American Dream is not attainable for a majority of Americans, nor has it ever been. The myths politicians tell us have been harmful to real progress. They say that if you work hard enough, you too can get rich. But this "pull yourself up by your bootstraps" idea has failed us. It keeps us trapped in uncertainty and instability while the rich get richer and we fight among ourselves. That's why I am calling on Michigan leadership to ensure a bill that would further move the goalpost of what the American Dream could be does not pass. We can do better for each other than this.
A resilient economy is a collaborative effort, not a competition. We can have a nation free of bigotry, provide for people while they are ill, and help people access prosperity and opportunity. It's not a zero-sum game. Dr. King's life was a testament to this. He was dedicated to the fight for economic justice, fair wages, and labor rights, in addition to racial justice and equality. He gave everything, including his life, to this mission. We must ensure his legacy lives on by picking up his mantle. We must have the political courage to fight back against corporate interests and with the people that brought elected leaders to power.
In our interconnected world, our success depends on our neighbors' success. So let's succeed by uplifting each other. As we brace ourselves for what will come under a Trump administration, it's more important than ever that we stand together.
"The future of Illinois manufacturing depends on the power of our workforce," said Sen. Tammy Duckworth (D-Ill.)
The automaker Stellantis announced Wednesday that it will build the next generation Dodge Durango at its Detroit Assembly Complex and will reopen the Belvidere Assembly Plant in Illinois—two issues that the United Auto Workers union said the firm had agreed to in a 2023 union contract, but then had tried to walk back.
According to the announcement, the reopening of the Belvidere plant will return some 1,500 UAW-represented employees back to work there, and the plant will also be used to produce a new mid-sized pick up truck.
Democratic lawmakers and the UAW leadership cheered the development. In a letter released Wednesday, UAW president Shawn Fain and UAW Stellantis Department director Kevin Gotinsky wrote that the "victory is a testament to workers standing together."
On X, Sen. Tammy Duckworth (D-Ill.) wrote: "The future of Illinois manufacturing depends on the power of our workforce. Proud to see Stellantis honor their historic deal with UAW—bringing 1,500+ jobs back to their Belvidere Assembly Plant. Incredible win for Illinois." The AFL-CIO posted on X, cheering the development, as did Sen. Gary Peters (D-Mich.) and Rep. Debbie Dingell (D-Mich.).
The United Auto Workers represents unionized workers at Stellantis (formerly Chrysler), as well as General Motors and Ford. UAW-represented workers ratified a contract with the three automakers, collectively known as "the Big Three," that yielded worker wage gains in 2023.
According to the union, Stellantis agreed in the 2023 contract to reopen the Belvidere plant and to manufacture the next generation Dodge Durango in Detroit, but the company's old leadership had failed to uphold those commitments.
Former CEO Carlos Tavares, who spearheaded aggressive targets for sales and cost cuts and tangled with both the board and the union, according to Reuters, resigned in December. The letter from Fain and Gotinsky credited the union members with his exit.
"Thank you to the thousands of members and leaders who rallied, marched, filed grievances, and talked to coworkers. Your solidarity forced Carlos Tavares out as CEO of this company, and it's been a game-changer. Since Antonio Filosa has taken over as North American COO at Stellantis, we have been meeting with their team, and the difference is clear," according to the letter from Fain and Gotinsky.
The union had filed charges with the National Labor Relations Board accusing the automaker of unlawfully refusing to release information about plans to move Dodge Durango production from a Detroit factory to one outside of the United States, and also filed grievances over delays in reopening the plant in Belvidere, according to The Associated Press. Union members had threatened to strike over the issue of the Belvidere plant.
In October 2024, members of the Senate and the House of Representatives sent two separate letters to Stellantis leadership urging them to keep the company's commitments.
On Wednesday, Stellantis "also committed to a significant investment in Kokomo, announcing plans to build Phase II of the GME-T4 EVO engine beginning in 2026, reversing plans to move work out of this country. There will be no change to existing GME-T4 EVO production at the Dundee Engine Plant. Finally, the company committed to increased component production at the Toledo Machining Plant," according to a press statement from UAW.
In states that are leading the way, CBAs ensure that energy projects provide clean power and bring economic and social benefits to the communities most impacted.
The clean energy transition is a once-in-a-generation opportunity to build momentum for environmental justice.
As the transition accelerates, we face a choice: Will it reproduce the harms of the past fossil fuel-based energy system, or will it create a fairer, more just future where more people can access and benefit from accessible and affordable clean energy? For far too long, historically marginalized communities have been excluded from decisions about the challenges they face, and energy infrastructure is no exception.
Community Benefits Agreements (CBAs) are a tool for ensuring frontline communities receive real, tangible benefits from renewable energy projects.
States that embrace policies like CBAs are showing what’s possible: a future where energy solutions uplift communities rather than burden them.
CBAs are legally binding agreements between developers and communities that outline commitments such as local job creation, workforce training, or investments in public infrastructure. In states that are leading the way, CBAs ensure that energy projects provide clean power and bring economic and social benefits to the communities most impacted. From Michigan to California, states are showing what’s possible:
These policies are not just about energy infrastructure; they represent a shift in power, creating systemic change for equity, accountability, and justice, giving those communities most affected by energy development a voice along with a share of benefits. These state successes show what's possible, but to scale these benefits nationwide, we need stronger federal and state policies working in tandem—like the Justice40 Initiative.
The federal Justice40 Initiative aims to allocate 40% of federal climate and energy investment benefits to communities that have long been overburdened by pollution and underinvestment. State policies require CBAs to build on this foundation, ensuring that energy projects are designed with and for communities that have historically been excluded from decision-making.
By centering racial justice in the clean energy transition, CBAs can:
Yet CBAs are only as strong as the policies that back them. Some developers will inevitably try to exploit loopholes, sidestep accountability, or push vague agreements that deliver little. In California, legally enforceable agreements with grassroots organizations ensure that the benefits of renewable energy projects flow directly to the local communities hosting them. To advance energy justice, CBAs must be enforceable (legally binding), transparent, and community-driven, and not just another box for developers to check.
We are at a turning point. State governments have a chance to lead by mandating strong, enforceable CBAs and ensuring communities are part of the decision-making process. This isn’t just about clean energy—it’s about repairing harm, investing in people, and building a just energy future.
The clean energy transition can be more than reducing emissions—it can be a powerful pathway to justice, equity, and community empowerment. States that embrace policies like CBAs are showing what’s possible: a future where energy solutions uplift communities rather than burden them.
By centering racial justice in the clean energy transition, CBAs can deliver tangible benefits that create lasting change:
CBAs ensure that historically excluded communities move from being merely hosts of energy infrastructure to being active partners and beneficiaries of the clean energy revolution.