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The U.S. movement must be as resolute as the Palestinians themselves, who have demonstrated that, no matter what Israel does to destroy them, they remain determined to resist.
As President Biden greenlights another $8 billion in weapons to Israel in his last days in office and Secretary Blinken gives a parting New York Timesinterview in which he denies that a genocide is taking place in Gaza, many pro-Palestine activists are anxiously counting down the days until “Genocide Joe” and his crew exit the White House. But what will activists have to contend with under the Trump presidency?
Donald Trump proved his pro-Israel agenda in his first term, by moving the U.S. Embassy to Jerusalem, supporting West Bank settlements, recognizing the Golan Heights as part of Israel, pulling out of the Iran nuclear deal and enacting the Abraham Accords to normalize relations between Israel and Arab states, while disregarding the plight of Palestinians. Recently, Trump has said that the U.S. should let Israel “finish the job,” warned that there will be “all hell to pay” if the hostages aren’t released by the time he takes office, and threatened to blow Iran to smithereens.
In the coming year, the Palestine solidarity movement must find and expand the cracks in the pro-Israel war machine.
Trump has signalled his intentions this time around by the people he has selected for key positions. Mike Huckabee, his pick for U.S. ambassador to Israel, is a religious fanatic who doesn’t think Israeli settlements are illegal and says: “There is no such thing as a West Bank. It’s Judea and Samaria [the territory’s biblical name, revived in Israeli propaganda].” He even insists there is no such thing as a Palestinian. Elise Stefanik, Trump’s pick for U.S. ambassador to the UN, used her position in Congress to stifle free speech on college campuses and advocates deporting pro-Palestinian protesters who have student visas.
What about Congress? While the 118th Congress was overwhelmingly pro-Israel, the new one, with both the Senate and the House under Republican control, will be even more aggressively biased. Members want to pass a host of horrific bills that will further cement U.S. ties to the Israeli government, punish international actors that dare try to hold Israel accountable, and repress the domestic movement for Palestinian rights. This legislation includes a bill that equates criticism of Israel with anti-semitism, a bill that gives the Treasury Department the power to investigate non-profit groups for links to “terrorism” and then shut them down, a bill to sanction the International Criminal Court for issuing an arrest warrant for Benjamin Netanyahu, a bill to make permanent the U.S. ban on funding the relief agency UNRWA, and a bill to cancel trade agreements with South Africa because of its genocide case against Israel in the International Court of Justice.
Worldwide, more countries are not only voting for a ceasefire at the UN, but taking concrete measures to hold Israel accountable.
And of course, we can’t leave out the challenges posed by three powerful forces: AIPAC, Christian Zionists, and military contractors. Best known is the lobby group AIPAC, which used its financial muscle in the recent elections to knock out two of the most pro-Palestinian members of Congress, Cori Bush and Jamaal Bowman, leaving others terrified of becoming AIPAC targets. Lesser known but enormously powerful are the tens of millions of Christian Zionists, who are driven by the radical belief that Israel is key to Jesus’ return to Earth after a bloody final battle of Armageddon in which only those who accept Jesus as their savior will survive. Christian Zionists—already numerous in Congress, the White House and even the military—will be emboldened by Trump.
The third powerful lobby group are the military contractors, which has more lobbyists than members of Congress. Thanks to the $18 billion that Congress allocated for Israel in 2024, weapons stocks have soared over the past year, dramatically outperforming the major stock indexes.
But there are countervailing forces as well. The American public has become more and more sympathetic to Palestinians. A November opinion poll showed that, despite the pro-Israel bias of our government and corporate media, most Americans (63 percent) want a ceasefire and 55 percent think the U.S. should not provide unrestricted financial and military assistance to the Israeli government.
The American public has become more and more sympathetic to Palestinians.
This is especially true among young people and among Democrats. And with a Republican in the White House, more Democrats in positions of power should be willing to oppose Israel’s actions since they will no longer be defying their own party’s president. And it’s not just Democrats. Many Trump supporters oppose U.S. involvement in overseas wars, and Trump himself, on the campaign trail, repeatedly claimed that he wants to bring peace to the Middle East.
Worldwide, more countries are not only voting for a ceasefire at the UN, but taking concrete measures to hold Israel accountable. The long list of countries and parties that have either submitted or announced their intention to join South Africa’s case at the International Court of Justice include Belgium, Bolivia, Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Ireland, Jordan, Libya, Maldives, Mexico, Namibia, Nicaragua, Palestine, Spain, Türkiye and the Arab League. Countries that have either banned, limited or announced their intention to embargo arms to Israel include Italy, Spain, the UK, Canada, Belgium, The Netherlands, Türkiye, Russia and China.
In the coming year, the Palestine solidarity movement must find and expand the cracks in the pro-Israel war machine. It must strengthen the spine of Democrats who live in fear of AIPAC and reach out to Republicans who oppose funding foreign conflicts. The same arguments many Republicans make about defunding Ukraine must be applied to Israel. Activists must expand campaigns against companies supporting Israel’s genocide, as well as efforts at the state, city, labor, university, faith-based and sectoral level to condemn Israel’s actions and promote divestment. The recent resolution by the American Historical Association condemning “scholasticide” is a good example.
While activists are bracing for a torrent of Trump policies that will create even more global and domestic chaos, including increased attacks on pro-Palestine organizations and individuals, the U.S. movement must be as resolute as the Palestinians themselves, who have demonstrated that, no matter what Israel does to destroy them, they remain determined to resist. The year 2025, with Donald Trump in the White House, will not be a time for despair or retreating in fear, but a time for action.
When John Bolton is the most aggressive critic of the incoming administration, you know we have a problem.
Donald Trump hasn’t taken office yet, but he has wasted no time naming cabinet members and other nominations for his incoming administration. They must be confirmed by the Senate—unless Trump manages an unprecedented end run around the Senate’s power to advise and consent—which means the media play an important role in helping bring to light their records and qualifications.
Clearly Trump is trying to see how far he can push the limits of the country’s democratic institutions with these nominations, which include an anti-vaxxer to oversee the country’s public health infrastructure, and a congressmember investigated for sex trafficking to be attorney general. A look at NPR‘s coverage so far suggests that the public radio network has no interest in using the power of the so-far-still-free press to preserve those limits.
In its reporting on Trump’s picks over the seven days from November 13 through November 19, NPR‘s Morning Edition has featured eight guest sources offering commentary, in the form of either soundbites or lengthier interviews, according to a FAIR search of the Nexis news database. All but two were current or former Republican officials, including one current Trump adviser. The other two were a representative from the right-wing Center for Strategic and International Studies think tank, and a political risk consultant (who offered a perfectly neutral assessment). All of them were white men.
As a result, the most forceful denunciations of Trump’s parade of shockingly unqualified nominees that Morning Edition listeners were permitted came from one of the most right-wing members of the George W. Bush administration, John Bolton (11/14/24). And the show made sure to explicitly balance his interview by also giving one a few days later to Trump adviser Marc Lotter (11/18/24).
The dearth of nonpartisan experts and utter absence of any progressive or even mildly liberal voices also meant that only Trump’s most outrageous picks thus far—Matt Gaetz (who has since withdrawn), Pete Hegseth, Tulsi Gabbard, Robert F. Kennedy Jr.—were subject to “expert” criticism on the show. Meanwhile, most of his other picks weren’t even mentioned, let alone scrutinized.
One guest, a former George W. Bush official, made the only mention of Mike Huckabee, Elise Stefanik and Mike Waltz as picks, calling them “leaders who have to be taken seriously” (11/13/24). But in a sane democracy, the media would be taking a close look at these candidates, too, who have more polished resumes but similar levels of extremism: Huckabee, picked as ambassador to Israel, has argued repeatedly that the West Bank is Israeli territory, and that “there’s no such thing as a Palestinian.” Waltz, for national security advisor, wants Israel to bomb Iranian nuclear sites. Stefanik, tapped to be UN ambassador, led the congressional witch hunt against college presidents last spring.
It wasn’t just Morning Edition sanewashing Trump’s picks at NPR. In a piece (NPR.org, 11/15/24) about Trump’s selection of RFK Jr. to head the Department of Health and Human Services, NPR‘s headline and opening framed the anti-science conspiracy theorist as just a guy who “Wants to ‘Make America Healthy Again,'” but who “Could Face a Lot of Pushback.”
It took seven paragraphs for reporters Will Stone and Allison Aubrey to mention that scientists are “deeply worried about Kennedy’s history of questioning scientific consensus on vaccines and his antagonism to mainstream medicine more broadly.”
After quoting one public health expert who expressed strong fears about the serious damage Kennedy could do to the country’s public health system, NPR cheerfully offered the other side of things:
And yet there’s no denying there are areas of substantial overlap between the goals of MAHA and scientists who have long advocated for tackling the root causes of chronic illness.
The reporters did point out the contradictions between Kennedy’s regulatory goals, which would take on “big food and big pharma,” and the GOP/Trump war on government regulation of big corporations. But they gave the last word to Kennedy adviser Calley Means to argue, without rebuttal:
“I would tell anyone skeptical about this, to look at the positives here,” he says. “This MAHA agenda is one of the golden areas for true bipartisan reform.”
He says Kennedy’s approach will be to insist on what he terms “accurate science.”
In total, the piece gave more time to Kennedy allies with products to sell than to actual public health experts.
In a piece on Trump’s nominee for energy secretary, oil executive Chris Wright, NPR (11/16/24) offered a textbook example of sanewashing that ought to have jarred any editor:
Wright has also expressed doubts about whether climate change is driving extreme weather events.
“There is no climate crisis, and we’re not in the midst of an energy transition either,” Wright said in a video uploaded to LinkedIn.
“We have seen no increase in the frequency or intensity of hurricanes, tornadoes, droughts or floods despite endless fearmongering of the media, politicians and activists,” he also said in the video. “The only thing resembling a crisis with respect to climate change is the regressive, opportunity-squelching policies justified in the name of climate change.”
Those quotes do not illustrate “doubts about whether climate change is driving extreme weather events,” they illustrate anti-science climate denialism in the form of flat-out lies.
As we reported last month (FAIR.org, 10/24/24), NPR recently installed a “Backstop” editorial team to review all content prior to airing or publishing, after the latest round of right-wing complaints of bias. When the Corporation for Public Broadcasting announced it would be funding that team, it explained the purpose was to help NPR achieve the “highest standards of editorial integrity,” including “accuracy, fairness, balance, objectivity and transparency, and the obligation to include diverse viewpoints.”
The incredibly lopsided “balance,” lack of actually diverse viewpoints, and dubious fairness and accuracy displayed in the network’s nomination coverage reveals what the CPB was really going for with the new oversight it installed.
Not all NPR cabinet reporting has been spineless. A team of reporters led by Shannon Bond, for instance, published an in-depth piece (11/14/24) on Defense nominee Pete Hegseth that probed his strong links to extremist white Christian nationalism.
But three days later, another NPR report (11/17/24) talked about Hegseth as if the biggest problem with him is simply that senators simply “have come to expect” nominees with a different “background”:
Real trouble started brewing with Pete Hegseth, an Army vet known for his weekend commentary on Fox News, being named secretary of Defense. Although a veteran of the Iraq and Afghanistan missions, he does not have the background that senators have come to expect of someone appointed to head up the Department of Defense. Hegseth’s frequent attacks on the uniformed leadership of the armed services has included talk of firing current generals, including at the highest levels.
Similarly, on All Things Considered (11/16/24), NPR senior political editor Domenico Montanaro explained the “difference” between Trump’s 2016 picks and those this year, saying the 2016 nominations
sometimes stood in the way of things he wanted to do that broke with the normal way…that things had been done for years. This time around, he’s really surrounding himself with a team of loyalists.
What former cabinet members did was stop Trump from doing things that were unconstitutional or abuses of power. For NPR to minimize them as “the way things had been done for years” indicates that the network is currently more concerned with preserving its CPB funding than sustaining democracy.
ACTION ALERT: You can send a message to NPR public editor Kelly McBride here. Please remember that respectful communication is the most effective. Feel free to leave a copy of your message in the comments thread of this post.
Though it was not their intention, Ilhan Omar's critics did her a favor: They proved the very point she made at the Progressive Issues Town Hall at Busboys and Poets bookstore in Washington, DC, last week.
Referring to herself and fellow Democratic Rep. Rashid Tlaib, who was also on the panel, Omar said:
Though it was not their intention, Ilhan Omar's critics did her a favor: They proved the very point she made at the Progressive Issues Town Hall at Busboys and Poets bookstore in Washington, DC, last week.
Referring to herself and fellow Democratic Rep. Rashid Tlaib, who was also on the panel, Omar said:
It's almost as if, every single time we say something, regardless of what it is we say, that is supposed to be about foreign policy or engagement or advocacy about ending oppression or the freeing of every human life and wanting dignity, we get to be labeled something, and that ends the discussion. Because we end up defending that, and nobody ever gets to have the broader debate of what is happening with Palestine.
Of course, you wouldn't know what she said or what point she was making, because the media and the politicians attacking her ignored those remarks and focused almost exclusively on a single sentence she added: "So I want to talk about the political influence in this country that says it is okay for people to push for allegiance to a foreign country."
Jonathan Chait's article in New York magazine (2/28/19), which launched the days of outrage that followed, reported only on this "allegiance" sentence with the headline "Ilhan Omar Accuses Israel Hawks of 'Allegiance to a Foreign Country.'" Yet the article Chait linked to as his source, a rather neutral report on the event in the Jewish Insider (2/28/19), under the headline "Reps. Omar and Tlaib: Antisemitism Charges Shut Down Criticism of Israel," contained the earlier sentences and a context for Omar's remarks, which Chait chose to ignore.
It also included the moderator's question to which Omar was responding, asking what
we as a community here can do to support you criticizing Israel for some of the war crimes that it has done so that it's not seen as "you're antisemitic"? Because you're not criticizing the religion, you're not criticizing Jewish people, you're criticizing the government policies.
But Chait omitted that in his hit piece.
To Chait, the sentence on its own was clearly antisemitic, repeating the old and sinister "myth of dual loyalty in which the Americanness of Jews is inherently suspect." The doubting of the Americanness of Jews as well as Catholics, because of their supposedly overwhelming loyalty to Israel and the Vatican, is a myth that has been retired for decades. Most of the friends (Jewish and non-Jewish) I asked about the antisemitic trope had no knowledge of it, and it's unlikely that Omar, who at 37 is about the same age as my friends, had any either.
Chait didn't overtly call Omar an antisemite. But he accused her of
using that cause [of Palestinian rights] to smuggle in ugly stereotypes. And whatever presumption of good faith she deserved last time should be gone now.
Chait has a clear double standard for cultural sensitivity and respect: He requires a young Muslim woman to be conversant in and circumspect of even antiquated stereotypes about Jews, while his own remark makes use of the much more current stereotype of the sneaky, shady Arab or Muslim who is not to be trusted.
Toward the end of his article, Chait said, "There should be more space in American politics to advocate criticism of Israel and support for Palestinian rights." But it's hard to extend to him the "presumption of good faith" when his article provided no space for Omar's words about the imbalance in US politics regarding Israel and Palestine.
Omar wasn't talking about Jewish allegiance anyway, but the demand for unquestioning support of Israel in US politics and the ban on discussions of humanitarian and human rights matters when it comes to Palestine. The largest group of Zionists in America are Christian Zionists who support Israel at all costs, lest they have no place for the Rapture, when Jews will have the choice of conversion or eternal damnation. But nobody calls Mike Huckabee an antisemite.
Once Chait circulated this sentence and declared what it meant, politicians, with House Speaker Nancy Pelosi in the lead, rushed to condemn and punish Omar for advancing antisemitic stereotypes. Rep. Juan Vargas (D.-Calif.) explicitly but unwittingly laid out exactly what Omar's critics were actually doing when he tweeted:
It is disturbing that Rep. Omar continues to perpetuate hurtful antisemitic stereotypes that misrepresent our Jewish community. Additionally, questioning support for the US/Israel relationship is unacceptable. Israel has and remains a stalwart ally of the United States because of our countries' shared interests and values. I condemn her remarks and believe she should apologize for her offensive comments.
This statement illustrates Omar's points: The United States' allegiance to Israel, right or wrong, is unwavering, and any questioning of Israeli policy and the Palestinian plight is "unacceptable" and will be linked to antisemitism in order to squash debate.
If Congress were sincerely offended by antisemitism and antisemitic tropes, and not just hellbent on silencing a much-needed questioning of US support of Israel, they would have found a way to condemn Trump when he failed to mention Jews in his statement commemorating the Holocaust. They would have written a resolution condemning the use of antisemitic tropes when Rep. Kevin McCarthy (R.-Calif.) singled out Jewish billionaires George Soros, Michael Bloomberg and Tom Steyer as trying to "buy" the election--or when Rep. Jim Jordan (R.-Ohio) referred to Steyer as "$teyer," and accused Jewish Rep. Jerry Nadler (D.-NY) of being funded by him.
But they didn't. Because neither Trump, nor McCarthy nor Jordan ever talk about Palestinians. And it's discussion about the treatment of Palestinians, not antisemitic tropes, that they want to silence.
Journalists wore their bias on their sleeve. At the Washington Post(3/4/19), Dana Milbank likened Omar's bigotry to that of Donald Trump, accusing her of "using President Trump's playbook." And Henry Olson, who (3/4/19) likened her to Rep. Steve King (R.-Iowa), the congressmember who embraces white nationalism, demanded that Omar be punished even if she had done nothing wrong:
History gives House Democrats a clear example of what they must do. The famous Roman leader Julius Caesar divorced his wife because of accusations that she had tried to meet a lover during a female-only religious ceremony. Even though the allegations were never proved, Caesar said his wife must be beyond suspicion and sent her packing. So, too, it must be with the Democrats. If they wish to credibly maintain that they have no tolerance for bigotry in any of its forms, they must be beyond suspicion of such. They must remove Omar from all of her committees now, or forever risk that bigotry will haunt them for the remainder of her time in office.
Even if Omar did not do what people are saying she did, Olson ("a senior fellow at the Ethics and Public Policy Center") wants Democrats to treat Omar way the same way a dictator two millennia ago punished his wife for an unproven offense. So much for loving our democratic principles and laws.
And if politicians and the mainstream media were sincerely concerned with bigotry, they would have condemned the theocratic, Islamophobic and Jewish chauvinist statement of Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer (D.-NY) in his March 2017 address to AIPAC about the Israeli/Palestinian conflict. "Of course, we say it is our land, the Torah says it," he said, but Arabs and Palestinians
don't believe in the Torah. So that's the reason there is not peace...and that is why we, in America, must stand strong with Israel through thick and thin.
First of all, religious Palestinians and Arabs (whether they're Muslim--which Schumer was of course talking about--or Christian) do, in fact, believe in the Torah, since both religions incorporate it. But that's beside the point. The Democratic leader of the Senate felt comfortable attributing a geopolitical conflict to Arabs not being Jewish. This is beyond the usual Islamophobic representation of Arabs and Palestinians being unreasonable fanatics, with whom it's impossible to negotiate; Schumer is using religion to justify an occupation, and faulting Arabs for not being Jewish.
Omar's points about the state of US politics when it comes to Israel were on the mark, as proven by the frenzy that followed them: Regardless of what she said, Ilhad Omar was labeled, and the discussion about foreign policy and engagement and human rights and humanitarian crises in Palestine averted.
Congress was too busy working on their resolution-writing this week to debate the March 4 decision by the State Department to close the US Consulate for Palestinians in Jerusalem, which functioned for decades as an American embassy for Palestinians under the authority of the US Consular General in Palestine. Renamed the Palestinian Affairs Unit, it will be folded into the US Embassy in Israel, overseen by the ambassador to Israel, marking a clear demotion of Palestinian status in relation to the United States.
Nor was there discussion in Congress this week about the United Nations report issued February 28, on violations and abuses of international humanitarian and human rights law in the Israeli response to 2018 protests in the Occupied Palestinian Territory. The report found that "more than 6,000 unarmed demonstrators were shot by military snipers, week after week at the protest sites," from the start of the protests on March 30, 2018, through to December 31. "Snipers targeted people clearly identifiable as children, health workers and journalists," and in all but two of the 189 fatalities investigated, the use of live ammunition by Israeli security forces against demonstrators was found to be unlawful. Nor was there discussion of Israel's lack of cooperation with the investigation, or their quick dismissal of the findings, which included crimes against humanity.
It's vital to have a discussion of such abuses, backed by $3 billion in annual US military aid to Israel. Instead, we got another debate on how to label Ilhan Omar. Which was exactly her point.