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This is a con on a global scale. Trump is not rejecting the corporate trade model. He’s weaponizing it.
On April 2, Donald Trump declared a national emergency and announced sweeping tariffs on nearly all imported goods. The headlines were dramatic — tariffs on China, allies like Canada and Mexico, and everything from cars to coffee beans. His administration framed the move as a patriotic stance for “reciprocal trade” and economic sovereignty.
Don’t be fooled. This isn’t the collapse of “free trade.” It’s the continuation of corporate globalization — just with a MAGA bumper sticker slapped on it.
Trump says he’s standing up for American workers. But he’s the same president who signed the United States-Mexico-Canada Agreement (USMCA) and called it “the fairest, most balanced, and beneficial trade agreement we have ever signed into law.” The rebranded North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) deal — despite some improvements forced in by congressional Democrats and civil society organizations — contained much of the same structural rot that has enabled outsourcing, empowered monopolies, and tied the hands of governments trying to protect their people and environment.
Trump is not rejecting the corporate trade model. He’s weaponizing it.
For decades, “free trade” deals like NAFTA locked in rules written by and for multinational corporations: rules that made offshoring easier, gutted environmental protections, and prioritized investor rights over worker rights. Stagnant wages, emptied factory towns, and rising income inequality have caused widespread pain and frustration among working Americans — which Trump has weaponized again and again.
Tariffs can be part of the answer to these problems, but Trump’s ham-handed approach is not it. There’s no industrial strategy. No labor plan. No climate protections. Just a unilateral, top-down stunt that does nothing to dismantle the corporate architecture still rigging the global economy.
Pair this “concept of a plan” with the rest of his agenda: gutting investment in vital sectors such as biomedical research, support for basic science and clean and affordable energy technologies and products; slashing all efforts to combat child labor and other egregious labor rights violations around the world, providing tax cuts for billionaires and corporations; stripping away health care, food support and other vital services for the most vulnerable Americans, undermining Social Security, and decertifying and undermining the power of labor unions.
It’s clear working people will not be the winners here.
Trump loves to blame other countries, claiming global trade has “looted, pillaged, raped, and plundered” the U.S. economy in his “Liberation Day” speech. He claims that the U.S. has been victimized by other countries and has been “too nice” in response.
Nothing could be further from the truth — the rules of the neoliberal trade system were rigged in favor of large corporate interests in the Global North. While workers in the U.S. and around the world were the losers, Wall Street, Big Tech, Big Ag, Big Pharma, and other U.S. corporate giants have always been the winners.
For decades, U.S. corporate lobbyists have used their privileged access to closed-door trade negotiations to rig the rules to maximize their profits, not to serve working people, small businesses, or the environment.
They pushed for extreme intellectual property rules to entrench Big Pharma monopolies that keep the price of medicines sky high, with deadly consequences. They demanded open capital markets and deregulated financial flows for Wall Street while securing rules that let agribusiness giants flood foreign markets with subsidized U.S. commodities, displacing millions of farmers and leading to forced migration.
Trade justice requires more than poorly designed tariffs. It demands systemic reform: binding labor rights, climate protections, resilient supply chains, and democratic accountability. Trump offers none of that.
At the same time, they ensured that governments couldn’t support domestic industries, raise labor standards, or enforce environmental protections without being accused of “trade distortion.” The result was a race to the bottom for workers and communities — here and abroad — with record profits for corporate giants.
It matters a lot that Trump is identifying the wrong perpetrators of the failed global trade system because that sets the table for wrong solutions.
Once we identify multinational corporations as the architects of the current system, we’re directed toward the right solutions – not blanket, high tariffs based on mindless formulas, but a new trade policy and new trade rules that prioritize the interests of workers, consumers, and the environment.
Trump spent years railing against NAFTA as the “worst trade deal anybody in history has ever entered into,” tapping into the legitimate grievances of workers and communities harmed by its race to the bottom. He campaigned on a promise to eliminate it and replace it with a better agreement for workers.
However, once elected, he opted to renegotiate and rebrand the deal in the form of the USMCA, which he then insisted was “the best trade deal in history.” Now, in a dizzying reversal, he’s claiming the USMCA has been a disaster that only an aggressive wave of “retaliatory” tariffs on Canada and Mexico will fix.
In reality, while some improvements were forced into the negotiation, the USMCA largely preserved the core logic that made NAFTA so harmful in the first place. It expands corporate rights, limits democratic oversight, and undermines public protections in the name of increased trade.
The new labor provisions — often cited as proof of a “new era” in trade — were not original features of Trump’s deal. They were won through months of intense organizing and negotiation by House Democrats, labor unions, and civil society groups.
Congressional Democrats working in close alliance with the AFL-CIO drew a hard line. Backed by the relentless organizing of groups like Public Citizen, the Communications Workers of America, United Steelworkers, and a transnational coalition of Mexican and Canadian labor and civil society partners, they made it clear: they would block passage of any deal unless meaningful labor enforcement were included and damaging Big Pharma giveaways were removed.
Trump’s administration favored language that preserved corporate prerogatives and offered only symbolic nods to labor rights. Still, in the end, it acquiesced to congressional Democrats’ demands. It incorporated essential tools like the facility-specific Rapid Response Mechanism for labor enforcement and eliminated some of the most egregious giveaways to Big Pharma.
However, the structural rot from NAFTA remained.
While experts across the ideological spectrum lauded the drastic reduction of controversial investor privileges that allow corporations to sue governments over public interest laws through investor-state dispute settlement (ISDS), Trump preserved ISDS for fossil fuel firms operating in Mexico — a carve-out aggressively pushed by Big Oil.
Agribusiness also retained its arsenal. The ongoing U.S. trade challenge to Mexico’s restrictions on genetically modified corn — measures rooted in precautionary health standards and cultural preservation — reveal the deal’s true intent. Rather than respecting national policy space over food safety, trade rules are once again being deployed to dismantle domestic protections at the behest of corporations.
Not only did Trump fail to fix NAFTA, but he made it even worse in at least one crucial way: Big Tech secured its wishlist in the form of a digital trade chapter. These new terms undermine the ability of U.S. states, Congress, and other countries’ governments to hold Big Tech accountable for gender and racial bias in AI, rampant abuse of our privacy, and monopolistic overreach.
Far from dismantling the corporate trade regime, Trump’s first term revealed him as a loyal steward of it — so long as he could plaster his name on it. Despite the USMCA rebrand, he left the core NAFTA structure intact and continued to stoke public anger over working people’s struggles — not by confronting the root causes but by scapegoating other nations. And he has been increasingly employing tariff threats as his weapon of choice — not in pursuit of justice but as a blunt instrument of control.
Just weeks ago, Trump threatened new tariffs unless Mexico deployed troops to militarize the border. He pressured Colombia to accept a deportation flight of asylum seekers.
Big Tech companies are awaiting their handouts, as it is widely expected that Trump will lift tariffs on countries that agree to undo tech accountability policies.
And perversely, he is using tariffs as a cudgel to pressure other countries into signing the very liberalizing trade agreements he claims to oppose.
“Liberation Day” was more of the same from this ever-more-authoritarian White House: an emergency decree bypassing Congress, escalating instability, and concentrating power in the executive. Trump hasn’t rejected the anti-democratic nature of the neoliberal trade model — he’s replicating it with a vengeance.
While tariffs can be a useful tool, they must be transparently employed in strategic sectors for a clear purpose following careful analysis and open debate.
Trump’s tariffs, however, are based on misleading data and flawed logic. He uses exaggerated trade deficit calculations and stays silent on how the U.S. dollar’s dominance enables America to import far more than it exports, a luxury most Global South nations — burdened with debt and structural trade deficits — cannot afford.
The methodology behind these tariffs has experts scratching their heads.
Trump claimed that the “reciprocal tariffs” were derived from a detailed assessment of each country’s tariff and non-tariff barriers (more on these in a moment). In fact, the number assigned to each country seems to be based on the difference between the total value of imports the U.S. receives from a country versus the amount we export to it.
Apparently, no regard was given to why there may be a large imbalance. For example, Lesotho, which Trump dismissed as a country “nobody has ever heard of,” was hit with the highest tariff of any country at 50%. Forget the fact that the small, landlocked country’s population of 2 million may not be able to afford Made in America products, leading to a lopsided trade balance.
The crude formula used to determine each country’s “reciprocal” tariff was described by Nobel Prize-winning economist Paul Krugman as something that appeared to be “thrown together by a junior staffer with only a couple of hours’ notice,” and “reads like something written by a student who hasn’t done the reading and is trying to bullshit their way through an exam.”
As some commentators have noted, this tariff breakdown is what you get if you ask ChatGPT to come up with a U.S. trade policy. This could very well be the first global economic policy written “of, by, and for” our robot overlords. What could possibly go wrong?
Since the Trump administration clearly did not take on the, admittedly Herculean, task of reviewing the thousands of tariffs and trade barriers imposed by hundreds of countries, it simply used trade imbalances as a crude proxy. It’s a stand-in for the cost of that country’s tariffs and, importantly, its non-tariff barriers.
“Non-tariff barrier” is trade-speak for “any policy that’s not a tariff” but might restrict trade — from climate protections to minimum wage laws to consumer protections in the form of toxic food additives. While many non-tariff barriers serve vital public policies, corporations and trade negotiators often treat them as obstacles to profit.
According to the April 2 executive order, Trump can unilaterally decide to lower the tariffs imposed on a country if it takes “significant steps to remedy non-reciprocal trade arrangements and align sufficiently with the United States on economic and national security matters.”
What constitutes a “significant step” isn’t defined, but it certainly looks like an open invitation for governments to slash their tariffs and reverse policies to appease Trump and his billionaire buddies.
For what exactly those policies may be, just look to the report Trump waved around at the beginning of his so-called “Liberation Day” tariff announcement speech in the Rose Garden.
That document is a 400-page list of the policies that other countries have enacted — or are even considering enacting — that U.S. corporations don’t like. It’s the National Trade Estimates Report on Foreign Trade Barriers, an annual government report that has long been criticized as an inappropriate overreach to name and shame other countries’ legitimate public interest policies. It’s also a glimpse of the policies that Trump may seek to have destroyed in exchange for tariff relief.
The policies targeted in this year’s report include climate protections, including Canada’s Clean Fuel Standard, the European Union’s Deforestation-Free Supply Chain Regulation, and Japan’s renewable energy incentives — all of which are aligned with global climate commitments.
Public health regulations aimed at protecting consumers, preserving biodiversity, and preventing long-term health risks were also attacked. Employed by dozens of countries, these include bans, testing requirements, or even labeling policies on pesticides like Roundup’s glyphosate, genetically engineered food, ractopamine in beef and pork, and heavy metals in cosmetics.
Regulations that promote competition in the digital ecosystem, laws that impose digital services taxes on Big Tech firms, place conditions for cross-border data transfers, promote fairness in the digital economy, and laws that regulate emerging technologies such as AI.
Countries are not the only ones who will be supplicating to avoid the full weight of Trump’s tariffs. Despite Trump’s claims that other countries foot the bill on tariffs, it is U.S. importers who must pay this fee … unless they can convince Trump to grant them a special exemption.
It is well-documented that the opaque and chaotic tariff exclusion process created in Trump’s first term quickly overwhelmed government agencies and enabled a quid pro quo spoils system that rewarded the rich and well-connected. A revolving door of lobbyists, including former and future Trump administration officials, were able to secure lucrative tariff exceptions for their CEO clients through political pressure, informal meetings, and campaign contributions.
Trump’s latest stunt had nothing to do with “liberation.” You can’t fix a rigged trade system while keeping its rules and attacking people at every turn.
Through this system, Trump wielded tariffs and tariff exceptions to reward his friends and punish his enemies. CEOs that donated to Republicans had a 1 in 5 chance of having their exemption request granted versus 1 in 10 for CEOs that supported Democrats, according to a January 2025 study.
If Trump’s recent attacks on law firms, universities, and the press are any indication, he’s prepared to double down on using his second term to punish enemies and enrich himself and his friends. And his dismantling of watchdog agencies and boosting of big business ties set the stage for tariff exemptions to be even more corrupt and harmful to workers, consumers, and the U.S. and global economy.
What other displays of political loyalty might companies offer to Trump for a tariff exclusion this time around? Public endorsement of his policies? Promises to monitor employees for DEI ideologies or views critical of the administration?
Trade justice requires more than poorly designed tariffs. It demands systemic reform: binding labor rights, climate protections, resilient supply chains, and democratic accountability. Trump offers none of that.
There’s no industrial plan. No support for unions. No climate-resilience vision. Just a chaotic, performative tariff regime, which in practice will surely be wielded to reward loyalty and punish dissent.
Trump’s latest stunt had nothing to do with “liberation.” You can’t fix a rigged trade system while keeping its rules and attacking people at every turn. Trump talks a big game but serves the same corporate interests that gutted labor rights in the first place. Working people deserve a system with them at the center, not one that favors corporations.
This isn’t trade justice. It’s a con.
"Trump and his cronies get rich while the little guy gets fucked," said one critic.
Reuters reported Monday that the entities behind U.S. President Donald Trump's cryptocurrency token "generated between $86 million and $100 million in trading fees" from the mid-January launch to the end of the month, sparking a fresh flood of criticism and accusations of grift.
Trump announced the $TRUMP meme coin on the Friday night of the first-ever Crypto Ball in Washington, D.C., ahead of his Monday inauguration. Its market value swiftly soared that weekend, but has since dropped dramatically. Reuters had Chainalysis, Merkle Science, and a third blockchain analytics firm whose founder requested that it not be identified review the blockchain, a public ledger that shows transactions involving the coin.
Merkle Science estimated that three crypto wallets earned $86 million in trading fees from January 17 to January 30, while Chainalysis put it at about $94 million for the same period. The third firm found that by January 29, it was roughly $100 million.
According to Reuters:
One of the entities behind the crypto coin is a company owned by Trump, called CIC Digital. The official website for $TRUMP says CIC Digital will "receive trading revenue derived from trading activities" of the meme coin. Reuters could not determine what portion of the fees so far, if any, had accrued to Trump personally, nor the ownership of the other entities behind the coin.
The creators of the meme coin receive a share of the trading fees from Meteora, a little-known crypto exchange where the $TRUMP coins were first sold, the blockchain analyses showed.
At least 50 of the largest investors in the coin have made profits in excess of $10 million each on the $Trump coin, according to Chainalysis. At the same time, some 200,000 crypto wallets, most with small holdings, lost money on $Trump on the exchange, it said.
Responding to the reporting on the social media platform Bluesky, an account called Trumpflation Tracker declared that "Trump and his cronies get rich while the little guy gets fucked, same story different year."
Software engineer Jonathan McHugh similarly said, "His entire life is one giant grift, most often of people who can least afford it."
Rodrigo Fernandez, a senior researcher at the Amsterdam-based Center for Research on Multinational Corporations (SOMO), said that "the conflict of interest if obvious—but he managed to flood the zone to such an extend that this detail will go unnoticed."
The White House did not address Reuters' questions about the trading fees; instead, it sent a fact sheet about Trump's executive order on digital financial technology. The news agency noted that the president "has pledged to put his assets in a trust managed by his children on entering the White House" and his son Eric Trump did respond on behalf of the Trump Organization.
Eric Trump told Reuters that he is proud of what "we continue to accomplish in crypto. $TRUMP is currently the hottest digital meme on Earth." Echoing his previous comments on the coin, the president's son added that "we are just getting started."
Late last month, former U.S. Treasury Secretary Robert Reich wrote about the $TRUMP coin—as well as the first lady's $MELANIA coin that soon followed—and tied both to the president's related executive order "protecting and promoting" the crypto industry.
"In effect, Trump is writing the rules for a business venture from which he and his family are personally profiting. It could earn them hundreds of billions of dollars," he stressed. "The real significance of such blatant profiteering off the highest office in the land is what it reveals—not just about Trump but about the entire oligarchic enterprise he fronts for. It is likely to contribute to a vast wave of public alarm and disgust."
"The Democracy for the People Act will help put power back in the hands of citizens," said one campaigner.
Campaigners who have long pushed cities and states to adopt bans on foreign corporate interference in elections applauded Friday after the Minnesota House of Representatives passed legislation that would make the state the first to prohibit foreign-influenced corporations from spending money on electoral campaigns.
The provision is part of the Democracy for the People Act, which passed 70-57 along party lines late Thursday night after several hours of debate.
The national nonprofit organization Free Speech for People successfully advocated for Democrats in the state House to include the new rule, which would prohibit companies with at least a 5% ownership stake by multiple foreign owners or a 1% stake by a single foreign owner from spending money in Minnesota state and local elections. The companies would also be barred from donating to super PACs.
"Multinational corporations are corrupting representative democracy by drowning out the voices of the people," said Alexandra Flores-Quilty, campaign director at Free Speech For People. "The Democracy for the People Act will help put power back in the hands of citizens."
The organization pushed lawmakers in Seattle to pass similar legislation in 2020, and Hawaii, California, Washington, New York, and Massachusetts are all considering state-level bans modeled on a proposal developed by Free Speech for People.
The group worked closely with state Rep. Emma Greenman (DFL-63B) to pass the legislation.
"This package of commonsense solutions rests on a simple premise," said Greenman during the debate over the bill, "that our state works best when Minnesota voices are at the center of our democracy."
The legislation now heads to the state Senate, where the Minnesota Democratic-Farmer-Labor Party (DFL)—the state's affiliate of the Democratic Party—has a majority of seats. Gov. Tim Walz (DFL) has said he supports the bill.
We Choose Us, a statewide grassroots coalition of advocacy groups and unions, conducted polling last November and found that 80% of Minnesota voters back the provision barring election interference by multinational companies.
"Minnesota has long been a leader in democracy and so it's no surprise that the House voted today to put Minnesota on the path to becoming the first state to prohibit foreign-influenced corporations from spending in our elections," said Lilly Sasse, campaign director for We Choose Us. "It's clear to the people of Minnesota that prohibiting foreign-influenced corporations from spending in our elections is good for our democracy. And after today, it's clear that we're on the path to signing it into law."
The group also found broad support for other provisions in the Democracy for the People Act, including automatic voter registration, backed by 73% of Minnesota voters.
The legislation would also permit 16- and 17-year-olds to preregister to vote, establish a statewide vote-by-mail system, protect election workers and voters from harassment, and require voting instructions and ballots to be provided in non-English languages.
"Minnesotans want to ensure that voters always will have the biggest say in the decisions that will impact their lives," state House Speaker Melissa Hortman (DFL-34B) told the ABC affiliate KSTP. "Our legislation will strengthen the freedom to vote, protect our democratic institutions and Minnesota voters, and empower voters, not corporations or wealthy special interests in our elections.”
Free Speech for People is also backing a federal proposal by U.S. Rep. Jamie Raskin (D-Md.) to bar multinational corporations from interfering in elections.
"By banning multinational corporations spending unlimited sums of money to influence our elections," said the group, "we are upholding the letter of the law and getting us one step closer to a democracy that is truly by and for the people.
It must have given the earnest wonks at the Economic Policy Institute a bit of a start when Donald Trump touted their research in a speech courting white, working-class voters by criticizing NAFTA and U.S. trade policy with China.
EPI president Lawrence Mishel was moved to respond in a blog post titled "Trump's Trade Scam."
"If he is so keen to help working people, why does he steer the discussion back toward the traditional corporate agenda of tax cuts for corporations and the rich?" Mishel wrote, hastening to distance himself from Trump.
Progressives who have long criticized trade deals that favor multinational corporations, suppress wages, accelerate outsourcing, and replace local democracy with unelected tribunals shrink from keeping company with the racist, isolationist right.
This is equally true in Trump's America and Britain, which is newly divorced from the rest of Europe. Guardian columnist Gary Younge concurs with Michel on the fraudulence of rightwing anti-globalism, and particularly the immigrant-bashing Brexit campaign:
"The very people who are slashing resources--the Tory right-- and diverting what's left to the wealthy are the ones rallying the poor by blaming migrants for the lack of resources," Younge wrote.
"Not content with urinating on our leg and telling us it's raining, they have found someone to blame for the weather."
Rightwing populists are making a lot of noise about the weather lately--that is, the lousy economic climate brought on by trade deals that favor corporations at the expense of labor. As a result, they are making inroads with an anxious working class.
"Progressives can't afford to cede economic populism to the man who could prove to be the most effective white nationalist campaigner of our generation," Tarso Luis Ramos, executive director of the rightwing watchdog group Political Research Associates, put it to me recently, when I interviewed him about Donald Trump.
I spoke with Melinda St. Louis, International Campaigns Director for Public Citizens' Global Trade Watch to get a progressive view on globalization. St. Louis has spent her career working on fair trade.
She is optimistic about a global movement for economic justice.
"I don't think we're ceding talking points on this," she says, pointing to the campaign to defeat the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP), which she calls "kind of exciting."
Both major parties pushed multinational corporations' agenda in big trade deals for years. But not this year. Growing public ire over NAFTA, especially in the Rust Belt, which has seen more than 57,000 factories offshored, has changed the political debate. St. Louis points out:
"Now the candidates are fighting over who hates the TPP more. That is a prudent response since all of the trade unions, environmental groups, LGBT organizations, women, retirees--the entire progressive base is opposing TPP.
It's not about trade or not trade, it's about who writes the rules and who benefits."
Human rights advocates see no reason for the TPP to make it easier for Malaysia, which has a problem with human trafficking, to access U.S. markets. LGBT activists don't want to roll out the red carpet for Brunei, which is bad on LGBT rights.
Overall, the trouble with the TPP is that it "doesn't learn the lessons of NAFTA," St. Louis says. "It expands incentives for offshoring and creates more opportunities to challenge environmental and health and safety laws through secret tribunals."
The public is increasingly unhappy with such deals.
St. Louis notes the TransCanada corporation's recent Keystone claim against the United States under NAFTA's rules. "Obama listened to activists, who pointed to the environmental and economic damage, and now we, the taxpayers, could be on the hook for $15 billion because of an unaccountable trade deal. Why on earth would we want to expand that through the TPP?"
Perhaps the biggest difference between left and right-wing views of global trade is that while right-wing populists blame immigrants and foreign workers, progressives see workers across borders making common causes.
"I worked in Central America during the Central America Free Trade Agreement negotiations, and the people in Central America said at the time, 'This is going to decimate us,'" says St. Louis. "Sure enough, we've seen an increase in inequality and instability in the region since CAFTA passed."
St. Louis speaks with feeling about "the brightest, most entrepreneurial people" leaving Southern Mexico and Central America to make the dangerous trek North, not because they think the streets in the United States are paved with gold, but because there are no other opportunities for them:
"To see these families in a place where family is so important being broken up for years--parents sending money to their children, but not seeing them for fifteen years--it's devastating."
Scapegoating these immigrants is particularly outrageous, she says, since economic and trade policies have been a major contributor to their plight.
Take the two million Mexican farmers who lost their livelihoods under NAFTA when U.S.-subsidized corn flooded the market at lower prices than the production cost.
Despite the bad economic news and the ominous rightwing backlash, St. Louis is optimistic about the global movement for economic justice:
"When there is this level of overreach of corporate greed people do mobilize and beat it back. A couple of years ago it was unthinkable that the TPP would be a major issue in the presidential campaign."
There have been other victories. Massive opposition to the Free Trade Area of the Americas--a proposed NAFTA expansion--killed that plan. Likewise, citizen organizing helped kill the Multilateral Agreement on Investments.
Liberal economists, including Paul Krugman, Larry Summers, and Robert Reich, have moved away from their pro-NAFTA positions and begun to support the call for fair trade. St. Louis sums it up:
"There is a populist response from the left and the right. Elites should pay attention."
In the United States, "We the People" are supposed to have a say in how we are governed, right? So shouldn't we have a say in how we are governed?
President Obama, Wall Street and the giant, multinational corporations are pushing - and pushing hard - for a vote in Congress in the "lame duck" congressional session after the election to ratify the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP). The most recent pitch by Obama was on Monday at a summit of business leaders in Washington, where he said the TPP "will do even more to lower the cost of exporting, eliminating taxes and customs duties, and raising intellectual property standards that protect data and ideas and jobs."
Here is why the push is on. The so-called "lame duck" session of Congress is particularly unaccountable. Those who might have been tossed in the November elections can still vote. Newly elected and reelected legislators are not yet sworn in, so they can't vote. And reelected legislators have the opportunity to pay back the big donors who funded their campaigns, knowing voters have two long years to forget what they did.
For example, Rep. Randy Forbes, a Republican representing Virginia's 4th congressional district and a proponent of TPP, lost his primary to Scott Taylor, a TPP opponent who called the deal "Obamatrade" in the Republican primary. The TPP, and Forbes' earlier vote for "fast track" trade authority to grease the skids for TPP, was a major issue in the primary.
But even though Forbes was tossed out by his constituents because of his support for fast track and TPP, he will still be able to vote if TPP comes up in the lame-duck session of Congress. Forbes will be looking for a job - probably from the very corporations that support TPP.
See if you can guess which way he will vote on TPP, after being tossed out for supporting "free trade."
Meanwhile, Obama Makes His Pitch
Reuters reported Monday that when President Obama was out pitching the TPP, it was not simply as a "trade" deal.
"So let me just remind you that this is not just about jobs and trade, it's not just about hard, cold cash. It's also about building relationships across borders. When your companies come together, you help bring countries and cultures together."
That is all well and good, but shouldn't the President be selling a "trade" deal on the merits of the "trade" and jobs it will bring? The problem is this is not about "trade" at all; it's about elevating corporations above governments so corporations can seek the cheapest labor and fewest regulations - and governments can't stop them. The president is talking about non-trade aspects of the agreement because he can't promote the economic benefits to Americans. There aren't any.
The president is not focusing here on the issues the public cares about: the economy and jobs. And, by the way, the president's TPP push undermines the Democratic Party's candidate for president against Republican Donald Trump.
Insult To Democracy
The president, Wall Street and the big corporations are pushing for this vote to occur at this time because they know this is the last time to push it through before the will of the public can take hold. This vote will occur with a lame-duck Congress, a lame-duck president, and a lame-duck "free-trade" policy that is finally being shown the door by the voters.
The corporate/Wall Street elites know the public has figured out how "free trade" has cost us so much. The middle class is being wiped out. Entire regions of the country are being wiped out. Our manufacturing ecosystem is being wiped out. Inequality is soaring and democracy is being replaced by plutocracy.
Opinion polls show that the public is fed up with corporate-dominated trade agreement that enrich a few Wall Street investors and corporate executives at the expense of the rest of the people in the world. Elites know the public wants a new trade paradigm that takes into account the interests - from labor to consumers, from environmental to human rights - of all "stakeholders" in the world's economy.
Elites know the new Congress won't pass it. Elites know that in this election candidates supporting "free trade" are facing obstacles and opponents, even losing their primaries. They know that candidates Hillary Clinton and Donald Trump oppose it. This means that the next president will stop TPP from coming to a vote.
The economic elites want this vote to occur after the election because the new president will oppose it, and the public and the next Congress will stop it.
Leaders should care deeply about the will of the public, not scheme to subvert it. This push for a vote on TPP after the election is an insult to democracy. It is an insult to our economy. It is an insult to the candidates. It is an insult to voters. Don't do it.
What Can You Do?
First, vote. Second, prepare to come to Washington after the election if they try to hold a TPP vote. A million people in the streets might be able to block it.
Sign this petition to "Ask Leader Pelosi to Help Stop a Lame Duck TPP Vote."
Thanks to massive public opposition, there's little chance that the job-killing, planet-destroying Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) will be voted on before the November election. As a result of millions of people like you speaking out, being pro-TPP has become a huge political liability for any elected official.
So what are the corporations behind the TPP trying to do? They want to schedule a TPP vote immediately after the election.
One in six Americans say they would personally engage in nonviolent civil disobedience against corporate or government activities that make global warming worse. That's about 40 million adults. The fate of the earth may depend on them -- and others around the world -- doing so.
Such actions are about to take a quantum leap in numbers and global coordination. From May 4-15, 350.org, Greenpeace and many other organizations -- notably grassroots movement organizations from every continent -- will hold a global week of action called Break Free From Fossil Fuels. They envision tens of thousands of people mobilizing worldwide to demand a rapid transition to renewable energy. Events will include nonviolent direct actions targeting extraction sites or infrastructure, pressure on political targets to shift policies around fossil fuel development, and support for clean energy alternatives. Mass actions in Australia, Brazil, Canada, Germany, Indonesia, Israel/Palestine, Nigeria, the Philippines, South Africa, Spain, Turkey, and the United States will target fossil fuel projects and support ambitious solutions. Before and during the week of action, additional, locally-initiated actions are expected in many other locations around the globe.
In the United States there will be actions in California, the Northwest, the Mountain West, the Midwest, Washington, D.C., and the Northeast. They will include support for a moratorium on the auction of public land for fossil fuel development, mass trespass at fracking sites, land and flotilla blockades of refineries, actions at the facilities of pipeline companies, and blockades of trains carrying fracked oil. In each case the partners include not only national and international environmental organizations but dozens of community, indigenous, climate justice, labor, religious, citizen action and other groups that have long been campaigning locally against these targets.
Flipping the script
Break Free From Fossil Fuels participants will define themselves to the movement, the public and the courts not as criminals but as law-enforcers trying to enforce legal rights and halt governments and corporations from committing the greatest crime in human history.
Fundamental principles embodied in the laws and constitutions of countries around the world provide a strong basis for these claims. Basic human and constitutional rights include the unalienable rights to life, liberty and property -- including the property that belongs not just to us but to future generations of humanity. And pursuant to the public trust doctrine governments are the trustees of the vital natural resources on which human well-being depends; they have a "fiduciary duty" to manage them for the benefit of all present and future generations. Governments have no right to authorize the destruction of those resources today to the detriment of future generations and constitutional rights to life, liberty and property. These legal rights will help provide the frame for the public messaging and legal strategy of climate-protecting civil disobedience surrounding Break Free From Fossil Fuels.
Use of constitutional law and the public trust doctrine for climate protection has been pioneered by young people, supported by Our Children's Trust, who have brought lawsuits and/or rulemaking petitions in every U.S. state and against the federal government, as well as in several other countries around the world. Their aim is to require governments to act on their public trust duty to protect the climate, as well as the fundamental constitutional rights of present and future generations.
"The Federal government has been making decisions in the best interest of multinational corporations and their profits, but not in the best interest of my generation and those to come," said Earth Guardians youth director Xiuhtezcatl Martinez, one of the lead youth plaintiffs in the landmark federal climate lawsuit now pending in the U.S. District Court for the District of Oregon. "Instead of changing their business model to meet the scientific reality of climate change, these companies are demanding we adapt to an uninhabitable world that supports their profits. When you compare the two, I think it's clear that our right to clean air and a healthy atmosphere is more important than their 'need' to make money off destroying our future."
In an astonishing turn of events last November, the American Fuel & Petrochemical Manufacturers, the American Petroleum Institute, and the National Association of Manufacturers -- representing nearly the entire fossil fuel industry -- filed a motion to "intervene" and join forces with the government against the youth in the Federal Constitutional and Public Trust lawsuit of Our Children's Trust. They argued that, "If plaintiffs succeed in this court ordering the elimination or massive reduction of U.S. conventional fuel consumption and manufacturing processes that emit greenhouse gases beyond existing federal and other regulations, the members of each of the proposed intervener-defendants will be harmed."
According to Our Children's Trust executive director and lead attorney for the youth Julia Olson, "The fossil fuel industry would not want to be in court unless it understood the significance of our case. This litigation is a momentous threat to fossil fuel companies. They are determined to join the federal government to defeat the constitutional claims asserted by these youth plaintiffs. The fossil fuel industry and the federal government lining up against 21 young citizens -- that shows you what is at stake here."
On January 15, Magistrate Judge Thomas Coffin of the Federal District Court in Oregon accepted the fossil fuel and manufacturing industries' move to intervene to oppose the lawsuit.
Claims that government actions are illegal and unconstitutional have played an important role in empowering social movements throughout history. They strengthen participants by lending a sense of clarity that they are not promoting personal opinions by criminal means, but rather performing a public duty. And they strengthen a movement's appeal to the broader society by presenting action not as wanton law-breaking, but as an effort to rectify actions of governments and institutions that are themselves in violation of the law.
For the civil rights movement, the U.S. Constitution's guarantee of equal rights meant that those engaged in sit-ins and freedom rides were not criminals, but rather upholders of constitutional law -- even if Southern sheriffs threw them in jail. For the activists of Solidarity, the nonviolent revolution that overthrew Communism in Poland was not criminal sedition, but an effort to implement the international human and labor rights laws ratified by their own government.
Constitutional and public trust arguments make it possible for the climate protection movement to turn the tables on the governments that purport to represent the world's people and to have the authority to rule the world. They stand for the proposition that governments do not have the right to destroy the climate -- and that the people have the right to stop them when they do so. Governments have no more right to authorize the emission of greenhouse gases that destroy the climate than the trust officers of a bank have to loot the monetary assets placed under their care. The people of the world have a right to our common natural resources. And we have a right, if necessary, to protect our common assets against those who would destroy them.
The constitutional duty of governments to protect the public trust, and the right of the people to life, liberty and property, can play much the same role in the climate movement that the U.S. Constitution's right to equality played for the civil rights movement and the Polish government's legal commitment to human and labor rights played for Solidarity. Those who perpetrate climate change, and those who allow them to do so, should not be able to claim that the law is on their side. Those who blockade coal-fired power plants or sit down at the White House to protest fossil fuel pipelines can -- and should -- insist that they are simply exercising their fundamental constitutional rights to life, liberty and property, as well as their responsibility to protect the atmospheric commons they own along with all of present and future humankind. Climate protesters can proudly proclaim that they are actually protecting constitutional public trust rights for all, upholding the law, not violating it.
It has begun
When protesters block fuel trains or occupy government buildings, normally the police are called in, and the protesters are arrested and tried as law breakers. But a trickle of recent climate cases has begun to erode the expectation that the law supports the right of property owners to use their property to destroy the climate.
On Earth Day 2013, Alec Johnson (a.k.a. "Climate Hawk") locked himself to a construction excavator in Tushka, Oklahoma, as part of the Great Plains Tar Sands Resistance campaign to stop the Keystone XL pipeline. Johnson explicitly based his defense on the public trust doctrine: "When it comes to our commons, to our public property, we the people have rights in a public trust." The public trust doctrine, he continued, "assures us that we have rights when it comes to how our public commons are administered by any trustees placed in charge of it." We the people are "armed" by such legal doctrine. We now "demand our environmental institutions and agencies recognize their responsibilities as trustees and exercise their fiduciary responsibility to act with 'the highest duty of care,' to ensure the sustained resource abundance necessary for society's endurance."
In a statement he prepared for the jury, Alec Johnson argued that his blockade of Keystone XL pipeline construction was necessary because the pipeline threatens our atmospheric public trust, and state and national governments are failing to protect us against that threat. He proclaimed on the basis of the public trust principle, "I wasn't breaking the law that day -- I was enforcing it." Although Johnson could have been sentenced to up to two years in the Atoka County jail, he received no jail time and a fine of just over $1,000.
In 2013, Jay O'Hara and Ken Ward used a small fishing boat named Henry David T to block a ship from unloading 40,000 tons of coal at the Brayton Point, Massachusetts power plant. Prosecutors charged them with disturbing the peace, conspiracy, failure to act to avoid a collision, and negligent operation of a motor vehicle. O'Hara and Ward argued that the imminent threat of global climate change left them no choice but to act as they did. The day the trial was set to begin, the Bristol County District Attorney went out to the steps of the courthouse and announced that he was reducing the charge to a modest fine, which would help defray municipal costs. Then he issued a statement in support of O'Hara and Ward's protest: "Climate change is one of the gravest crises our planet has ever faced. In my humble opinion the political leadership on this issue has been gravely lacking." He thereupon met with the defendants and told them he would join them at the upcoming People's Climate March.

Rising Tide Seattle activists have blockaded an oil train in Everett. (Facebook / Rising Tide Seattle)
On September 2, 2014, five activists blockaded a train used to ship Bakken oil in a BNSF Delta rail yard in Everett, Washington. They included a business climate consultant, a teacher's assistant, a coffee house owner, a retired music teacher, and the owner of a small carpentry and painting business. In their court filings, the "Delta 5" argued that "to seriously address the climate crisis, we need to be shutting down our fossil fuel infrastructure and keeping that oil in the ground." On that basis they maintained that their blockade was "morally -- and legally -- justifiable given the imperatives of the climate crisis." The risks of global warming are an emergency, and require urgent, rapid reductions of atmospheric CO2 emissions if we are to maintain a sustainable climate. The blockaders asked that their actions be viewed, "not as a crime, but a as reasonable act of conscience, necessitated by the extreme nature of the emergency and by the fact that the government itself is in violation of the law." Abby Brockway, a housepainter and Presbyterian elder, presented an additional defense based on the threat the oil trains presented to railroad workers and the communities they went through.
Initially the judge refused to admit a necessity defense. But shortly before the trial he reversed himself. As a result, for the first time in U.S. history a judge allowed a jury to hear testimony that climate protesters should not be found guilty of breaking the law because their actions were necessary to prevent a far greater harm - destruction of the Earth's climate.
After testimony was completed, however, the judge instructed the jury not to consider the necessity defense, primarily on the grounds that they had not shown that all legal avenues had been exhausted. But the jury had already heard why the Delta 5 did what they did - and the expert testimony on the threat presented by climate change and oil trains. The jury acquitted them on the major charge of obstructing a train and found them guilty only of trespass. At the end of the trial three of the jurors met with the defendants in the hallway, hugged them and agreed to join them for an upcoming climate lobby day. Were it not for the judge's firm instructions, they said they would have voted to acquit. The Delta 5 are appealing the decision.
A kind of "municipal climate disobedience" is also emerging. In Deerfield, Massachusetts, this February, the Texas-based Kinder Morgan company asked the Massachusetts Department of Public Utilities, or DPU, to force the more than 400 property owners along the route of its proposed Kinder Morgan natural gas pipeline to allow company surveyors on their land. In reply, the town of Deerfield wrote the DPU that its Board of Health has forbidden all activities of Kinder Morgan in the town. The health board had said that "a corporation convicted of felonies resulting in the tragic deaths of five people presents an unreasonable risk to the health and lives of residents of Deerfield if such [a] felon were to be allowed to build a massive fracked gas pipeline through the town."
The Select Board of the town warned that anyone entering onto private properties without permission from the property owners for activities related to the proposed natural gas pipeline will be arrested for trespassing - even if they have an order from the DPU. A lawyer representing the town said Deerfield is "prepared to supersede any state authority and have police officers arrest anyone who enters onto private property as part of the pipeline project." Kinder Morgan claims the federal Pipeline Safety Act preempts any state's authority to regulate pipeline safety and that certain state laws trump the town's orders.
While nobody should commit civil disobedience in the expectation that they will be acquitted on constitutional or public trust grounds, these cases show that we can expect a growing proportion of our neighbors and fellow citizens - including some who serve as judges and juries - to recognize that climate change must be halted by all means necessary and that our actions hasten that result.
A climate insurgency?
Break Free From Fossil Fuels may be the harbinger for a global nonviolent climate insurgency. It is globally coordinated, with common principles, strategy, planning and messaging. It is utilizing nonviolent direct action not only as an individual moral witness, but also to express and mobilize the power of the people on which all government ultimately depends. It presents climate protection not only as a moral but as a legal right and duty, necessary to protect the Constitution and the public trust for ourselves and our posterity. It represents an insurgency because it denies the right of the existing powers and principalities - be they corporate or governmental - to use the authority of law to justify their destruction of the earth's climate.
The essential key to addressing real threats to international security and peace, as well as to resolving smaller wars and regional conflicts, is to reverse the present trend toward Cold Wars with Russia and China. The world needs active cooperation among the United States, Russia, China and other influential countries, through agreement and cooperation within the United Nations framework. We need to return actively to the vision set forth in the United Nations Charter, and abandon the fantasy of unipolar world domination.
The possibility of war between nuclear-armed powers is returning as a real threat to the security of people all over the world. Climate change, waste of limited resources, and the economic pressures of excess population growth on the carrying capacity of Earth are fueled by military spending. These threats are felt first by the most economically vulnerable regions and countries. They also drive local civil wars and regional resource and territorial wars.
In our view, the expansionist exceptionalism of United States neo-imperialist policies is the principal driver in the renewal of Cold War hostilities among the United States, Russia, and China.
To solve these problems will require agreement and cooperation among all affected countries, with strong leadership by the world's major powers. Given the present Charter structure of the United Nations, this means, at the very least, the five permanent members of the Security Council.
The policy fantasy that stands in the way of addressing major world problems cooperatively is the idea among ignorant or venal politicians that the United States can retain and expand the boundaries of "sole superpower" domination that was achieved briefly after the collapse and dissolution of the Soviet Union. The most damaging foreign policy error of Presidents Clinton, George W. Bush and Obama, all foreign policy novices, was that they yielded to entrenched bureaucratic military/ industrial/ Congressional/governmental establishment advice and pressure to take advantage of temporary Russian weakness, and the less developed military strength of China, in order to extend the military umbrella of NATO membership into Eastern Europe and Central Asia. They pushed to ring the frontiers of Russia with new alliances, missile sites and military bases, and to extend military alliances and bases around the Pacific perimeter of China. These actions have sent a very aggressive and threatening message to the governments of Russia and China, which are getting stronger every year, and are pushing back.
A second harmful error of the Bush and Obama regimes has been their belief that they could take advantage of popular unrest and revolts in Middle Eastern countries to knock off dictatorial governments and, by aiding oppressed rebel groups, establish friendly client governments in these countries.
A second harmful error of the Bush and Obama regimes has been their belief that they could take advantage of popular unrest and revolts in Middle Eastern countries to knock off dictatorial governments and, by aiding oppressed rebel groups, establish friendly client governments in these countries. They failed to secure a stable, reliable client government in Iraq, in fact brought in a government more influenced by Iran. They are well on the road to a similar failure in Afghanistan. They failed miserably in Libya, and are failing in a terribly tragic way in Syria. How many successive tragic failures do U.S. policy elites have to experience before learning that they have neither the right nor the capability to control the future political development of these countries. Each country must sort out political and economic arrangements according to its unique balances of power and social context, without excessive outside interference. Those forces that have the strength and organization to prevail do not intend to become subservient neo-colonial clients of the United States, once their temporary need for patronage has been resolved.
United States policy must stop poking and provoking Russia and China along their frontiers, and return to a strategy of seeking negotiated peaceful coexistence, and balancing of regional interests among the major powers, the United States, Russia and China, with appropriate respect for the interests of secondary powers, India, Pakistan, Iran, Brazil, Britain, Germany, France, Indonesia, Japan, etc. (Incidentally, in spite of their horrible, homicidal record of brutalizing the people of weaker countries, Nixon and Kissinger were balance-of-power realists who advanced a strategy of detente, and negotiated weapons control treaties with Russia and China, and Reagan acceded to Gorbachev's initiatives, leading to the end of the earlier Cold Wars. These gains have been undermined by the policies of succeeding administrations.)
With active cooperation among the great powers and large reductions in wasteful competitive military spending, all countries could cooperatively address the threats from climate change, water shortages, regional underdevelopment, and economic pressures caused by population growth. They might also resolve civil wars and smaller-scale regional wars (such as Afghanistan, Iraq, Syria, Palestine/Israel, and Ukraine) through unified international pressure for negotiated settlements based on power sharing among all major political factions and forces within each country.
Peace movements and civil society movements cannot dictate the policies of governments or multinational corporations. Our role, through agitation and education, is to restrain their abuses of power as much as may be possible and to influence the political context of their decision-making as much as may be possible through mass organization and mobilization.
According to a groundbreaking report released this week, multinational corporations are taking advantage of global tax treaties to avoid paying their fair share, thereby fueling poverty worldwide.
The analysis by Johannesburg-headquartered ActionAid International shows how "rip-off tax treaties cost developing countries billions every year, tying the hands of governments, hurting some of the poorest people in the world, and deepening global inequality," said campaigner Savior Mwambwa.
These treaties dictate how much, and even if countries can tax multinational companies, "have no place in the 21st century," ActionAid declares in its report.
As the Mistreated (pdf) report explains, "Tax revenue is one of the most important, sustainable and predictable sources of public finance there is. It is a crucial part of the journey towards a world free from poverty--funding lasting improvements in public services such as health and education." In particular, the group points out, many poor countries are asking for public funds to be put toward "the realization of women and girls' human rights."
Yet thanks to what Mwambwa calls the "broken tax treaty system," global corporations "pay little or no tax in poor countries."
In turn, he said, "Women and children in poverty pay the price when crumbling public services like schools and hospitals are starved of possible funding."
Indeed, after examining more than 500 binding tax treaties that low- and lower-middle-income countries in sub-Saharan Africa and eastern and southern Asia signed with other countries from 1970 until 2014, the International Development Organization concluded that many such pacts "are ensuring that money flows untaxed from poor to rich countries, making the world more unequal and exacerbating poverty."
ActionAid identifies the UK and Italy as the countries that have entered into the highest number of "very restrictive" tax treaties with African and Asian countries since the 1970s, followed by Germany. The organization notes that China, Tunisia, and Mauritius also have a rapidly growing number of similar treaties with some of the world's poorest countries.
Generally speaking, tax treaties that lower-income countries have signed with members of what ActionAid calls "the [Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development, or OECD] club of rich countries" take away more taxing rights than those with other countries. "Worryingly, the deals struck with OECD countries are getting worse," the group says.
Meanwhile, Bangladesh has given up the most power to tax multinational companies. According to ActionAid, a single clause restricting the country's ability to tax dividends--money paid by companies to overseas shareholders--costs Bangladesh around US$85 million annually.
"This is a country where 66 million people live in extreme poverty--less than US$1.90 a day," the group points out.

The report comes as nations grapple individually and as a bloc with how to close corporate tax loopholes.
In January, Google agreed to a deal with British tax authorities to pay PS130 million (US$143.5 million) in back taxes and bear a greater tax burden in future, after coming under fire for its tax avoidance practices. On Wednesday, the UK Parliament's public spending watchdog criticized the settlement as "disproportionately small."
Indeed, as ActionAid policy advisor Anders Dahlbeck told the Independent last month, "The row over tax dodging by big companies like Google shows how strongly the British public feels that multinationals aren't paying their fair share." But as Mistreated clearly illustrates, "this is just part of a far larger global problem."
Late last month, the 31 OECD members signed an agreement to share information about multinationals' profits and taxation, a move "aimed at stopping firms from using complicated loopholes or moving money across borders to minimize or avoid paying corporate tax," Agence France-Presse reported at the time.
And just this week, it was reported that developing nations will join that effort, under a proposal that would open up the OECD's Committee on Fiscal Affairs to new, associate members that agree to implement certain tax reforms.
The news brought mixed reactions from development groups who said it was too little, too late. "Inclusion after the fact is a poor substitute for a voice in how the standards are designed," said Oriana Suarez of the Latin American Network on Debt, Development, and Rights. "Developing countries now being invited...did not have a say while the rules were being set."
"The OECD is certainly one part of the global fight against tax evasion and tax avoidance, but it's not well-positioned to be the sole standard bearer for the globe," added Porter McConnell of the Washington, D.C.-based Financial Transparency Coalition. "Having its members speak on behalf of the rest of the world's countries is patronizing, and it's ultimately ineffective."
Corporate media failed to cover the dangers of business-friendly trade deals in 2015, despite growing grassroots opposition to such pacts--and increasing public awareness about their contents.
Will 2016 be the year looming toxic trade policies catapult into the mainstream? Sierra Club trade representative Ilana Solomon hopes so.
"If we continue this work and build our movement we will build a new model of trade that puts the interests of communities and the environment before the interests of multinational corporations," Solomon wrote this month.
"Our short-term work is to stop harmful trade agreements," she said. "Our long-term work is to continue to build our movement so strong and fierce that it becomes unthinkable for governments to allow trade rules to undermine environmental and public interest policies because the backlash would be too severe."
Here are the deals you need to know to be part of the fight in the coming year:

It was a "great day for corporate America" when the U.S. Senate passed Fast Track, or Trade Promotion Authority (TPA), in June, effectively surrendering legislators' ability to fully debate or even amend trade agreements like the TPP that have been negotiated entirely in secret. And when the text of the deal was finally released this fall, it confirmed the worst fears of environmentalists, public health advocates, and digital rights activists: the TPP, they said, was "worse than anything we could've imagined."
Thanks to Fast Track, President Barack Obama will be able to unilaterally sign the TPP for the U.S. after February 4, 2016. But it's not a done deal yet.
As Electronic Frontier Foundation's Maira Sutton explained earlier this month:
Both congressional houses must ratify the agreement in the form of approving "implementing legislation" that the White House will submit to lawmakers. This submission will happen after the President's signature, likely sometime in April or May. Once that happens, the House has 60 days from the bill's introduction to hold a vote on it and the Senate gets another 30 days, so 90 days in total, to approve or reject it. Since this second timeline only begins when the White House decides that they're ready for it, it all rests on whether the executive branch believes that it has the votes to get it through both houses. That's why it's critical that we call on our lawmakers to come out against this agreement: because that's how we can stop it.
"If we want to ensure that laws don't just uphold powerful private interests, but are designed and implemented with the public's best interests in mind," Sutton wrote, "then we must stop the TPP--for the sake of the Internet, our rights, and our future."
And the 2016 elections could prove helpful to those who oppose the corporate-friendly pact. The Japan Times reported Thursday that the pact "looks increasingly unlikely to be implemented before U.S. President Barack Obama's tenure ends due to opposition among leading presidential candidates and some industries."

October saw hundreds of thousands of Europeans pour into the streets of Brussels to voice their opposition to the TTIP, which would cover more than 40 percent of global GDP. And push back against the so-called trade deal, which would have negative implications for everything from human rights and global climate goals to democracy and food safety, goes much deeper than that. As of October, more than three million people had signed a petition demanding an end to the TTIP negotiations--showing, as Global Justice Now director Nick Dearden said, "that the EU does not have the public mandate to continue this deal."
Indeed, there appears to be brewing discontent across the continent, with the president of the German Bundestag, or parliament, in late-October threatening to vote against the TTIP due to its lack of transparency and democratic legitimacy. That statement came on the heels of remarks made by a French trade minister in September, who said "France is considering all options including an outright termination of negotiations" due to TTIP talks appearing to favor American interests.
As American Prospect co-founder and editor Robert Kuttner posited in an op-ed earlier this year, both the TTIP and TPP could be "on the verge of collapse from their own contradictory goals and incoherent logic."
TISA may be the least well-known of the so-called Big Three "strategic neoliberal trade deals being advanced by the Obama administration," as WikiLeaks puts it--but its dangers loom just as large.
Leaks in 2015 exposed how the pact "favors privatization over public services, limits governmental action on issues ranging from safety to the environment using trade as a smokescreen to limit citizen rights," Larry Cohen, president of Communications Workers of America, said in June. Our World is Not For Sale, a group that has been working against TISA since 2013, described the deal in July as "a developed countries' corporate wish lists for services which seeks to bypass resistance from the global South to this agenda inside the WTO, and to secure an agreement on services without confronting the continued inequities on agriculture, intellectual property, cotton subsidies, and many other issues."
In 2016, we can only hope that people power will pressure more countries to follow the lead of Uruguay, which in September decided to end its involvement in TISA negotiations. In doing so, Friends of the Earth activists Viviana Barreto and Sam Cossar-Gilbert wrote at Common Dreams, "Uruguay has created a blueprint of how to beat these corporate-driven agreements. A strong coalition of trade unions, environmentalists and farmers working together on an effective public campaign were able to take on the interests of the world's biggest companies and win."

"What's exciting about CETA," Council of Canadians trade campaigner Sujata Dey wrote earlier this month, "is that Europeans actually have the power to defeat it."
As Common Dreams reported in October, the Canada-EU deal would create "a parallel legal system for corporations" that could make "regulations in sensitive public service sectors such as education, water, health, social welfare, and pensions prone to all kinds of investor attacks."
"What is at stake in trade agreements such as TTIP and CETA is our right to vital services, and more, it is about our ability to steer services of all kinds to the benefit of society at large," the Brussels-based Corporate Europe Observatory declared at the time. "If left to their own course, trade negotiations will eventually make it impossible to implement decisions for the common good."
According to Council of Canadians, it is expected that CETA will go before the European Parliament for ratification votes either in late 2016 or early 2017. Prime Minister Justin Trudeau has already instructed trade minister Chrystia Freeland "to implement" CETA.
Last spring, President Barack Obama got downright crabby about people criticizing the mammoth Trans-Pacific Partnership he's trying to sell to Congress and the public.
More and more Americans are learning that the TPP would undermine America's very sovereignty, giving multinational corporations direct access to secretive tribunals that could roll back any consumer, labor, or environmental laws that global corporate giants don't like.
Yet an irked Obama denies that this is true: "They're making this stuff up," he cried. "No trade agreement is going to force us to change our laws."
Perhaps he was misinformed. Perhaps he hasn't actually read the deal he's pushing. Or -- dare we say it? -- perhaps he's lying.
In unmistakable language, the TPP does indeed create the private, corporate-run mechanism for changing our laws. Moreover, surely Obama knows that foreign corporations are already doing this indirectly.
Through little-known provisions in past trade scams, powerful corporations in other countries have pressured their governments to challenge our laws in similar tribunals.
From Canada to Malaysia, many countries have -- on behalf of their corporate powers -- successfully forced Congress and U.S. agencies to weaken or eliminate everything from environmental protections to consumer right-to-know laws.
In fact, this very year, Obama's own administration has been told by the World Trade Organization that it must alter or repeal America's laws on labeling foreign agricultural products.
This TPP flimflam would elevate profiteering corporations to the legal status of sovereign nations, empowering them to sue directly in rigged corporate courts "to force us to change our laws." Obama knows this--and if he doesn't, he should.
Either way, it destroys his presidential credibility and moral authority to keep pushing this giveaway of our people's sovereignty.