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Economist Paul Krugman argued there is a "real case for an emergency cut soon" as concerns grow that the Fed has waited too long to act.
A steep global sell-off in financial markets on Monday and broader concerns about the health of the U.S. economy sparked calls for the Federal Reserve to take the rare step of enacting an emergency interest rate cut—something last done at the start of the coronavirus pandemic.
The calls came as the Fed and its chairman, Jerome Powell, faced mounting criticism for not reducing borrowing costs earlier despite slowing job and wage growth and overwhelming evidence that U.S. inflation has cooled dramatically from its 2022 peak.
Jeremy Siegel, an American economist and finance professor at the Wharton School of the University of Pennsylvania, said in an appearance on CNBC Monday morning that the Fed should "at minimum" implement an emergency 75-basis-point cut to interest rates followed by another cut of the same size at its scheduled September meeting.
The current federal funds rate—the target interest rate set by the Fed—is 5.25% to 5.50%. Siegel argued that the rate should be "somewhere between 3.5% and 4%," noting that inflation is nearly at the central bank's arbitrary 2% inflation target while the unemployment rate is rising.
"How much have we moved the fed funds rate? Zero," said Siegel. "That makes absolutely no sense whatsoever."
"I'm calling for a 75 basis point emergency cut in the Fed funds rate, with another 75 basis point cut indicated for next month at the September meeting - and that's minimum," says Wharton's Jeremy Siegel: pic.twitter.com/s4CgWx962Q
— Squawk Box (@SquawkCNBC) August 5, 2024
Economist Paul Krugman also urged the Fed to act with an emergency rate cut, rejecting the counterargument that doing so could suggest policymakers are panicking.
"Even though I've been arguing for rate cuts—50 [basis points] in September for sure—I wasn't calling for an inter-meeting cut, because that might signal panic," Krugman wrote on social media. "But since we may be seeing a panic anyway, that argument loses its force. Real case for an emergency cut soon."
Monday's sell-off wiped $1 trillion off the market values of leading U.S. tech companies shortly after trading began, and Wall Street's "fear index" jumped to its highest level since 2020.
"Is this 1987 all over again?" asked a headline in The Wall Street Journal, referring to the infamous stock market crash known as "Black Monday." Reutersproclaimed that global markets were giving off "'Black Monday' vibes." The Financial Timesnoted that "Tokyo's Topix fell 12.2%, the sharpest sell-off since 'Black Monday' in October 1987 and more than erasing its gains for the year."
"The biggest concern here is they put us in a recessionary environment, and it's too late to course-correct."
U.S. lawmakers, economists, and progressive advocacy groups have been urging the chair of the world's most powerful central bank to cut interest rates for months, warning that keeping borrowing costs elevated for an extended period could do profound harm to workers as well as the broader U.S. and global economy. Higher rates have already taken a significant toll on lower-income Americans, in part due to rising interest payments and sky-high housing costs.
"Chair Powell, enough brinkmanship," the Groundwork Collaborative, a vocal advocate of rate cuts, wrote on social media Monday. "It's time to follow the data demanding rate cuts. It's time to put the American people first. It's time to cut interest rates now."
During its meeting last week, the Federal Open Market Committee (FOMC)—the Fed's policy-setting committee—opted to keep rates at a two-decade high for the 12th consecutive month, sparking allegations that Powell is succumbing to political pressure from Republican presidential nominee Donald Trump and GOP lawmakers.
Powell said a rate cut is "on the table" for the September FOMC meeting but did not make any explicit commitments.
Two days after the Fed decided to keep the current federal funds rate in place—which came even as other nations' central banks moved to lower interest rates—the U.S. Labor Department released data showing that the country added far fewer jobs than expected in July and that the unemployment rate rose to its highest level in roughly three years.
The data amplified concerns that the Fed has waited too long to reduce borrowing costs.
"I worry that they are behind the eight ball here," Groundwork executive director Lindsay Owens said last week. "And with every passing FOMC meeting where they don't move to correct for being behind the eight ball, the risks accumulate and compound."
"The biggest concern here is they put us in a recessionary environment, and it's too late to course-correct," Owens added. "Much better to course-correct early than late, in my opinion."
The working class isn't dumb or missing the point. Workers in this country are as perceptive as can be after experiencing what Wall Street has done over the last 50 years, destroying both their livelihoods and trust in government along the way.
The economic pundits are freaking out again. A new poll finds that a majority of Americans think the economy is declining, when it is actually growing. Half of us believe the stock market is crashing, when it is reaching new highs. Half of us also believe unemployment is at a disastrous 50-year high, when it is sustaining record lows.
Why are we Americans so stupid? Why are we so blind to a healthy economy? It’s all in our messed-up heads, we are told. We are bringing bad vibes to the good times, they say.
Lee Drutman, in his Substack, wonders if our brains are hard-wired to be ever alert to threats, more than to good news. Perhaps social media has learned how to get more clicks by focusing on threat after threat, even imaginary ones. Paul Krugman, who has been chirping on the "vibecession" for nearly two years, believes it relates to the polarization of American politics, also amplified by social media. The Republicans stir the pot by mindlessly attacking anything and everything Democrats do, he argues. All of this gets our animal juices flowing so that we reflexively see bad, bad, bad.
Expecting the political establishment to reform itself is folly. It takes pressure from a mass movement to force meaningful change.
I think these very savvy analysts are looking for love in all the wrong places. They are ignoring a key long-term trend: Fewer and fewer people trust the government. And probably even fewer believe what government-friendly analysts write. The bond between citizens and government was smashed long before Trump and Marjorie Taylor Greene came onto the scene.
When President Lyndon Johnson won in a landslide victory over Barry Goldwater in 1964, a colossal 77 percent of Americans had trust in the federal government. The government had earned it through the battle against the crippling economic depression in the 1930s, the fight against fascism during WWII, and its stewardship over a prospering economy in the 1950s, when the gap between the rich and the rest of us reached historic lows. Black Americans also saw the federal government as an ally in breaking Jim Crow in the South. And labor unions, which then represented more than 30 percent of the workforce, believed they had formed a permanent national partnership with government and corporations to improve the standard of living of all working people. Government, in 1964, was viewed as a force for good.
What happened?
The federal government blew it. The best and the brightest in the Kennedy and Johnson administrations led the country into the Vietnam War and repeatedly lied to the nation about its progress. In 1960 there were 900 American troops stationed in South Vietnam to prop up an unpopular government. By 1968 there were more than 500,000, and U.S. generals wanted to double that number. More and more Americans started to believe that it was not possible, or moral, to use military might to interfere with Vietnam’s struggle for independence, even if the revolt was led by communists. Whatever your view of the war in Vietnam, there is no doubt that it tore our country apart.
Johnson, who had pushed through historic civil rights legislation, as well as launching the Medicare and Medicaid programs, became a hated figure, especially in the eyes of young people subject to the military draft. Yet even in 1968, when Robert F. Kennedy and Martin Luther King Jr. were assassinated and troops were sent to put down riots in urban areas, a remarkable 62 percent of the country still approved of the federal government. The public may have wanted new leadership, but the government itself was still viewed positively.
The Vietnam War, however, continued for another seven years and ended in abject failure, further alienating millions of Americans, especially young people. And then came Watergate. Journalistic and congressional inquiry revealed that President Nixon and his key advisors were involved in a vast array of crimes and coverups of their interference in the rights of their political opponents, especially Vietnam War critics. By the time Nixon resigned from office in 1974, government approval had fallen to 36 percent. At that point the leaders and the entire federal apparatus seemed untrustworthy to most of us.
Ronald Reagan, with his optimistic “Morning in America” nudged up government approval rates to 46 percent in 1985. But ironically, and tragically, he did so by attacking government itself. In 1986, while running for a second term, he said at a press conference, “the nine most terrifying words in the English language are: I'm from the Government, and I'm here to help.”
Think about that for a moment. The President of the United States, near the peak of his popularity, was telling us that the government he is running sucks!
Gone was the 1930s understanding that government was needed to protect the people from corporate power. Gone was the idea that in hard times government should put people to work. Gone was the idea that Wall Street needed strict regulations.
By the 1990s, policy leaders of both parties believed that whatever government could do, the private sector could do better. Bill Clinton put it more artfully in his 1996 State of the Union Address: “The era of big government is over.” Little wonder that trust in government fell to about 30 percent that year.
To make matters worse, starting with Reagan and accelerating during the Clinton years, financial deregulation became all the rage. “Greed is good” wasn’t just a joke from a movie, it was the dominant governmental theory of economic growth. Money gushed upwards to the rich through stock buybacks, anti-worker trade deals, and leveraged buyouts. Workers paid the price with their jobs. Mass layoffs, previously a rarity in non-recessionary periods, became routine, and the government did absolutely nothing to stop them. (For a fuller analysis please see Wall Street’s War on Workers.)
After two decades of Wall Street plunder the financial system collapsed in 2008, leading to a loss of six million jobs in a matter of months. Government got another black eye when the financial barons who so obviously crashed the system weren’t prosecuted and didn’t lose their jobs. Instead, nearly all their institutions were bailed out and astronomical executive pay packages continued. And the homeowner victims of the crash got nothing.
It sure seemed like the federal government and Wall Street were partners in crime. Little wonder that public trust in government crashed to less than 20 percent, and it hasn’t changed much since. The last poll (6/11/2023) comes in at a pathetic 16 percent.
Today, labor unions are the only organized groups with the resources to stop corporate dominance of politics and government.
Economists who keep harping about all the great governmental accomplishments are not trusted precisely because most Americans, except those at the top, are suffering. Inflation is reducing our real wages even if we can’t accurately tell pollsters about how the stock market is doing. Mass layoffs are unrelenting, even if we don’t know unemployment trends. (See the rigorous work by Thomas Ferguson and Servass Storm for more on this.)
The biggest problem, so often ignored by vibecession pundits, is how to take the government back from the wealthy who dominate it. Politicians who tap into our distrust with “drain the swamp” are pulling a fast one. They only want to place their own cronies in positions of governmental power to further extract wealth from working people.
It’s not a pretty picture. Expecting the political establishment to reform itself is folly. It takes pressure from a mass movement to force meaningful change. We saw a glimpse of that power during Occupy Wall Street, when for a few months it seemed as if the political establishment might be successfully pressured to take on financial elites. But there was no structure to hold that amorphous movement together. Social media, all the rage, was no substitute for concrete organizational structures. Wall Street walked away unscathed.
Today, labor unions are the only organized groups with the resources to stop corporate dominance of politics and government. Let’s encourage them to get to it before our cherished democracy is sold to the highest bidder.
What the Nobel Prize-winning economist and prominent columnist fails to see again and again is that many, if not most, rural mass layoffs in the last four decades, are the result of out-and-out greed by corporate interests and the investor class.
It’s not easy for a labor educator like me to take on Paul Krugman, a Nobel laureate and New York Times columnist. Krugman is a liberal, par excellence, a Keynesian who is trying to counter America’s slide into autocracy. Which is why someone has to hold him accountable for failing to take on Wall Street.
Krugman is puzzled by working people who have been economically devastated, yet are falling for charlatans who talk a big game of resentment but do little to help them.
That devastation, he argues, is caused by technological change, which “has made America as a whole richer, but…has reduced economic opportunities in rural areas.”
Maybe rural working-class voters are growing sour on the Democrats because the Democrats are growing sour on them.
It’s a timeless story, he tells us, with new technologies replacing people in farming, mining, and manufacturing. Rural areas, once so dependent on jobs now replaced by machines, have inevitably suffered as the country has shifted to knowledge and services-centered jobs clustered in urban areas. This is inevitable, he warns, and all we can do is mitigate the pain and suffering. End of story.
No.
What Krugman fails to see again and again is that many, if not most, rural mass layoffs in the last four decades, are the result of Wall Street’s out-and-out greed. This greed was enabled by financial-sector deregulation starting in the Reagan years and accelerating during Clinton’s two terms. Wall Street kills jobs not because of technological advances but because it’s easier to make money by extracting wealth from productive enterprises than by allowing those productive enterprises to continue to prosper.
Deregulation, however, created a virtual gold rush of Wall Street hustlers who have extracted wealth from corporations, creating an army of laid-off workers and devastated communities. Leveraged buyouts, which were infrequent before 1980 because of regulatory controls, have become ubiquitous.
Since then, Wall Street hedge funds and private equity companies have bought tens of thousands of companies using borrowed money, often up to 90 percent of the purchase price. That debt is then placed on the purchased company’s books. For the company to service that debt, cost-cutting is required, and cutting costs almost always requires mass layoffs. As Forbes magazine notes:
“All too often when private equity professionals tout their cost cutting strategies, they do not mention that cost cutting means firing people and taking away their livelihoods.”
Forbes’ observation is confirmed by studies that show that leveraged buyouts cost jobs.
Another Wall Street weapon is the stock buyback. Until 1982, when buybacks were deregulated, no corporation could use more than two percent of its profits to buy back its own shares. Why? Because stock buybacks were considered a form of stock manipulation, changing a stock’s price without changing the underlying condition of the company. (Reducing the number of shares, automatically increases the earnings per share.) In recent years nearly 70 percent of all corporate profits have gone to stock buybacks, greatly enriching the largest Wall Street players.
How do these companies pay for those buybacks? Usually mass layoffs. In fact, companies often buy back stocks just before announcing mass layoffs.
This game is now on at The Walt Disney Company, where activist investors (actually short-term stock sellers) led by Nelson Peltz are trying to force Disney to move wealth to them. As Peltz recently put it: “Fundamentally and crudely, we want the stock to go up.”
Roy Disney understands exactly what that means:
“These activists must be defeated. They are not interested in preserving the Disney magic but stripping it to the bone to make a quick profit for themselves.”
“Stripping it to the bone” means mass layoffs in the Magic Kingdom. This has zilch to do with technological progress.
So it was with Bed, Bath and Beyond and Toys “R” Us and hundreds of other firms bankrupted by Wall Street’s aggressive tactics. Krugman surely knows none of this was caused by technological change.
Krugman’s take on Coal Country is shaped by a similar technological myopia. Consider Mingo County, West Virginia, population 22,573. It is 95.9 percent white, a very poor county in a very poor state that ranks 48th out of 50 states in education and dead last in infrastructure and health care. Mingo County’s household median income is less than half the national average.
In the early 20th century, Mingo County was the epicenter of the great coal wars. After Franklin Delano Roosevelt and his New Deal embraced labor unions, Mingo County coal workers in the United Mineworkers saw their wages and benefits rise, and safety conditions improve. They became loyal Democrats rewarding Bill Clinton with 69.7-percent of the Mingo County vote in 1996.
But by 2020, Mingo’s Democratic voters were an endangered species with Joe Biden receiving only 13.9 percent of the vote.
Why did Mingo County voters switch away from the Democrats? Rising racism doesn’t explain why Barack Obama received more than three times the vote share (42.1 percent) in 2008 that Joe Biden did in 2020.
Krugman correctly identifies the decline of coal jobs as the likely cause for workers abandoning the Democratic Party. Our research finds that in 1996, approximately 3,300 Mingo County workers were employed in the coal industry. By 2020, that number had dropped to 300. This was the largest loss of coal jobs in any county in the entire country.
Krugman once again places the blame on inevitable technological change—in this case strip-mining. He’s right that mountaintop removal requires far fewer workers than traditional underground coal mining. But does it really reflect technological progress? No, it’s just using existing technology, dynamite and big trucks, to tear down the land into an open pit and pollute everything below it. It shouldn’t have been allowed in the first place. Progress, it is not.
There are other complex market forces, such as Eastern coal giving way to competitive pressures from Western coal, the rise of fracking, and a general move away from coal pollution as causes of job loss. But even as these markets shifted, Wall Street feasted on the industry carcass doing all it could to deprive coal miners of their retiree benefits, according to an exposé by The Guardian. That’s not progress either.
Krugman is quick to point out that the richer areas of the country have provided the tax dollars to subsidize a wide range of programs to support rural America. He writes, “there are huge de facto transfers of money from rich, urban states like New Jersey to poor, relatively rural states like West Virginia.” And indeed, Mingo County offers an extensive list of government services on its website:
Medicaid, WVCHIP, Medicaid for Long-Term-Care, Medicare Premium Assistance Programs, Non-Emergency Medical Transportation (NEMT), Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP), Emergency Assistance, Indigent Burial Program, Refugee Resettlement, Tel-Assistance, SNAP E&T, Low Income Energy Assistance Program (LIEAP), 20% Discount Utility program, Temporary Assistance for Needy Families (TANF), School Clothing Allowance (SCA) and Other Needs Assistance Disaster Programs
What’s missing? Socially useful jobs for thousands of coal miners who are willing and able to work.
While coal jobs were vanishing, the Democrats held the presidency for 16 of 24 years. Yet the party of working people failed to develop the jobs dislocated workers needed. That’s because direct public job creation was off the policy table. “The era of big government is over,” said Bill Clinton in his 1996 inaugural address.
While coal jobs were vanishing, the Democrats held the presidency for 16 of 24 years. Yet the party of working people failed to develop the jobs dislocated workers needed.
Instead, the Democrats increasingly relied on the private sector to create new jobs.
How did free enterprise work out in Mingo County?
Drug capitalism stepped in to fill the void, turning Mingo into the opioid prescription capital of America! One small but enterprising drug store there, for example, put out one prescription a minute in 2019, making it the 22nd largest opioid provider in America. It’s unlikely that former coal miners would reward the Democrats for Big Pharma’s unconstrained drug-pushing binge.
Krugman certainly knows that mass layoffs affect politics. He might even agree with the research in my book, Wall Street’s War on Workers, which shows that as the rate of mass layoffs in a county in the Blue Wall States has increased, the Democratic vote has declined. But we radically diverge when it comes to why.
Krugman says that the decline comes from the kind of white rural rage described by Tom Schaller and Paul Waldman, who write:
Republican politicians, and their conservative media allies trigger the worst instincts and most deep-seated fears of rural White Americans…. They are constantly told that horrible people who live in and govern our cities – racial and religious minorities, feminists, homosexuals, White liberals, and Democrats in general – threaten the survival of the traditionalist, White Christian values venerated by so many who reside in the rural White heartland.
Or to put it more bluntly, rural white folks are so dumb and so racist that they can be easily manipulated by this kind of Republican trash talking.
If Krugman wants a more liberal society, then he should join with Senator Brown in waging war on Wall Street.
Krugman would do better by exploring a study by Katherine Cramer and Jonathan Cohen, who report:
When asked what drives the economy, many Americans have a simple, single answer that comes to mind immediately: "greed." They believe the rich and powerful have designed the economy to benefit themselves and have left others with too little or with nothing at all.
Maybe rural working-class voters are growing sour on the Democrats because the Democrats are growing sour on them. Senator Chuck Schumer, in 2016, was positively enthusiastic about writing off the working class:
For every blue-collar Democrat we lose in western Pennsylvania, we will pick up two moderate Republicans in the suburbs in Philadelphia, and you can repeat that in Ohio and Illinois and Wisconsin.
Krugman and many others accept at face value the rural racist depiction. But our research shows that Hillary Clinton’s infamous “basket of deplorables,” holds no more than three percent of the entire white working class. This cohort, in fact, has grown considerably more liberal over the past several decades, not illiberal, on key divisive social issues. And our data finds no difference between white working-class urban, rural, and suburban voters on contentious social issues.
Democratic Senator Sherrod Brown of Ohio is proof positive that fighting against Wall Street is good politics. In fact, he just republished an essay he wrote in 2019 entitled, “Wall Street’s War on Workers: Stock Buybacks.” And he hasn’t pulled away from supporting the rights of women, minorities, immigrants, and the LGBTQ+ communities. He understands that working-class rage has a lot more to do with economic rip-offs than culture wars.
In the 2018 election Brown, a Democrat, retained his Ohio Senate seat by 6.8 percent, a state that Trump won by 8 percent in 2020.
If Krugman wants a more liberal society, then he should join with Senator Brown in waging war on Wall Street. He needs to understand that the white working class, whether in Staten Island or Mingo County, craves jobs stability. To stop the needless destruction of jobs, working people are more than ready to support those willing to challenge Wall Street’s greed.
But is Paul Krugman?