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The book is Carson McCullers' 1940 Southern Gothic tome, The Heart is a Lonely Hunter. The story is about a deaf-mute man named John Singer who loses his companion and suddenly shows up in a small Southern town, except that the story is even more about the reactions of the various characters -- a young woman coming of age, a black doctor angry about racism, the "town drunk," and others -- who pour out their heart and soul and project their own dreams and fears onto McCullers' protagonist, who cannot hear them or speak back.
In 2018, the American heart is the loneliest hunter of all, and so an increasingly lost and disillusioned nation turned its lonely eyes toward McCain. The late senator's 81-plus years on Planet Earth embodied so many contradictions -- the military man of honor and stoic POW who also took free trips from a sleazeball savings-and-loan multi-millionaire and cheated on his first wife after she'd been injured in a car wreck, the political "maverick" who nonetheless enabled the modern GOP's turn toward authoritarianism with the vast majority of his votes -- that Americans of every ideology and every psychological state could project onto him their own vision of what this country ought to, or our despair over what it's become. The story isn't really about who was John McCain, now no longer able to hear our plaintive appeals. The story is really about our anxiety over who we are.
It was McCain's adoptive West, where -- in a line from 1962's The Man Who Shot Liberty Valance that's been repeated in newsrooms thousands of times -- the supposed mantra was, "When the facts become legend, print the legend." (The movie, ironically, is about a character elected U.S. senator on a mangled version of his supposed heroic act as a younger man.)
In death, it was the John McCain legend -- the myth that a public so desperately craves when vainglorious "Individual-1" and his sweaty 1 a.m. Twitter fingers is keeping the lights on in the White House -- that landed on America's front doorstep Sunday morning.
The truth is that had there not been a John McCain to shoehorn into a broader myth -- a POW who endured years of torture for his brothers-in-arms and the doomed war effort and then entered politics as a public service, a "maverick" who did the right thing in a time of knee-jerk polarization, the last defender of true American values who rode off into the sunset -- America would likely have invented just such a character.
And let's be clear, it's impossible to write about McCain's passing without acknowledging the many places where the man and the myth overlapped, without expressing gratitude for the sacrifices and awe at the pain he endured during the "Hanoi Hilton" years, and without expressing deep sympathy to all those who loved him. But in the end, McCain the man was very much just like the rest of us flawed mortals -- with no novelistic plot line pointing to some grand moral climax, just the normal blend of human contradiction.
\u201cJohn McCain and his friends wanted Rose Mofford out immediately. And, they figured,... https://t.co/qvUfiNiuHI via @phoenixnewtimes\u201d— Marijane Green (@Marijane Green) 1535318884
McCain the man, after all, tended to only be a "maverick" when it didn't matter. Yes, he became the leading Republican advocate for campaign finance reform -- but only after he was caught red-handed in the cookie jar with future S&L felon Charles Keating, with official favors and lavish free trips that are almost identical to the bad behavior that got his later Senate colleague Bob Menendez indicted. Yes, his experiences in Hanoi led McCain to become a moral beacon on the torture issue, but his nightmarish Vietnam experiences (including some real-time regret over his bombing and napalm runs) didn't stop him from advocating for more immoral Vietnam-style military actions around the globe. Yes, his 3 a.m. vote saved Obamacare, which saved lives. but just a few months later he voted to end the Obamacare individual mandate, which will ultimately price many middle-class Americans out of the health market. Yes, he was a man from a bygone era of honor on U.S. politics -- except for that time he told an ugly and beyond misogynistic joke about Chelsea Clinton and Janet Reno.
McCain the myth is largely the result of McCain's brilliant strategy of courting and even flattering reporters when his 99 Senate colleagues mostly sprinted to the elevator to get away from them, and the bonds among the Beltway elite who shape public opinion -- or at least used to. The legend of McCain riding in from the West to tell humble truths and clean up a wicked, sinful Washington is the kind of self-aggrandizing story about American politics that so many people at the pinnacle of power cling to, the story that we tell ourselves in order to live.
The epic moment where the man and the myth collided with full force occurred when McCain was at the high point of his 30-year career in politics, after he'd finally won the Republican presidential nomination in the summer of 2008 and -- with the economy in shambles and many voters unhappy with the Iraq War that McCain had cheered for -- faced an uphill fall campaign against Barack Obama.
True to the moral-less storyline of McCain the man, the Arizona senator only won the nomination after turning away from the beloved McCain of his failed 2000 race who'd won so much admiration with his "Straight Talk Express" and with more moderate stands on issues. The last, hard kick was nominating the supremely unqualified right-wing ideologue Sarah Palin to serve as his running mate, unleashing forces with her talk of Obama as a kind of "terrorist" and defining where is "the real America" that McCain didn't seem to anticipate and could barely control.
It all came to a head on a Friday night in a packed school gym in a place called Lakeville, Minn., in a town meeting held on Oct. 10, 2008. Palin's pitbull-in-lipstick-hockey-mom attacks had stoked up a GOP base that was increasingly angry as Obama pulled ahead in the polls; several times the audience actually booed McCain voiced his "respect" for his Democratic opponent even as those in the audience were branding Obama as a socialist or a terrorist.
Finally, a woman in a bright red T-shirt with gray hair was called onto the stage and took the mic for her question.
"I can't trust Obama. I have read about him and he's not, he's not uh -- he's an Arab. He's not -- "
McCain dramatically grabbed the mic before she could say another word.
"No, ma'am. He's a decent family man [and] citizen that I just happen to have disagreements with on fundamental issues and that's what this campaign's all about. He's not [an Arab]."
This was the Rashomon moment -- 29 seconds that would come to define American politics, where all of us saw the same event but, like characters in the classic Kurosawa movie, spun wildly different interpretations of what it all meant.
To the McCain myth-makers and legend keepers, McCain's honorable comments -- viewing politics as a decent if spirited clash of ideas, not a war of hateful stereotypes -- was the America That Used To Be, even if it requires a pair of rose-colored glasses to see it that way. To this interpretation, McCain was committing an act of cowboy-style patriotism by standing up for American values -- the moment that defined him even as the actual values he stood up for were slipping away.
The problem is that to millions of people watching the same scene -- just not the people with the loud megaphone of the mainstream media -- the hero of those 29 seconds was not McCain but the woman in red. Over the next decade, the people like her would grow louder and more influential, a Tea Party screaming at politicians that "I want my country back," to be climaxed by a demagogic political leader happy to ride their waves of racism and xenophobia. Not the America That Used to Be, but the America That Really Is.
There is a less-heard third perspective on what went down in Lakeville on that Friday night. Why, some people asked, was McCain's instinctive, gut-level reaction that being a "decent family man" was the polar opposite of being "a Muslim"? Aren't most of the millions of American Muslims decent, family men and women? What if -- imagine the thought -- an actual Muslim ran for president in the nation that once embraced the world's refugees?
This is The America That Should Be But Never Was -- the America that can never fully get past its McCain-like contradictions, that saved the American middle class with the Depression-era New Deal, as long as the middle class was white, and that defeated fascism during World War II even as it tossed thousands of Japanese-Americans into internment camps. There's something to be said for looking at the McCain Moment and wondering if -- instead of a gauzy view of a lost America was there was more liberty and justice, but not for all - we can't do even better than that.
But in the present moment we're a long way away from that. I think a big reason why the 2008 McCain Moment got so much play with his passing is because -- as much as we want to hold aloft the senator's decent response -- we're even more mortified that the bad guys ultimately won. And with each passing day we're running out of good ideas for what to do about it.
John McCain was maddeningly inconsistent and too often self-serving, and yet compared to the current crew of crooks, he comes off like the blessed love child of Abraham Lincoln and Joan of Arc. And so now we're just left staring into an orange sunset, with The Man Who Shot Liberty Valance -- even if he didn't, really -- gone on the other side of the mountain.
A young Nikolas Cruz, the Parkland shooter, posted the image shown (above left) on his Instagram account. The date is unknown. The orange tip on the end of the gun signifies he is holding an "air-soft" gun that fires BB-like, spherical projectiles that are typically made of plastic. American youth are introduced to these guns at an early age. The lethal weapon Cruz is holding shoots a projectile at 500 feet per second.
The term "air soft" is concocted by the wizards of Madison Avenue who represent the arms industry. The term conveys the idea that these guns are harmless. Remember Ralphie in "Christmas Story"? "You'll shoot your eye out kid!" The BB gun Ralphie got for Christmas, The Daisy Red Ryder, shoots BB's at 350 feet per second.
Airsoft guns represent the starter drug of choice for the American arms industry. It has long been the strategy of this industry and its bankrollers at the Pentagon to wrap as many young fingers around as many triggers as possible - whether those triggers are virtual or real. The intoxicating effects of firearms provide the military a way to exploit the powerful, visceral connection to a child's soul. In this regard, Nikolas Cruz was the victim of a malicious system.
Because airsoft guns look a lot like the real thing - and are dangerous in their own right - laws exist that affect their manufacture, purchase, and ownership.
Find Law reports that individuals in the U.S. must be 18 years of age or older to purchase an airsoft gun. On the other hand, airsoft guns are not classified as firearms and are legal for use by all ages under federal law. New York City, Washington, D.C., Chicago, and San Francisco outlaw airsoft guns entirely.
National data from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention on non-powder gun injuries illustrates the inherent danger of these weapons. Between 2001 and 2011, non-powder guns injured 209,981 people nationwide, including 145,423 children age 19 or younger, and the numbers are rapidly climbing. Between 2007 and 2009 in Texas alone, 124 people (including 23 children under the age of 18) were killed in accidents involving BB guns, pellet guns, and other non-powder guns.
Cruz's airsoft pistol is available on Amazon for $50. Similar, but much more powerful CO2-propelled handguns are available for sale for the use by children through the congressionally established Civilian Marksmanship Program, CMP.
The image at the top right is an M1911 US Army pistol, a cherished collector's item. It served as the standard-issue sidearm for the United States Armed Forces for 75 years, from 1911 to 1986. The weapons are revered by millions. They're reliable. They'll kill the enemy, and they're American-made. Today, many American youth are enamored by these semi-automatic handguns, the way Ralphie was enthralled by his BB gun.
All that love for the M1911 pistol led the Trump administration to OK the release of the weaponry from the Army's ammunition depot in Anniston, Alabama to the CMP, also based in Anniston. The semiautomatic handguns are to be sold to the American public. The US stands alone as the only nation that offers its warehoused military weapons for sale to the public. Prudent nations destroy antiquated guns. The CMP has been recirculating used rifles to the public since 1903, but this is the first time the agency will be selling handguns. Soon, youth like Cruz will be allowed to purchase these extraordinarily lethal, semi-automatic weapons through the quasi-governmental CMP.
Although President Obama authorized the sale of the M1911 when he approved his last National Defense Authorization Act two years ago, his administration held up the Army's actual shipment of the handguns to the CMP. Obama's Justice Department published a paper, obtained by the Huffington Post, saying the guns would eventually end up arming criminals. The Obama era DOJ argued, "The Army is concerned about loss of accountability of weapons after transfer to CMP; expanding the scope of CMP's mission to include handguns; and the potential negative impacts on public safety from the large amount of semi-automatic and concealable pistols that will be released for public purchase." The Army cited DOJ statistics that is has tracked an average of nearly 1,800 of these handguns being used in crimes every year over the last decade, including a significant number of those guns that were originally military surplus.
The Department of Justice under Attorney General Jeff Sessions has been silent on the issue.
The Army's initial cache of 100,000 of these handguns could net the CMP more than $50 million. Congress has been largely silent for the past twenty years regarding CMP weapons sales, a testament to the lobbying fire-power of the NRA.
When Congress privatized the CMP in 1996, after Republicans took control of both chambers, Senator Paul Simon (D-IL) described the CMP as "an incomprehensible, irresponsible, baffling boondoggle for the NRA."
Poor young men, slumdwellers and single mothers are hurt the most by anti-drug policies in Latin America, according to representatives of governments, social organisations and multilateral bodies meeting at the Fifth Latin American Conference on Drug Policies.
During the Sept. 3-4 conference held in San Jose, Costa Rica, activists, experts and decision-makers from throughout the region demanded reforms of these policies, to ease the pressure on vulnerable groups and shift the focus of law enforcement measures to those who benefit the most from the drug trade.
Today things are backwards - the focus is on "the small fish" rather than "the big fish", Paul Simons, the executive secretary of the Inter-American Drug Abuse Control Commission (CICAD), told IPS.
The proposals set forth during the meeting recommended an overhaul of the legal systems in Latin America, to reduce incarceration and establish sentences proportionate to minor crimes. The participants argued that laws and the justice systems should focus on cracking down on the big interests involved in drug trafficking.
They also recommended that amounts for legal personal possession should be established, along with measures such as the decriminalisation of some drugs or the creation of markets controlled by the state, along the lines of what Uruguay is doing in the case of marijuana.
The current policies give rise to cases like that of Rosa Julia Leyva, an indigenous Mexican woman who now works in the Mexican interior ministry's National Commission on Security.
Leyva was imprisoned in 1993 for carrying a woven bag with a small package of heroin, which was given to her by a friend who paid her plane ticket in exchange for help with her baggage. It was the first time she had ever left the Petatlan mountains in the southwest state of Guerrero. Until her arrest, she told IPS, she thought she was carrying money or clothes.
At the time, she was the prototype of the women who are constantly thrown into Latin American prisons for drug smuggling: an illiterate 29-year-old, the mother of a five-year-old daughter, sentenced to a quarter century in prison for possession of heroin.
The Organisation of American States (OAS) reports that 70 percent of the female prison population in the region was incarcerated for drug possession.
"I'm just a poor woman who went through something very difficult," Leyva says. "I had nothing to do with drugs and I never could have imagined that they would give me 25 years for drug trafficking. They made out like I was a big drug smuggler and I didn't even speak Spanish."
"I think the law should be more specific in these things," said Leyva, who also makes crafts. She managed to get her sentence reduced to 13 years, of which she served just over 12. Now she gives theatre classes in Mexican prisons.
In the world's most unequal region, the prisons are packed full of poor people, while white collar criminals are much less likely to be brought to justice, said experts participating in the "Drugs and Social Inclusion" panel during the conference.
This imbalance and overcrowding of the prisons could change, they said, if the courts and prison systems made the effort.
"We want to see who is brought before the courts, and look into options for people who are not violent and who have committed minor crimes, as consumers, drug mules [who smuggle small quantities] or people who committed the crime to feed themselves and their families," Simons told IPS.
"They are the small fish, like bus drivers or mules, who smuggle small quantities without any violence in a region full of contrasts," said the head of CICAD, which forms part of the OAS. "We want to see if there is a way for these people not to be caught up in the prison cycle."
In a region where 10 of the most unequal countries in the world are located, "drug policies must be reformulated," said Yoriko Yasukawa, resident coordinator of the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) in Costa Rica.
The proportionality of sentences in cases like Leyva's was a recurrent theme among the experts, who called for a "more just" legal system in line with the real damage caused by people convicted of drug-related crimes.
"Sometimes the punishment is comparable to the penalties for homicide or other serious crimes," Argentine social worker Graciela Touze told IPS.
"It is not similar to the damage caused, and the punishment can't be similar either, although that does not mean that they shouldn't be held accountable," added the president of the Intercambios Asociacion Civil, an organisation based in Buenos Aires.
Social cost
During the regional conference, speakers were adamant in their criticism of the social costs of repressive anti-drug policies.
Costa Rica's minister of public security, Celso Gamboa, explained that the people arrested in his country in the first eight months of 2014 included fishermen, flight attendants and drivers who were drawn into drug smuggling by poverty.
"The blows to drug trafficking structures have focused on the most vulnerable parts, which leads us to conclude that much of the fight against drugs in Costa Rica and the rest of Latin America fuels the criminalisation of poverty," he said.
"The question is: where are the investigations enabling us to reach the white collar structures and those who hold the real power?" said Gamboa, a former prosecutor from the Caribbean province of Limon, where he was involved in hundreds of drug trafficking cases.
Above and beyond the complicated situation in the prisons, civil society organisations insisted that anti-drug policies are marked by inequality. For that reason, activists said, drug consumers and young people are punished more harshly.
But the different proposals for redressing the imbalance sometimes clash.
Gamboa believes in tackling the drug problem with an economics-based approach that goes after the big fish who hold the real money, while Zara Snapp, of the Mexican Movement for Peace with Justice and Dignity, says the best way to reduce the number of civilian victims of the drug trade is by creating a market in Mexico regulated by the state.
"The inequality does not mean that there isn't a lot that we can do, because we still have many resources, it's just that we channel them into the militarisation of the struggle and into law enforcement, rather than towards creating opportunities for the vulnerable populations," the Mexican activist, who also forms part of the non-governmental Mexican Commission for the Promotion of Human Right, told IPS.
"The only thing that approach does is to create fertile ground for recruitment by organised crime," she said.
It is poor young men and women who pay the cost. According to the OAS, the prevalence of consumption of "pasta base" or cocaine paste is 1.8 percent overall, but 8.0 percent among young people in poverty.
The stigma surrounding the use of pasta base accentuates their marginalisation and further limits their opportunities, according to the Report on the Drug Problem in the Americas.
Edited by Estrella Gutierrez/Translated by Stephanie Wildes