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Federal Reserve Chair Jerome Powell said in a closely watched speech Friday that the U.S. central bank is ready to inflict "pain" on households as it continues to fight inflation, remarks that drew widespread backlash from experts who warned the Fed appears poised to spark a devastating recession and mass layoffs.
"The Fed apparently won't stop raising rates until millions more are unemployed."
Addressing a symposium of financial elites gathered in Jackson Hole, Wyoming, Powell said that "there will very likely be some softening of labor market conditions"--euphemistic phrasing for higher unemployment--as the Fed aggressively jacks up interest rates, slowing demand across the economy by making borrowing more expensive.
"While higher interest rates, slower growth, and softer labor market conditions will bring down inflation, they will also bring some pain to households and businesses," Powell continued.
But the Fed chief argued that such pain would be worth it because "a failure to restore price stability would mean far greater pain."
\u201cFederal Reserve Chair Powell: "While higher interest rates, slower growth and softer labor market conditions will bring down inflation, they will also bring some pain to households and businesses. These are the unfortunate costs of reducing inflation." https://t.co/GtfhIYXjOf\u201d— The Hill (@The Hill) 1661532360
Economist Robert Reich, the former U.S. labor secretary, responded bluntly to Powell's comments: "This is nuts."
"True, inflation is near a four-decade high," Reich wrote in a blog post. "But the Fed's aggressive effort to tame it through steep interest rate hikes--the fastest series of rate hikes since the early 1980s--is raising the risk of recession. If it raises rates again in September by another three-quarters of a point, which seems likely given Powell's remarks today, the risk becomes larger."
"The pain is already being felt across the land," Reich added. "Most Americans aren't getting inflation-adjusted wage increases, which means they're becoming poorer."
"Aggressive rate hikes can't address the root causes of inflation."
Powell's speech was seen by many observers as his most hawkish message yet as the central bank attempts to rein in inflation with a blunt tool that is unlikely to mitigate the causes of price surges in the U.S. and globally, something the Fed chair has openly admitted to lawmakers.
"The Fed's problem remains that constraining demand can't do anything about the primary drivers of inflation--supply chain snarls, the war in Ukraine, and corporate profiteering," tweeted Claire Guzdar of the Groundwork Collaborative. "Our problem remains that the Fed apparently won't stop raising rates until millions more are unemployed."
Rakeen Mabud, Groundwork's chief economist, echoed that message, noting that "aggressive rate hikes can't address the root causes of inflation."
"Mass unemployment is not the path forward to a healthy and inclusive economy," Mabud added. "Let's be clear: aggressive rate hikes aim to bring down prices by increasing unemployment. Fed Chair Powell is ready to throw workers under the bus to save the 'economy.' But we are the economy."
The Fed has thus far shown no indication that it's prepared to change course despite evidence of slowing economic growth, decelerating wage increases, and cooling inflation.
As CNBCreported Friday ahead of Powell's address, the Fed's preferred inflation measure showed that price pressures eased in July, building on better-than-expected Consumer Price Index (CPI) data released earlier this month.
But in his speech Friday, Powell said he and other central bank officials are drawing on lessons learned from high inflation in the 1970s and 1980s, when then-Fed Chair Paul Volcker infamously imposed high interest rates that hurled the economy into recession and sent unemployment soaring.
"The successful Volcker disinflation in the early 1980s followed multiple failed attempts to lower inflation over the previous 15 years," Powell said. "A lengthy period of very restrictive monetary policy was ultimately needed to stem the high inflation and start the process of getting inflation down to the low and stable levels that were the norm until the spring of last year. Our aim is to avoid that outcome by acting with resolve now."
William Spriggs, chief economist at the AFL-CIO, warned in a social media post Friday that Powell's speech is "bad news."
"Two straight quarters of falling GDP, falling real disposable income, falling real wages, falling government expenditures and the Federal Reserve, in the face of these headwinds, continued global supply shocks, and weakened world growth, is seeing ghosts," Spriggs wrote.
Former Federal Reserve Chairman Alan Greenspan called Paul Volcker "the most effective chairman in the history of the Federal Reserve." But while Volcker, who passed away Dec. 8 at age 92, probably did have the greatest historical impact of any Fed chairman, his legacy is, at best, controversial.
"He restored credibility to the Federal Reserve at a time it had been greatly diminished," wrote his biographer, William Silber. Volcker's policies led to what was called "the New Keynesian revolution," putting the Fed in charge of controlling the amount of money available to consumers and businesses by manipulating the federal funds rate (the interest rate at which banks borrow from each other). All this was because Volcker's "shock therapy" of the early 1980s - raising the federal funds rate to an unheard of 20% - was credited with reversing the stagflation of the 1970s. But did it? Or was something else going on?
Less discussed was Volcker's role at the behest of President Richard Nixon in taking the dollar off the gold standard, which he called "the single most important event of his career." He evidently intended for another form of stable exchange system to replace the Bretton Woods system it destroyed, but that did not happen. Instead, freeing the dollar from gold unleashed an unaccountable central banking system that went wild printing money for the benefit of private Wall Street and London financial interests.
The power to create money can be a good and necessary tool in the hands of benevolent leaders working on behalf of the people and the economy. But like with the Sorcerer's Apprentice in Disney's "Fantasia," if it falls in the wrong hands, it can wreak havoc on the world. Unfortunately for Volcker's legacy and the well-being of the rest of us, his signature policies led to the devastation of the American working class in the 1980s and ultimately set the stage for the 2008 global financial crisis.
The Official Story and Where It Breaks Down
According to a Dec. 9 obituary in The Washington Post:
Mr. Volcker's greatest historical mark was in eight years as Fed chairman. When he took the reins of the central bank, the nation was mired in a decade-long period of rapidly rising prices and weak economic growth. Mr. Volcker, overcoming the objections of many of his colleagues, raised interest rates to an unprecedented 20%, drastically reducing the supply of money and credit.
The Post acknowledges that the effect on the economy was devastating, triggering what was then the deepest economic downturn since the Depression of the 1930s, driving thousands of businesses and farms to bankruptcy and propelling the unemployment rate past 10%:
Mr. Volcker was pilloried by industry, labor unions and lawmakers of all ideological stripes. He took the abuse, convinced that this shock therapy would finally break Americans' expectations that prices would forever rise rapidly and that the result would be a stronger economy over the longer run.
On this he was right, contends the author:
Soon after Mr. Volcker took his foot off the brake of the U.S. economy in 1981, and the Fed began lowering interest rates, the nation began a quarter century of low inflation, steady growth, and rare and mild recessions. Economists attribute that period, one of the sunniest in economic history, at least in part to the newfound credibility as an inflation-fighter that Mr. Volcker earned for the Fed.
That is the conventional version, but the stagflation of the 1970s and its sharp reversal in the early 1980s appears more likely to have been due to a correspondingly sharp rise and fall in the price of oil. There is evidence this oil shortage was intentionally engineered for the purpose of restoring the global dominance of the U.S. dollar, which had dropped precipitously in international markets after it was taken off the gold standard in 1971.
The Other Side of the Story
How the inflation rate directly followed the price of oil was tracked by Benjamin Studebaker in a 2012 article titled "Stagflation: What Really Happened in the 70's":
We see that the problem begins in 1973 with the '73-'75 recession - that's when growth first dives. In October of 1973, the Organisation of Petroleum Exporting Countries declared an oil embargo upon the supporters of Israel - western nations. The '73-'75 recession begins in November of 1973, immediately after. During normal recessions, inflation does not rise - it shrinks, as people spend less and prices fall. So why does inflation rise from '73-'75? Because this recession is not a normal recession - it is sparked by an oil shortage. The price of oil more than doubles in the space of a mere few months from '73-'74. Oil is involved in the manufacturing of plastics, in gasoline, in sneakers, it's everywhere. When the price of oil goes up, the price of most things go up. The spike in the oil price is so large that it drives up the costs of consumer goods throughout the rest of the economy so fast that wages fail to keep up with it. As a result, you get both inflation and a recession at once.
... Terrified by the double-digit inflation rate in 1974, the Federal Reserve switches gears and jacks the interest rate up to near 14%. ... The economy slips back into the throws of the recession for another year or so, and the unemployment rate takes off, rising to around 9% by 1975. ...
Then, in 1979, the economy gets another oil price shock (this time caused by the Revolution in Iran in January of that year) in which the price of oil again more than doubles. The result is a fall in growth and inflation knocked all the way up into the teens. The Federal Reserve tries to fight the oil-driven inflation by raising interest rates high into the teens, peaking out at 20% in 1980.
... [B]y 1983, the unemployment rate has peaked at nearly 11%. To fight this, the Federal Reserve knocks the interest rate back below 10%, and meanwhile, alongside all of this, Ronald Reagan spends lots of money and expands the state in '82/83. ... Why does inflation not respond by returning? Because oil prices are falling throughout this period, and by 1985 have collapsed utterly.
The federal funds rate was just below 10% in 1975 at the height of the early stagflation crisis. How could the same rate that was responsible for inflation in the 1970s drop the consumer price index to acceptable levels after 1983? And if the federal funds rate has that much effect on inflation, why is the extremely low 1.55% rate today not causing hyperinflation? What Fed Chairman Jerome Powell is now fighting instead is deflation, a lack of consumer demand causing stagnant growth in the real, producing economy.
Thus it looks as if oil, not the federal funds rate, was the critical factor in the rise and fall of consumer prices in the 1970s and 1980s. "Stagflation" was just a predictable result of the shortage of this essential commodity at a time when the country was not energy-independent. The following chart from Business Insider Australia shows the historical correlations:
The Plot Thickens
But there's more. The subplot is detailed by William Engdahl in "The Gods of Money"(2009). To counter the falling dollar after it was taken off the gold standard, U.S. Secretary of State Henry Kissinger and President Nixon held a clandestine meeting in 1972 with the Shah of Iran. Then, in 1973, a group of powerful financiers and politicians met secretly in Sweden to discuss how the dollar might effectively be "backed" by oil. An arrangement was finalized in which the oil-producing countries of OPEC would sell their oil only in U.S. dollars, and the dollars would wind up in Wall Street and London banks, where they would fund the burgeoning U.S. debt.
For the OPEC countries, the quid pro quo was military protection, along with windfall profits from a dramatic boost in oil prices. In 1974, according to plan, an oil embargo caused the price of oil to quadruple, forcing countries without sufficient dollar reserves to borrow from Wall Street and London banks to buy the oil they needed. Increased costs then drove up prices worldwide.
The story is continued by Matthieu Auzanneau in "Oil, Power, and War: A Dark History":
The panic caused by the Iranian Revolution raised a new tsunami of inflation that was violently unleashed on the world economy, whose consequences were even greater than what took place in 1973. Once again, the sharp, unexpected increase in the price of crude oil instantly affected transportation, construction, and agriculture - confirming oil's ubiquity. ... The time of draconian monetarist policies advocated by economist Milton Friedman, David Rockefeller's protege, had arrived. The Bank of England's interest rate was around 16% in 1980. The impact on the economy was brutal. ...
Appointed by President Carter in August 1979, Paul Volcker, the new chief of the Federal Reserve, administered the same shock treatment [drastically raising interest rates] to the American economy. Carter had initially offered the position to David Rockefeller; Chase Manhattan's president politely declined the offer and "strongly" recommended that Carter appeal to Volcker (who had been a Chase vice president in the 1960s). To stop the spiral of inflation that endangered the profitability and stability of all banks, the Federal Reserve increased its benchmark rate to 20% in 1980 and 1981. The following year, 1982, the American economy experienced a 2% recession, much more severe than the recession of 1974.
In an article in American Opinion in 19179, Gary Allen, author of "None Dare Call It Conspiracy: The Rockefeller Files" (1971), observed that both Volcker and Henry Kissinger were David Rockefeller proteges. Volcker had worked for Rockefeller at Chase Manhattan Bank and was a member of the Trilateral Commission and the Council on Foreign Relations. In 1971, when he was Treasury undersecretary for monetary affairs, Volcker played an instrumental role in the top-secret Camp David meeting at which the president approved taking the dollar off the gold standard. Allen wrote that it was Volcker who "led the effort to demonetize gold in favor of bookkeeping entries as part of another international banking grab. His appointment now threatens an economic bust."
Volcker's Real Legacy
Allen went on:
How important is the post to which Paul Volcker has been appointed? The New York Times tells us: "As the nation's central bank, the Federal Reserve System, which by law is independent of the Administration and Congress, has exclusive authority to control the amount of money available to consumers and businesses." ... This means that the Federal Reserve Board has life-and-death power over the economy.
And that is Paul Volcker's true legacy. At a time when the Fed's credibility was "greatly diminished," he restored to it the life-and-death power over the economy that it continues to exercise today. His "shock therapy" of the early 1980s broke the backs of labor and the unions, bankrupted the savings and loans, and laid the groundwork for the "liberalization" of the banking laws that allowed securitization, derivatives, and the repo market to take center stage. As noted by Jeff Spross in The Week, Volcker's chosen strategy essentially loaded all the pain onto the working class, an approach to monetary policy that has shaped Fed policy ever since.
In 2008-09, the Fed was an opaque accessory to the bank heist in which massive fraud was covered up and the banks were made whole despite their criminality. Taking the dollar off the gold standard allowed the Fed to engage in the "quantitative easing" that underwrote this heist. Bolstered by OPEC oil backing, uncoupling the dollar from gold also allowed it to maintain and expand its status as global reserve currency.
What was Volcker's role in all this? He is described by those who knew him as a personable man who lived modestly and didn't capitalize on his powerful position to accumulate personal wealth. He held a lifelong skepticism of financial elites and financial "innovation." He proposed a key restriction on speculative activity by banks that would become known as the "Volcker Rule." In the late 1960s, he opposed allowing global exchange rates to float freely, which he said would allow speculators to "pounce on a depreciating currency, pushing it even lower." And he evidently regretted the calamity caused by his 1980s shock treatment, saying if he could do it over again, he would do it differently.
It could be said that Volcker was a good man, who spent his life trying to rectify that defining moment when he helped free the dollar from gold. Ultimately, eliminating the gold standard was a necessary step in allowing the money supply to expand to meet the needs of trade. The power to create money can be a useful tool in the right hands. It just needs to be recaptured and wielded in the public interest, following the lead of the American colonial governments that first demonstrated its very productive potential.
Following the announcement, financial reform advocates cautioned those who celebrated the agreed-upon rules as a "major defeat for Wall Street," by saying that by providing flexible exemptions and self-reporting compliance, the lukewarm deal was "the worst of all worlds."
Known to critics as "Glass-Steagall-lite," section 619 of the Dodd-Frank Wall Street Reform and Consumer Protection Act (called the "Volcker Rule" after Paul Volcker, the former chairman of the Federal Reserve), claims to establish a firewall between commercial lending and investment banks by preventing big banks from making proprietary trades for their own profit.
Following the 2010 passage of Dodd-Frank, the details of this section had to be crafted jointly by five banking regulators--the Federal Reserve, the Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation (FDIC), the Office of the Comptroller of the Currency (OCC), the Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC), and the Commodity Futures Trading Commission (CFTC).
After three and a half years, the groups announced in a joint statement Tuesday completion of the task:
The final rules prohibit insured depository institutions and companies affiliated with insured depository institutions ("banking entities") from engaging in short-term proprietary trading of certain securities, derivatives, commodity futures and options on these instruments, for their own account. The final rules also impose limits on banking entities' investments in, and other relationships with, hedge funds or private equity funds.
However, the group notes, there are exemptions for certain activities, "including market making, underwriting, hedging, trading in government obligations, insurance company activities, and organizing and offering hedge funds or private equity funds."
Many claim the rules' 800+ pages and overly-flexible exemptions will provide cover for the big banks to continue business as usual.
"The 'Volcker Rule' represents Glass-Steagall-lite," writes William Black, former bank regulator and associate professor of economics and law at the University of Missouri-Kansas City. "It cannot work because it avoids doing what Glass-Steagall did," he writes, by clearly separating "what was permissible from what was forbidden."
"In an effort to limit the evasions that are made inevitable by its failure to act boldly and ban derivative derivatives, [the rule] will reportedly be over 850 pages," Black continues. "It will be a nightmare for bank examiners and honest banks, yet the big cheating banks will easily evade it by calling their speculation 'hedging.'"
"The result will be the worst of all worlds," he adds.
Further, as independent financial reporter David Dayen writes in the New Republic, by allowing big banks to engage in "market-making," the Volcker rule opens to the door to "back-door proprietary trading":
[T]he legislative statute allows banks to engage in "market-making," facilitating trades for clients in stocks, bonds or other securities. Merkley analogizes this to banks operating like a grocery store, keeping enough bread in stock in case customers request it . "It doesn't mean you can buy a warehouse full of the bread and bet on the price changing," Merkley said. Market-making generated $44 billion for the five biggest banks just last year, as they profit from holding the stocks and bonds for a short while. Reformers fear that banks will label virtually every asset they purchase as inventory for market-making, turning it into back-door proprietary trading.
Further, the rule may also give banks discretion to decide for themselves whether their trades are permissible.
According to the joint press release, compliance with the rule is determined by the size of the operation. Those with "significant trading operations" must establish a compliance program where bank CEOs will be required to "attest that the program is reasonably designed to achieve compliance with the final rule."
Citing a similar certification that could have been used during the financial crisis to send non-compliant CEOs to jail, Dayen writes: "Given that history, and the fact that the certification here is even weaker, it's hard to see it as much more than lip service."
"Whoever is the primary supervisor has enormous discretion about how this [rule] will affect trading," Marcus Stanley, the policy director at Americans for Financial reform, toldMother Jones. He added that the final Volcker rule "does not include transparency provisions that would allow the public to judge whether banks are complying."
With Reuters reporting that Wall Street banks are already preparing to wage a legal battle against the new rule, observers note that any analysis--whether celebratory or critical--is premature.
As Dayen writes:
[I]f you view financial reform like a football game, today's votes kick off the third quarter of a contest destined for 34 consecutive overtimes. Today's vote mostly triggers an extended period of data collection and guideline-setting, giving mega-banks many future opportunities to water down the rules. And even if implementation wraps up strongly--as it certainly could--regulatory spine will be needed to prevent another financial crisis. As [Volcker rule co-author Senator Jeff] Merkley noted, in matters like this, "you need eternal vigilance." And, in Washington and on Wall Street, vigilance has often been anything but.
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