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"We all salute the same great American flag," President Donald Trump told an enthusiastic crowd at a rally of evangelical Christians and military veterans at the Kennedy Center on Saturday.
"Many Americans believe that Trump has brought shame, not respect, on the American flag. His brand of flag-waving patriotism is rooted in xenophobia and racism."
Wearing his flag label pin, Trump appeared on a stage decorated with a massive American flag. The audience--many of them decked out in red, white, and blue--waved miniature American flags. As he walked off the stage after his 35-minute speech, the First Baptist Dallas Orchestra played "You're a Grand Old Flag."
Before Trump addressed the crowd, a choir performed religious hymns along with "America the Beautiful."
The event was designed to wrap Trump himself in the flag, religion and the military in anticipation of July 4. To Trump and his followers, these are symbols of patriotism. In Trump's worldview, that means "America First," deporting undocumented immigrants, restricting visitors from Muslim countries, and withdrawing from the Paris climate accord and other international agreements.
Last year, at a rally in Tampa during his presidential campaign, as his followers chanted "build that wall," Trump interrupted his speech to give a bear hug to an American flag on the stage behind him--apparently as a way to demonstrate his patriotism.
At a speech to the American Legion in Cincinnati last year, Trump said, "We want young Americans to recite the Pledge of Allegiance." He promised the war veterans that he would work "to strengthen respect for our flag." He promised that in a Trump administration, "We will be united by our common culture, values and principles, becoming one American nation, one country under one constitution saluting one American flag--and always saluting it--the flag all of you helped to protect and preserve, that flag deserves respect."
Of course, many Americans believe that Trump has brought shame, not respect, on the American flag. His brand of flag-waving patriotism is rooted in xenophobia and racism. Only some kinds of people, Trump believes, deserve to be Americans.
"We want to make sure that anyone who seeks to join our country, shares our values and has the capacity to love our people," Trump said at the Kennedy Center rally.
What would Trump think about Francis Bellamy, the Christian socialist who wrote the Pledge of Allegiance, or Katherine Lee Bates, the poet who penned America the Beautiful, who was not only a socialist but also a lesbian?
Trump doesn't understand that the ways Americans express their patriotism are as diverse as our nation.
To some, patriotism means "my country--right or wrong." To others, it means loyalty to a set of principles, and thus requires dissent and criticism when those in power violate those standards. One version of patriotism suggests "Love it or leave it." The other version means "Love it and fix it."
This is a longstanding debate in American history.
Former President George W. Bush questioned the patriotism of anyone who challenged his war on terrorism. In his 2001 State of the Union address, for example, Bush claimed, "You're either with us, or with the terrorists." He introduced the Patriot Act to codify this view, giving the government new powers to suppress dissent. (The anti-war movement countered with bumper stickers illustrated with an American flag that proclaimed "Peace is Patriotic.")
In contrast, President Barack Obama said: "I have no doubt that, in the face of impossible odds, people who love their country can change it." He observed that, "Loving your country shouldn't just mean watching fireworks on the Fourth of July. Loving your country must mean accepting your responsibility to do your part to change it. If you do, your life will be richer, our country will be stronger."
Obama was echoing the words of Rev. Martin Luther King, who declared, in a speech during the Montgomery bus boycott in 1955, "the great glory of American democracy is the right to protest for right."
Progressives understand that people can disagree with their government and still love their country and its ideals. The flag, as a symbol of the nation, is not owned by the administration in power, but by the people. We battle over what it means, but all Americans--across the political spectrum--have an equal right to claim the flag as their own.
"Most Americans are unaware that much of our patriotic culture--including many of the leading symbols and songs--was created by people with decidedly progressive sympathies."
Indeed, throughout our history, many American radicals and progressive reformers have proudly asserted their patriotism. To them, America stood for basic democratic values--economic and social equality, mass participation in politics, free speech and civil liberties, elimination of the second-class citizenship of women and racial minorities, a welcome mat for the world's oppressed people. The reality of corporate power, right-wing xenophobia, and social injustice only fueled progressives' allegiance to these principles and the struggle to achieve them.
Bellamy, a Baptist minister who lived from 1855 to 1931, wrote the Pledge of Allegiance in 1892 to express his outrage at the nation's widening economic divide. He had been ousted from his Boston church for his sermons depicting Jesus as a socialist, and for his work among the poor in the Boston slums.
It was the Gilded Age, an era marked by major political, economic, and social conflicts. Progressive reformers were outraged by the widening gap between rich and poor, and the behavior of corporate robber barons who were exploiting workers, gouging consumers, and corrupting politics with their money. Workers were organizing unions. Farmers were joining forces in the so-called Populist movement to rein in the power of banks, railroads and utility companies. Reformers fought for child labor laws, against slum housing and in favor of women's suffrage. Socialists and other leftist radicals were gaining new converts.
In foreign affairs, Americans were battling over the nation's role in the world. America was beginning to act like an imperial power, justifying its expansion with a combination of white supremacy, manifest destiny and the argument that it was spreading democracy. At the time, nativist groups across the country were pushing for restrictions on immigrants--Catholics, Jews, and Asians--who were cast as polluting Protestant America. In the South, the outcome of the Civil War still inflamed regional passions. Many Southerners, including Civil War veterans, swore allegiance not to the American but to the Confederate flag.
Bellamy, a cousin of Edward Bellamy, author of two bestselling radical books, Looking Backward and Equality, believed that unbridled capitalism, materialism, and individualism betrayed America's promise. He hoped that the Pledge of Allegiance would promote a different moral vision to counter the rampant greed he argued was undermining the nation.
When composing the pledge, Bellamy had initially intended to use the phrase "liberty, fraternity, and equality," but concluded that the radical rhetoric of the French Revolution wouldn't sit well with many Americans. So he coined the phrase, "one nation, indivisible, with liberty and justice for all," as a means to express his more egalitarian vision of America, and a secular patriotism aimed at helping unite a divided nation.
Bellamy wrote the Pledge of Allegiance for Youth's Companion, a magazine for young people published in Boston with a circulation of about 500,000. A few years earlier, the magazine had sponsored a largely successful campaign to sell American flags to public schools. In 1891, the magazine hired Bellamy to organize a public relations campaign to celebrate the 400th anniversary of Christopher Columbus's discovery of America by promoting use of the flag in public schools.
Bellamy gained the support of the National Education Association, along with President Benjamin Harrison and Congress, for a national ritual observance in the schools, and he wrote the Pledge of Allegiance as part of the program's flag salute ceremony.
Bellamy thought such an event would be a powerful expression on behalf of free public education. Moreover, he wanted all the schoolchildren of America to recite the pledge at the same moment. He hoped the pledge would promote a moral vision to counter the individualism embodied in capitalism and expressed in the climate of the Gilded Age.
In 1923, over the objections of the aging Bellamy, the National Flag Conference, led by the American Legion and the Daughters of the American Revolution, changed the opening, "I pledge allegiance to my flag," to "I pledge allegiance to the flag of the United States of America." Ostensibly, it was revised to make sure that immigrant children -- who might have thought that "my flag" referred to their native countries -- knew that they were pledging allegiance to the American flag.
In 1954, at the height of the Cold War, when many political leaders believed that the nation was threatened by godless communism--the Knights of Columbus led a successful campaign to lobby Congress to add the words "under God."
A year after Bellamy composed the Pledge, the same social conditions and political sympathies inspired Bates to write the poem America the Beautiful, which was later set to music written by Samuel Ward, the organist at Grace Episcopal Church in Newark, New Jersey. (The Mormon Tabernacle Choir sang their song at Trump's inauguration).
Like Bellamy, Bates was a Christian socialist. A well-respected poet and professor of English at Wellesley College, Bates (1859-1929) was also a lesbian who lived with and was devoted to her colleague Katharine Coman, an economics professor. They were both part of progressive circles in the Boston area that supported labor unions, advocated for immigrants, and fought for women's suffrage. She was an ardent foe of American imperialism.
America the Beautiful was initially published in 1895 to commemorate the Fourth of July. The poem is usually heard as an unalloyed paean to American virtue. But a close reading of her words makes it clear that she had something more in mind. She wrote:
America! America!
God shed His grace on thee
Till selfish gain no longer stain,
The banner of the free!
Bates hoped that a progressive movement, inspired by both religious and secular beliefs, could overcome the Gilded Age's greed.
Most Americans are unaware that much of our patriotic culture--including many of the leading symbols and songs--was created by people with decidedly progressive sympathies.
Consider the lines inscribed on the Statue of Liberty: "Give me your tired, your poor/Your huddled masses yearning to breathe free." Emma Lazarus was a poet of considerable reputation in her day, who was a strong supporter of Henry George and his "socialistic" single-tax program, and a friend of William Morris, a leading British socialist. Her welcome to the "wretched refuse" of the earth, written in 1883, was an effort to project an inclusive and egalitarian definition of the American Dream - a view clearly at odds with Trump's narrow understanding of American history and values.
In the Depression years and during World War II, the fusion of populist, egalitarian and anti-racist values with patriotic expression reached full flower.
Langston Hughes' poem, Let America Be America Again, written in 1936, contrasted the nation's promise with its mistreatment of his fellow African-Americans, the poor, Native Americans, workers, farmers and immigrants:
O, let my land be a land where Liberty
Is crowned with no false patriotic wreath
But opportunity is real, and life is free
Equality is in the air we breathe.
In 1939, composer Earl Robinson teamed with lyricist John La Touche to write Ballad for Americans, which was performed on the CBS radio network by Paul Robeson, accompanied by chorus and orchestra. This 11-minute cantata provided a musical review of American history, depicted as a struggle between the "nobody who's everybody" and an elite that fails to understand the real, democratic essence of America.
"Since the American Revolution, each generation of progressives has expressed an American patriotism rooted in democratic values that challenged jingoism and "my country--right or wrong" thinking. They rejected blind nationalism, militaristic drum beating, and sheep-like conformism."Robeson, at the time one of the best-known performers on the world stage, became, through this work, a voice of America.
Broadcasts and recordings of Ballad for Americans (by Bing Crosby as well as Robeson) were immensely popular. In the summer of 1940, it was performed at the national conventions of both the Republican and Communist parties. The work soon became a staple in school choral performances, but it was literally ripped out of many public school songbooks after Robinson and Robeson were identified with the radical left and blacklisted during the McCarthy period. Since then, however, Ballad for Americans has been periodically revived, notably during the bicentennial celebration in 1976, when a number of pop and country singers performed it in concerts and on TV.
Aaron Copland's Fanfare for the Common Man and A Lincoln Portrait, both written in 1942, are now patriotic musical standards, regularly performed at major civic events. Few Americans know that Copland was a member of a radical composers' group.
Many Americans consider Woody Guthrie's song This Land Is Your Land, penned in 1940, to be our unofficial national anthem. Guthrie, a radical, was inspired to write the song as an answer to Irving Berlin's popular God Bless America, which he thought failed to recognize that it was the "people" to whom America belonged.
The words to This Land Is Your Land reflect Guthrie's belief that patriotism and support for the underdog were interconnected. In this song, Guthrie celebrated America's natural beauty and bounty, but criticized the country for its failure to share its riches. This is reflected in the song's last and least-known verse, which Pete Seeger and Bruce Springsteen included when they performed the song in January 2009 at a pre-inaugural concert in front of the Lincoln Memorial, with President-elect Obama in the audience:
One bright sunny morning;
In the shadow of the steeple;
By the relief office;
I saw my people.
As they stood hungry;
I stood there wondering;
If this land was made for you and me.
During the 1960s, American progressives continued to seek ways to fuse their love of country with their opposition to the government's policies. The March on Washington in 1963 gathered at the Lincoln Memorial, where Martin Luther King Jr. famously quoted the words to My Country 'Tis of Thee, repeating the phrase "Let freedom ring" 11 times.
Phil Ochs, then part of a new generation of politically conscious singer-songwriters who emerged during the 1960s, wrote an anthem in the Guthrie vein, The Power and the Glory, that coupled love of country with a strong plea for justice and equality. The words to the chorus echo the sentiments of the anti-Vietnam War movement:
Here is a land full of power and glory;
Beauty that words cannot recall;
Oh her power shall rest on the strength of her freedom;
Her glory shall rest on us all.
One of its stanzas updated Guthrie's combination of outrage and patriotism:
Yet she's only as rich as the poorest of her poor;
Only as free as the padlocked prison door;
Only as strong as our love for this land;
Only as tall as we stand.
This song later became part of the repertoire of the U.S. Army band.
And in 1968, in a famous anti-war speech, Norman Thomas, the aging leader of the Socialist Party, proclaimed, "I come to cleanse the American flag, not burn it."
In recent decades, Bruce Springsteen has most closely followed in the Guthrie tradition. From Born in the USA, to his songs about Tom Joad (the militant protagonist in John Steinbeck's The Grapes of Wrath), to his anthem about the 9/11 tragedy (Empty Sky), to his album Wrecking Ball (including its opening song, We Take Care of Our Own), Springsteen has championed the downtrodden while challenging America to live up to its ideals.
Steve Van Zandt is best known as the guitarist with Springsteen's E Street Band and for his role as Silvio Dante, Tony Soprano's sidekick on the TV show, The Sopranos. But his most enduring legacy should be his love song about America, I Am a Patriot, including these lyrics:
I am a patriot, and I love my country;
Because my country is all I know.
Wanna be with my family;
People who understand me;
I got no place else to go.
And I ain't no communist,
And I ain't no socialist,
And I ain't no capitalist,
And I ain't no imperialist,
And I ain't no Democrat,
Sure ain't no Republican either,
I only know one party,
And that is freedom.
Since the American Revolution, each generation of progressives has expressed an American patriotism rooted in democratic values that challenged jingoism and "my country--right or wrong" thinking. They rejected blind nationalism, militaristic drum beating, and sheep-like conformism.
Throughout the United States' history, they have viewed their movements--abolition of slavery, farmers' populism, women's suffrage, workers' rights, civil rights, environmentalism, gay rights, and others--as profoundly patriotic. They believed that America's core claims--fairness, equality, freedom, justice--were their own.
"Over the past few years, efforts like Occupy Wall Street, Black Lives Matter, the Dreamers immigrant-rights movement, the battles against the Keystone pipeline and for marriage equality, and the Fight for $15 (minimum wage) campaign have generated a new wave of activism, but nothing has inspired more protest than Trump's election in November."
America now confronts a new version of the Gilded Age, brought upon by Wall Street greed and corporate malfeasance. The gap between rich and poor is still widening. Although the economy has improved in recent years, Americans are feeling more economically insecure than at any time since the Depression. They are upset by the unbridled selfishness and political influence-peddling demonstrated by banks, oil companies, drug companies, insurance companies, and other large corporations. They are angry at the growing power of American-based global firms who show no loyalty to their country, outsource jobs to low-wage countries, avoid paying taxes, and pollute the environment.
With Trump in the White House, we are, once again, battling over immigration and who belongs in America. With Trump's approval, right-wing groups and talk-show pundits, calling themselves patriots, have unleashed a new wave of hate and bigotry.
Trump claims he wants to "make America great again" and "bring jobs home." But those sentiments conflict with Trump's own business practices. The entire Donald J. Trump Collection of clothing--including men's dress shirts, suits, ties and accessories--was made in factories overseas, mostly in China, Bangladesh, and Central America, to take advantage of cheap labor.
Trump followed in the tradition of Sam Walton, the founder of Walmart, America's largest corporation, who promoted the motto "Buy American." But today the retail giant, now owned by his heirs, imports most of its merchandise from Asia, much of it made under inhumane sweatshop conditions.
Trump's nativism, xenophobia, racism, selfishness, materialism, and faux patriotism would have appalled Francis Bellamy. Trump may want to require American schoolchildren to recite the Pledge of Allegiance, but his vision of America is a far cry from Bellamy's.
Over the past few years, efforts like Occupy Wall Street, Black Lives Matter, the Dreamers immigrant-rights movement, the battles against the Keystone pipeline and for marriage equality, and the Fight for $15 (minimum wage) campaign have generated a new wave of activism, but nothing has inspired more protest than Trump's election in November.
This movement, which embodies the Pledge of Allegiance's idea of "liberty and justice for all," reflects America's tradition of progressive patriotism. It recognizes that conservatives don't have a monopoly on Old Glory.
Happy July 4th.
Bob Dylan, the folk music icon who first rose to fame amid the struggle for civil rights and against the Vietnam War in the 1960s, was awarded the Nobel Prize in Literature on Thursday for his transformative impact on culture and "for having created new poetic expressions within the great American song tradition."
Though long on the list of possible winners, Dylan's receipt of the prestigious award came as a shock to many. One reporter called it a "radical" choice that might "stir up a sensation" within the global literary community. Asked if he truly deserved the prize, Sara Danius, Permanent Secretary of the Swedish Academy, responded by saying, "Of course he does. He just got it."
"Homer and Sappho--they wrote poetic texts that were meant to be performed with instruments . . . it's the same with Bob Dylan."
--Dr. Sara Danius, Nobel committee
Dylan, Danius explained, "is a great in the English-speaking tradition and he is a wonderful sampler--a very original sampler. He embodies the tradition and for 54 years now he has been at it and reinventing himself and creating a new identity."
With dozens of original albums and thousands of songs written over more than five decades, Dylan is not only known as one of the most accomplished lyricists in the history of modern music, but his early career was notable for coinciding with the rise of both the folk revival in the United States and the rise of the counterculture movement. Seen by many as bridge between the Beat poets and writers of the 1950s and the socially-conscious music and culture of the 1960s, Dylan--though he often begrudged, and ultimately fled, the role--was often revered as the voice of a generation that questioned the American status quo in an era of upheaval.
Within his many albums, wrote the Nobel committee in biographical notes (pdf) released alongside the announcement, are songs whose themes revolve "around topics like the social conditions of man, religion, politics and love."
Following his first self-titled album in 1962, Dylan's second album was his first dominated by original compositions. Many of those songs--including "Blowin' In The Wind", "Masters of War", "A Hard Rain's A-Gonna Fall", "Oxford Town", and "I Shall Be Free"--blended his folk sensibilities with political messages that captured the radical shift of the American public at that time.
And in 1964, with the release of The Times They Are A-Changin'--which included such as songs as "The Lonesome Death of Hattie Carroll", "Only a Pawn in Their Game", "With God On Our Side", and the era-defining title track--Dylan expanded his musical stylings while deepening his reproach against social ills and injustice. In Hattie Carroll, which retells the real-life story of a black house maid in Maryland murdered by her wealthy employer's son, Dylan makes poetic narrative out of the injustice when the offender goes lightly punished while also turning the mirror of that horror on the reader (or listener) of the song:
In the courtroom of honor, the judge pounded his gavel
To show that all's equal and that the courts are on the level
And that the strings in the books ain't pulled and persuaded
And that even the nobles get properly handled
Once that the cops have chased after and caught 'em
And that the ladder of law has no top and no bottom
Stared at the person who killed for no reason
Who just happened to be feelin' that way without warnin'
And he spoke through his cloak, most deep and distinguished
And handed out strongly, for penalty and repentance
William Zanzinger with a six-month sentence
Oh, but you who philosophize disgrace and criticize all fears
Bury the rag deep in your face
For now's the time for your tears
On Bringing It All Back Home, released in 1965, Dylan once again expanded his approach--pushing the lyrical needle while still responding to the social upheaval he saw around him. In the spirited "It's Alright, Ma (I'm Only Bleeding)", Dylan wrote:
As some warn victory, some downfall
Private reasons great or small
Can be seen in the eyes of those that call
To make all that should be killed to crawl
While others say don't hate nothing at all
Except hatredDisillusioned words like bullets bark
As human gods aim for their mark
Make everything from toy guns that spark
To flesh-colored Christs that glow in the dark
It's easy to see without looking too far
That not much is really sacredWhile preachers preach of evil fates
Teachers teach that knowledge waits
Can lead to hundred-dollar plates
Goodness hides behind its gates
But even the president of the United States
Sometimes must have to stand naked
Though Dylan ultimately ditched much of his politically-rebellious character and later albums (specifically after 1976's Desire) moved away from overt tackling of social injustices, he never gave up his spirit of invention and refused to conform to expectations. As Giles Harvey wrote of Dylan's career in the New York Review of Books in 2010:
As the Sixties wore on, however, Dylan grew increasingly frustrated with what he came to regard as the pious sloganeering and doctrinaire leftist politics of the folk milieu. (Such politicized folk music, Dylan said in one of the notorious semicoherent interviews he gave mid-decade, "is a bunch of fat people.") As a result, his songs became stranger, more complex, less overtly concerned with the political happenings of the day. They no longer partitioned the country into moral factions, with arms dealers, corrupt politicians, Southern racists, and conventional bourgeois society on one side and the young, the poor, the downtrodden, and the guitar-and- harmonica-wielding troubadours on the other. They no longer asked--as Florence Reece's pro-union protest song of the 1930s had done--"Which Side Are You On?" Instead, Dylan began writing a kind of visionary nonsense verse, in which the rough, ribald, lawless America of the country's traditional folk music collided with a surreal ensemble of characters from history, literature, legend, the Bible, and many other places besides.
Dylan's achievement is vast and hard to distill, but part of it surely consists of the way in which he expanded the scope of his chosen form to the point that, like one of Joseph Cornell's boxes, a four-minute song might contain anything he felt like throwing into it. No songwriter before him would have thought to include Paul Revere's horse, the ghost of Belle Starr, Jack the Ripper, the Chamber of Commerce, John the Baptist, Galileo's math book, Delilah, Cecil B. DeMille, Ma Rainey, Beethoven, and the National Bank in a single song, as Dylan does in the rollicking phantasmagoria of "Tombstone Blues" (1965), a fairly typical example of his output at the time.
Though he famously kicked fellow folk singer and committed leftist Phil Ochs out of his limousine for being "a journalist" and "not a folksinger" and was widely admonished for appearing in glitzy adverstisement for a major car company that aired during the Super Bowl in 2014, few question that Dylan was among the great American songwriters of all time and a master poet whose songs--like the very earliest Greek lyricists--cannot be read (or heard) without a sense of awe.
As Danius of the Nobel Committee explained, "Homer and Sappho--they wrote poetic texts that were meant to be performed with instruments . . . it's the same with Bob Dylan."
If Woody Guthrie, America's most revered troubadour for social justice, was still alive he would no doubt be celebrating his 104th birthday today by writing songs about Donald Trump's attacks on immigrants, Muslims, the physically handicapped, and other groups and about the growing Black Lives Matter movement against police racism.
If Woody Guthrie, America's most revered troubadour for social justice, was still alive he would no doubt be celebrating his 104th birthday today by writing songs about Donald Trump's attacks on immigrants, Muslims, the physically handicapped, and other groups and about the growing Black Lives Matter movement against police racism.
Since Trump began his campaign for president, many comedians have parodied him, and many political pundits have winced at his outrageous comments, but no one has yet written a song that captures The Donald's full frontal craziness and mean-spiritedness.
Guthrie, who is best known for "This Land is Your Land," would have had a field day finding things to write about Trump.
In the 1940s, Guthrie penned a song, "Mr. Charlie Lindbergh," that that offers a glimpse into what he might have written about the presumptive Republican nominee for president. In the song, Guthrie excoriated two right-wing demagogues -- aviator Charles Lindbergh and the radio priest Father Charles Coughlin -- for views that sound very similar to those now expressed by Trump, who has branded his foreign policy with the slogan "America First." In the 1930s and early 1940s, Lindbergh and Coughlin were part of the "America First" movement, an isolationist, anti-Semitic crusade that wanted the United States to appease Adolf Hitler. Lindbergh served as the committee's principal spokesman and chief drawing card at its rallies.
In several stanzas of that song, Guthrie wrote words that could apply to Trump:
Hitler wrote to Lindy, said "Do your very worst."
Lindy started an outfit that he called America First
In Washington, Washington.Yonder comes Father Coughlin, wearin' the silver chain,
Gas on his stomach and Hitler on the brain.
In Washington, Washington.
In fact, Guthrie did pen a song about Trump's father. In December 1950, Guthrie rented an apartment in Brooklyn owned by Fred C. Trump and soon wrote a song, "Old Man Trump," about his landlord's racism. The song -- discovered in the Woody Guthrie Center Archives in Oklahoma by Will Kaufman, a professor of American literature and culture at the University of Central Lancashire in England -- points out that Trump refused to rent to black tenants in his Beach Haven apartment complex near Coney Island.
One verse of the song goes:
I suppose
Old Man Trump knows
Just how much
Racial Hate
he stirred up
In the bloodpot of human hearts
When he drawed
That color line
Here at his
Eighteen hundred family project
In other verse, Guthrie revised his Depression-era Dust Bowl song "I Ain't Got No Home" to lambast the elder Trump for his racist practices:
Beach Haven ain't my home!
I just can't pay this rent!
My money's down the drain!
And my soul is badly bent!
Beach Haven looks like heaven
Where no black ones come to roam!
No, no, no! Old Man Trump!
Old Beach Haven ain't my home!
Trump -- who had been arrested in 1927 for participating in a Ku Klux Klan rally in Queens -- built the Beach Haven apartment complex using federal government subsidies intended to help returning World War 2 veterans find affordable housing. As Kaufman explained in an article for The Conversation, Trump was investigated by a U.S. Senate committee in 1954 for profiteering off of public contracts, including overcharging the government by $3.7 million for Beach Haven apartments.
BY THE 1970s, the senior Trump had brought his son Donald into the family business, where the young Trump continued his father's racist practices. The U.S. Department of Justice charged the Trumps with violating civil rights laws for discriminating against African Americans in renting out apartments. Applicants by would-be tenants were coded by race. Doormen at Trump's buildings were told to discourage blacks from seeking apartments. The Justice Department and Trump Management reached a settlement agreement that did not require the Trump to admit guilt. But Donald Trump's racist comments during this presidential season show that he's definitely his father's son.
Guthrie's critique of Fred Trump's racism was no aberration. In his book, Woody Guthrie: American Radical, Kaufman traces Guthrie's evolving views on race relations, from embracing old-fashioned racist stereotypes from his Oklahoma upbringing to becoming a crusader for racial justice.
In his song "The Ferguson Brothers Killing," Guthrie condemned the 1946 police killing of two unarmed black brothers, Charles and Alfonso Ferguson, in Freeport, Long Island after they were refused service in a bus terminal cafe.
In "Buoy Bells from Trenton," Guthrie wrote about the "Trenton Six" - black men convicted of murder in 1948 by an all-white jury in a trial marred by official perjury and manufactured evidence. In that song, Guthrie compared the Trenton case to the biased 1921 trial, overseen by Judge Webster Thayer, of Nicola Sacco and Bartolomeo Vanzetti, Italian-born anarchists who were unfairly convicted of murdering a guard and a paymaster during the armed robbery in South Braintree, Massachusetts. Guthrie wrote:
Old Judge Thayer let Sacco and Vanzetti die;
He called 'em wops and radical rats
That same old racial hate
Ran through the judge and jury's heart,
And your death line they signed
Guthrie was a prolific chronicler of many racist episodes and would certainly have been inspired to write about the police murders of Black Americans occurring today as well as Trump's attacks on Mexican immigrants.
While living in New York in 1948, Guthrie was angered by newspaper and radio accounts of a plane crash near Los Gatos Canyon in Fresno County, California that killed 32 people, including 28 migrant farm workers who were being deported back Mexico. The New York Times story, for example, mentioned the names of the flight crew and the security guard, but simply referred to the other victims as "deportees," who were buried in a mass grave in Fresno. Guthrie's song about the incident -- "Plane Wreck at Los Gatos," often known as "Deportee" - expressed his outrage at the mistreatment of Mexican migrants. He gave them symbolic names -- "Goodbye to my Juan/Goodbye Rosalita/Adios, mis amigos/Jesus y Maria". He protested their exploitation in words that resonate today when Donald Trump threatens to build a wall to keep Mexican immigrants from entering this country:
Some of us are illegal, and some are not wanted,
Our work contract's out and we have to move on;
Six hundred miles to that Mexican border,
They chase us like outlaws, like rustlers, like thieves.We died in your hills, we died in your deserts,
We died in your valleys and died on your plains.
We died 'neath your trees and we died in your bushes,
Both sides of the river, we died just the same.Is this the best way we can grow our big orchards?
Is this the best way we can grow our good fruit?
To fall like dry leaves to rot on my topsoil
And be called by no name except "deportees"?
Guthrie wrote almost 3,000 songs, but he is best known for "This Land Is Your Land," often considered America's alternative national anthem. Most Americans know the chorus -- "This land is your land, this land is my land / From California, to the New York Island / From the redwood forest, to the gulf stream waters / This land was made for you and me" -- and perhaps even some of the verses about the "ribbon of highways," "sparkling sands," "diamond deserts," and "wheat fields waving." But few people know the two radical verses of the song, which are usually omitted from recordings and songbooks used by schools and summer camps:
As I went walking I saw a sign there
And on the sign it said "No Trespassing"
But on the other side it didn't say nothing
That side was made for you and me.In the shadow of the steeple I saw my people
By the relief office I seen my people
As they stood there hungry, I stood there asking
Is this land made for you and me?
Guthrie penned the song in 1940 as an answer to Irving Berlin's popular "God Bless America," which he thought failed to recognize that it was the "people" to whom America belonged. In the song, Guthrie celebrates America's natural beauty and bounty but criticizes the country for its failure to share its riches. The lyrics reflect Guthrie's assumption that patriotism and support for the underdog were interconnected.
Many Americans heard Guthrie's radical verses for the first time in January 2009 when Pete Seeger and Bruce Springsteen included them when they performed the song at a pre-inaugural concert in front of the Lincoln Memorial, with President-elect Obama in the audience.
GUTHRIE WAS BORN in Okemah, Oklahoma in 1912. His parents named him for Woodrow Wilson, who would be the Democratic Party's successful presidential candidate that year. But as Woody grew older, his political views would become closer to those of Eugene V. Debs, the Socialist Party's presidential candidate, who got 16.4 percent of Oklahoma's vote in 1912, more than any other state except Nevada.
Guthrie's father was a cowboy, land speculator, and local politician who did well during the oil boom, went bankrupt during the economic downturn, and struggled throughout the 1920s; the family often lived in shacks. Both his father and mother (who was eventually institutionalized for mental illness, later revealed to be Huntington's chorea) taught Woody Western songs, Indian songs, and Scottish folk tunes.
In 1931 Guthrie moved to Pampa, Texas, and formed the Corn Cob Trio and then the Pampa Junior Chamber of Commerce Band, both singing cowboy songs. In 1935 he left for California looking for a way to support his young family. He hitchhiked and rode freight trains, earning money painting signs, playing guitar, and singing in the streets and saloons along the way.
Guthrie had his first big break and taste of success while living in Los Angeles from 1937 to 1940. He landed a job on a local radio station, KFVD, singing cowboy songs, hillbilly tunes, religious hymns, and old-time ballads as well as his own compositions. He initially performed with his cousin Jack, but found a larger audience -- with two shows a day, six days a week -- when he joined forces with Maxine Crissman, known as "Lefty Lou".
His audience -- including many Okies (from Oklahoma) and Texans living in makeshift shelters in migrant camps -- grew, and Guthrie began adding political and social commentary to his songs. His experiences in South California during the Depression inspired his radical views about social and political conditions. He wrote songs about families facing foreclosure by unscrupulous banks, migrant Mexican farm workers exploited by agribusiness, and politicians who turned a blind eye to the widespread suffering. He also penned patriotic songs about America's promise and its natural beauty, and angry songs encouraging Americans to organize unions and protest against injustice.
While working at KFVD, Guthrie met Ed Robbin, an editor for People's World, the Communist Party's West Coast paper, and actor Will Geer, another left-wing activist, who introduced him to the local radical scene. Robbin helped Guthrie get bookings entertaining at local benefits (some at the homes of Hollywood stars) to raise money for striking workers and other left-wing causes. Geer traveled with Guthrie to support union organizing drives among cannery workers, cotton pickers, and construction workers throughout California. He also sang at the New Deal's government agricultural camps that provided a handful of migrant workers with food, safe water, and decent housing.
Guthrie's songs of that period -- including "I Ain't Got No Home," "Goin' Down the Road Feelin' Bad," "Talking Dust Bowl Blues," "Hard Travelin'," and "Tom Joad" (based on the hero of John Steinbeck's novel, The Grapes of Wrath, about migrant workers) -- all reflect his growing anger and his mission to give a voice to the disenfranchised.
In "Pretty Boy Floyd," Guthrie portrayed the outlaw as a Robin Hood character, contrasting him to the bankers and businessmen who exploit workers and foreclose on families' farms and homes: "Yes, as through this world I've wandered / I've seen lots of funny men / Some will rob you with a six-gun / And some with a fountain pen."
In "Do Re Mi," he wrote about the Los Angeles Police Department's illegal blockade at the California border -- hundreds of miles outside its jurisdiction -- to stop Dust Bowl migrants from entering the state unless they had fifty dollars or could prove they already had a job.
California is a garden of Eden,
A paradise to live in or see;
But believe it or not,
you won't find it so hot
If you ain't got the do re mi.
In 1939 Guthrie began writing a column, "Woody Sez," for People's World, commenting on the news of the day. The next year, the party's New York paper, the Daily Worker, picked up the column.
Always restless, Guthrie moved to New York City in 1940 and was quickly embraced by radical organizations, artists, writers, musicians, and progressive intellectuals. He performed occasionally on radio and developed a loyal following. His admirers viewed him as an authentic proletarian, filled with homespun wisdom that energized his songs and columns.
In the 1940s, Pete Seeger, Lee Hays, and Millard Lampell formed the Almanac Singers to perform songs about current events for unions, left-wing groups, and other causes. Guthrie sang on several Almanac singles and two albums, Deep Sea Chanties and Sod Buster Ballads, and often performed with the Almanacs, including at a huge rally in Detroit sponsored by the United Auto Workers union.
Guthrie wrote some of the Almanac Singers' most popular songs, including "Union Maid." He had a gift for writing songs that told stories about current events and real people but were also timeless in terms of exploring issues of justice and fairness.
In early 1941 the Almanacs performed songs opposing President Franklin D. Roosevelt's plans to enter World War II -- a view that Communists applauded but that alienated many of their admirers, including Eleanor Roosevelt. After Germany broke its truce with Russia and invaded the country in June of that year, the Almanacs changed their tune, writing patriotic songs that embraced the war effort and the US alliance with Russia to defeat Hitler. They were back in Mrs. Roosevelt's good graces.
When their songs were in sync with the New Deal, the Almanacs were courted by commercial promoters. They sang on national network radio, made records, and performed at night clubs, including the upscale Rainbow Room at Rockefeller Center. Guthrie had several regular radio gigs of his own. But the Almanac Singers' political views -- including Guthrie's -- were too controversial to sustain mainstream success. After Seeger joined the army and Guthrie signed up for the merchant marine (he was later drafted into the army, serving until 1945), the Almanacs broke up.
For a month in 1941 Guthrie was on the New Deal payroll, earning $266 to write songs for a documentary film about the Grand Coulee Dam, which brought electricity and jobs to Oregon and Washington. He moved to Portland, Oregon, and quickly wrote some of his most memorable songs, including "Roll on Columbia" (about the Columbia River), "Grand Coulee Dam," and "The Biggest Thing That Man Has Done."
While in the merchant marine and the army, Guthrie composed hundreds of anti-Hitler, pro-WW2, and other songs to inspire the troops, including "All You Fascists Bound to Lose," "Talking Merchant Marine," and "The Sinking of the Reuben James." Guthrie painted the words "This Machine Kills Fascists" on his guitar. In 1943 he published his first novel, Bound for Glory, a semi-autobiographical account of his Dust Bowl years that contributed to his reputation as a rambling troubadour.
By 1946 the Cold War-era Red Scare had made it harder for Guthrie to find work. Many of the Congress of Industrial Organization unions had purged their radicals and no longer welcomed Guthrie.
AFTER MOVING OUT of Trump's Beach Haven apartments, Guthrie settled with his wife and children in a house in Coney Island, which inspired him to compose and record several albums for kids, including, Songs to Grow on for Mother and Child and Work Songs to Grow On. Several generations of parents have raised their kids with Guthrie's songs, many of which provided valuable lessons for living, including on such topics as friendship ("Don't You Push Me Down"), family ("Ship in the Sky"), neighborhoods ("Howdi Doo"), chores ("Pick It Up"), personal responsibility ("Cleano"), and family vacations ("Riding in My Car"). Guthrie was also connected with Brooklyn's Jewish community through his mother-in-law, the Yiddish poet Aliza Greenblatt, and wrote several songs with Jewish themes, including "Hanuka Dance," "The Many and The Few" and "Mermaid's Avenue."
In the late 1940s Guthrie's behavior became increasingly erratic, even violent. These were symptoms of Huntington's chorea, a rare hereditary degenerative disease that gradually robbed him of his health and ability to function physically. Doctors at first mistakenly treated him for everything from alcoholism to schizophrenia. In 1954 he was admitted into the Greystone Psychiatric Hospital in New Jersey, where he was finally properly diagnosed. For the last decade of his life, he was confined to hospitals, barely able to communicate. Many family, friends, and young fans -- including Bob Dylan -- came to visit him to pay their respects. Although Guthrie helped inspire the folk music revival of the late 1950s and 1960s, he was unable to enjoy it or benefit from it financially.
Since his death, Guthrie has become a cultural icon. Woody's friends Ramblin' Jack Elliott and Pete Seeger were his most effective promoters, ensuring that younger generations knew Guthrie's music. Many folksingers and rockers -- including his Dylan, Joan Baez, Phil Ochs, Tom Paxton, Arlo Guthrie, Jackson Browne, Bonnie Raitt, John McCutcheon, Bruce Springsteen, Ani DiFranco, the Klezmatics, and Tom Morello -- have followed in Guthrie's political footsteps, recorded and interpreted his songs, and joined forces with activist movements.
At the request of Guthrie's daughter Nora, British singer Billy Bragg and the American band Wilco explored the many unpublished Guthrie songs in his archives and set them to music, producing two Grammy-nominated albums, Mermaid Avenue and Mermaid Avenue Vol. II.
In 2012, the Los Angeles-based Grammy Museum and the Guthrie Foundation and Archives sponsored "Woody at 100," a series of concerts, conferences and museum exhibits around the country to celebrate the life and music of the radical troubadour and songwriter, including a tribute concert at the Kennedy Center in Washington, D.C. A diverse group of artists and performers turned more of Guthrie's unpublished songs, poems, and journals into songs and spoken word tributes in the album, Note Of Hope - A Celebration Of Woody Guthrie. As part of the centenary celebration, Smithsonian Folkways released a 3-CD box set, also called Woody at 100, that included some previously unreleased recordings discovered by the Smithsonian Folkways label.
When Guthrie died in 1967, he was little-known by the general public, a cult figure among folkies and radicals. Today, his name and his songs are widely celebrated. Several of his songs (including "Bling Blang," "Riding in My Car," "Howdi Doo," "Mail Myself To You," "Happy Hanukah" and "This Land is Your Land") have been turned into children's books. His songs have been collected in a number of books and he is the subject of bio-pic film and several documentaries.
Guthrie was posthumously inducted into the National Songwriters' Hall of Fame, the Nashville Songwriters' Hall of Fame, and the Rock and Roll Hall of Fame. In 2000 he was honored with the Grammy Lifetime Achievement Award. In 2012, the Los Angeles City Council named the intersection of Fifth and Main streets, not far from Skid Row, where he once lived, "Woody Guthrie Square." His "Roll On Columbia" is now Washington State's official song and "Oklahoma Hills" is the official song of his native state.