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"I hope I'm wrong. But we need to be prepared if I'm right," warned Sen. Chris Murphy.
A Democratic US senator over the weekend issued an ominous warning about Republicans using the murder of Charlie Kirk as a pretense to clamp down on political speech.
In a lengthy social media post on Sunday, Sen. Chris Murphy (D-Conn.) outlined how President Donald Trump and his allies look set to wage a campaign of retribution against political adversaries by framing them as accomplices in Kirk's murder.
"Pay attention," he began. "Something dark might be coming. The murder of Charlie Kirk could have united Americans to confront political violence. Instead, Trump and his anti-democratic radicals look to be readying a campaign to destroy dissent."
Murphy then contrasted the recent statements by Republican Utah Gov. Spencer Cox, who accurately stated that political violence is not confined to a single political ideology, with those of Trump and his allies, who have said such violence is only a problem on the left.
Murphy highlighted a statement from Trump ally and informal adviser Laura Loomer, who said that she wanted "Trump to be the 'dictator' the left thinks he is" and that she wanted "the right to be as devoted to locking up and silencing our violent political enemies as they pretend we are."
He then pointed to Trump saying that progressive billionaire financier George Soros should face racketeering charges even though there is no evidence linking Soros to Kirk's murder or any other kind of political violence.
"The Trump/Loomer/Miller narrative that Dems are cheering Kirk's murder or that left groups are fomenting violence is also made up," he added. "There are always going to be online trolls, but Dem leaders are united (as opposed to Trump who continues to cheer the January 6 violence)."
Murphy claimed that the president and his allies have long been seeking a "pretext to destroy their opposition" and that Kirk's murder gave them an opening.
"That's why it was so important for Trump sycophants to take over the DoJ and FBI, so that if a pretext arose, Trump could orchestrate a dizzying campaign to shut down political opposition groups and lock up or harass its leaders," he said. "This is what could be coming—now."
Early in his second term, the president fired FBI prosecutors who were involved in an earlier political violence case—the prosecution of people involved in the violent attack on the US Capitol on January 6, 2021 by Trump supporters who aimed to stop the certification of the 2020 election.
A top ethics official and a lawyer who spoke out against the president’s anti-immigration policy are among those who have been fired from the DOJ.
Murphy ended his post with a call for action from supporters.
"I hope I'm wrong. But we need to be prepared if I'm right," he said. "That means everyone who cares about democracy has to join the fight—right now. Join a mobilization or protest group. Start showing up to actions more. Write a check to a progressive media operation."
One day after Murphy's warning, columnist Karen Attiah announced that she had been fired from the Washington Post over social media posts in the wake of Kirk's death that were critical of his legacy but in no way endorsed or celebrated any form of political violence.
"The Post accused my measured Bluesky posts of being 'unacceptable,' 'gross misconduct,' and of endangering the physical safety of colleagues—charges without evidence, which I reject completely as false," she explained. "They rushed to fire me without even a conversation. This was not only a hasty overreach, but a violation of the very standards of journalistic fairness and rigor the Post claims to uphold."
Attiah only directly referenced Kirk once in her posts and said she had condemned the deadly attack on him “without engaging in excessive, false mourning for a man who routinely attacked Black women as a group, put academics in danger by putting them on watch lists, claimed falsely that Black people were better off in the era of Jim Crow, said that the Civil Rights Act was a mistake, and favorably reviewed a book that called liberals 'Unhumans.'"
"Trump explicitly threatened to use the state to target anyone he and MAGA scapegoat for Kirk's murder," said New Republic writer Greg Sargeant.
White House Deputy Chief of Staff Stephen Miller vowed Friday that he and President Donald Trump would use this week's assassination of Charlie Kirk to "dismantle" the organized left using state power.
In a rant on Fox News, Miller—the architect of Trump's mass roundups and deportations of immigrants—shouted that the best way to honor Kirk's memory was to carry out a political purge against the left, which he called a "domestic terrorism movement in this country."
Miller provided few details on what specific left-wing figures or groups he believed were stoking this violence. He claimed the left was waging "doxxing campaigns" against right-wing figures, though he cited no specific examples.
He did, however, cite many examples of harsh, but nevertheless First Amendment-protected, speech that he considered an incitement to violence, including that "the left calls people enemies of the republic, calls them fascists, says they're Nazis, says they're evil," and claimed that many people online were "celebrating" Kirk's assassination.
"The last message that Charlie Kirk gave to me before he joined his creator in heaven," Miller said, was, "that we have to dismantle and take on the radical left organizations in this country that are fomenting violence, and we are going to do that."
"Under President Trump's leadership," Miller vowed to shut down these unspecified leftist groups.
"I don't care how," he said. "It could be a RICO charge, a conspiracy charge, conspiracy against the United States, insurrection. But we are going to do what it takes to dismantle the organizations and the entities that are fomenting riots, that are doxxing, that are trying to inspire terrorism, that are committing acts of wanton violence."
RICO refers to the Racketeer Influenced and Corrupt Organizations Act, which the government has traditionally used to prosecute organized crime groups. Trump later said one of his targets for these charges may be the billionaire liberal donor George Soros, the owner of the Open Society Foundations nonprofit, whom Trump accused of funding "riots," a charge Soros denied.
Miller did not limit his call to destroying those who commit crimes. He also spoke of those "spreading this evil hate," telling them, "You will live in exile. Because the power of law enforcement under President Trump's leadership will be used to find you, will be used to take away your money, to take away your power, and if you've broken the law, to take away your freedom."
An official White House account on X reposted a clip of Miller's comments calling for the "dismantling" of left-wing organizations:
"Trump signaled he intended to use Kirk's shooting as a pretext for a broad crackdown on the left," said Jordan Weissman, a journalist at The Argument. "Here's Stephen Miller being much more explicit. He's talking about RICO and terrorism charges, echoing right-wing influencers."
Aaron Reichlin-Melnick, a senior fellow at the American Immigration Council, meanwhile, pointed out the irony of the threat coming from Miller, noting that he "routinely slanders his political opponents with vile language that treats disagreement as if it’s treason."
Little is still known about what, if any, political ideology precisely motivated Kirk's alleged shooter, 22-year-old Tyler Robinson, who was apprehended in Utah on Friday. Robinson was not affiliated with any political party, and the scrawlings he left behind at the scene of the crime contain a mishmash of hyper-online but only vaguely political symbols and phrases.
But even before the suspect had been identified or apprehended, efforts had begun on the right to use Kirk's murder as an excuse to crack down on their left-wing enemies. In an ominous speech Thursday night, Trump blamed the shooting on the "radical left," saying it was “directly responsible for the terrorism that we're seeing in our country today, and it must stop right now."
On Fox News Friday, Trump indicated that he was extending this dragnet to anyone who has expressed harsh words for figures on the right. The president said:
For years those on the radical left have compared wonderful Americans like Charlie to Nazis. This kind of rhetoric is directly responsible for the terrorism that we’re seeing in our country and must stop right now. My administration will find each and every one of those who contributed to this atrocity and to other political violence, including the organizations that fund it and support it, as well as those who go after our judges and law enforcement officials.
(Graphic by The Economist, data from the Prosecution Project)
The portrayal of the left as a unique "national security threat" is not borne out by data. On Friday, The Economist published an analysis of data from the Prosecution Project, an open-source database that catalogues crimes that seek "a socio-political change or to communicate."
The findings reaffirm what has been found in previous studies: That "extremists on both left and right commit violence, although more incidents appear to come from right-leaning attackers."
During the same Fox interview, when a host noted the prevalence of right-wing extremism, Trump said: "I’ll tell you something that’s going to get me in trouble, but I couldn’t care less. The radicals on the right oftentimes are radical because they don’t want to see crime. They’re saying, ‘We don’t want these people coming in. We don’t want you burning our shopping centers. We don’t want you shooting our people in the middle of the street.’”
Trump concluded: “The radicals on the left are the problem.”
Meanwhile, virtually all prominent figures and groups on the left—from politicians like Sen. Bernie Sanders (I-Vt.), Rep. Ilhan Omar (D-Minn.), and New York City mayoral candidate Zohran Mamdani to writers for left-wing publications like Jacobin or The Nation to activist groups like Public Citizen, MoveOn, the ACLU, and Indivisible—have unequivocally condemned violence against Kirk, even while repudiating his views.
"Trump explicitly threatened to use the state to target anyone he and MAGA scapegoat for Kirk's murder," said New Republic writer Greg Sargeant. "We really could see Stephen Miller and Kash Patel use the FBI for 60s-style domestic persecution."
Perhaps we can use this tragedy to broaden our understanding of political violence and pledge to end it in all its forms.
This country has a long history of honoring its martyrs, from those who died in our wars (including my uncle) to people killed on the front line of political change. Assassination holds a special place in our culture. It’s an American apotheosis, the closest thing to sainthood in our secular society. The left has no shortage of martyrs, and the right gained one this week.
The bullet has a special and venerated place in this tradition. I felt it was my duty to watch Charlie Kirk’s shooting before writing about it. My strong recommendation: unless you have a reason to see it, don’t. I’ve seen more than a few videos of gunfire deaths in my life, and I’m always struck by their banality and tawdriness. There’s nothing romantic about a bullet striking human flesh. It’s vile.
We now know that law enforcement have identified Charlie Kirk's assassin as 22-year-old Tyler Robinson. There's so much we don't know, but there are at least two things about Kirk's violent killing that we do know—one moral, and one societal. Jewish and Islamic scriptures both say that whoever commits murder has destroyed an entire universe. Secular law and ethics are equally firm in rating murder as the worst crime an individual can commit.
Kirk's family must now live with their loss. His audience—which, like most audiences, felt it knew him personally—is also in pain. Perhaps we can agree on this: let’s set aside the cult of the gun. Politically-motivated murder is still just murder. It’s cheap, brutal, and stupid, like all murders.
And who does it help? Killing someone for their speech, however heinous you think it is, corrodes the fabric of civil society by shutting down open debate. A lot of people have already said that about Kirk, of course, but they’ve left out an important addendum: this will shut down open debate even more than it already was. Many voices are already marginalized and silenced. This killing is likely to make that even worse.
The tragic dimensions of Charlie Kirk’s death are with us now. They were with us in June, when two Democratic lawmakers and their spouses were shot (one couple died). They were with us when a gunman killed an abortion doctor and when another shot up a Unitarian church. They were with us when three Muslim students were murdered in Chapel Hill and a six-year-old Muslim boy was stabbed to death by his landlord. They were with us at the mass murders in a Charleston church and a Pittsburgh synagogue.
They are always with us.
That’s why I’m critical of headlines like this one: “Charlie Kirk’s death shows political violence is now a feature of US life.” It’s been a feature of US life for a long time—from the Civil War and the long decades of lynching and anti-Black violence to the murders of JFK, Malcolm X, Dr. King, the Black Panthers, to the vigilante killings of Black Lives Matter protesters by Kyle Rittenhouse. (Kirk hosted Rittenhouse at two events.)
In the immediate wake of the killing, we heard a familiar refrain: “Don’t politicize this tragedy.” The right says it whenever a mass shooting is committed by someone who arguably shouldn’t have a gun. The left says it when, as now, they know they will be blamed for the actions of a lone individual.
But every death is political. Sure, some are more openly political than others. But an estimated 68,000 people die each year from inadequate medical care in this country. These deaths are political, too, the result of deliberate policy choices. More than one million Americans died of Covid-19, a disease whose spread and fatality rate were determined by political decisions.
Smoking deaths and environmentally-caused cancers are political, as our government confronts (or doesn’t) the health effects of corporate activity. A study in the Journal of American Medical Association found that nearly 200,000 Americans died from poverty-related causes in 2019—and what is poverty if not political? The burden of loss for these deaths is felt in Red states and Blue states, by left and right, among young and old alike.
The people who died on 9/11 were the victims of political choices, too. They were murdered because Al Qaeda made the brutal, tactical, political decision to provoke the US into widespread war—a decision prompted by earlier choices by the US. Bin Laden cloaked his choices in religious terms, but he was perverting faith in pursuit of political power. (That’s a familiar pattern here, too, isn’t it?) We played into his hands, and the resulting wave of deaths in the Middle East was political, too.
And what are the horrifying deaths in Gaza, if not political? I don’t which is worse: the Republicans who pander to religious extremists and big donors on this issue, the Republicans who are religious extremists—or the Democrats who are just following the money.
Even the “good” deaths are political. We read about world leaders dying at advanced ages. (Queen Elizabeth, George H.W. Bush, and Jimmy Carter come to mind.) My own parents lived into their mid-nineties. These deaths all occurred as the average American lifespan was falling, not rising. Why? Because all these long-lived individuals had excellent health care. (My mother’s first-rate coverage came via her teacher’s union.)
None of this is meant to diminish the loss of any single life. It is an entire universe. Perhaps we can use this tragedy to broaden our understanding of political violence and pledge to end it in all its forms. The president has ordered that flags be flown at half-mast for Charlie Kirk. I don’t object; in fact, I think every needless death should be commemorated.
Every political death is the result of choices we make. Every one of them is needless