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Either we act now to position progressive politics as the viable alternative to Trump or we’re complicit in the end of our democratic society.
There are two central facts about the Democratic Party that everyone must understand if our democratic republic is going to survive President Donald Trump’s authoritarian counterrevolution:
That sounds pretty hopeless.
However, there is a path forward. We can change the “configuration” of the party, i.e. transform the Democratic Party.
Can that be done in time to rebuff Trump and save our democracy? The answer has to be “yes” because it’s our only hope.
Fortunately, right on cue, events over the past few weeks reminded the public why centrist Democratic leaders have failed to protect America from Trump; and that progressives, in sharp contrast, are more than capable of rejuvenating the opposition and inspiring mass participation.
This is the final installment in a four-part series that argues that a progressive transformation of the Democratic Party is required to defeat Trump, Musk, the lockstep GOP, and 21st-century fascism in general.
Indeed, by early-March, public approval of the Democratic Party was already at an all-time low. The central complaint was that the Democrats were too weak to stand up to Trump. And that was before Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer’s (D-N.Y.) capitulation.
On March 14, a Stopgap Budget Bill needed to pass the Senate to avoid a government shutdown; and, to overcome a filibuster, it needed support from a handful of Democratic Senators. Finally, here was the opportunity to block the Trump agenda, to “gum up the works” as Democrats had promised. Petitions arrived on Capitol Hill; phone calls flooded the switchboard, pleading with Democrats to take a stand. Nope. Schumer delivered the votes the Republicans needed. Disgust with the Democrats reached a new crescendo.
Meanwhile, Sen. Bernie Sanders (I.-Vt.) was barnstorming through middle America, speaking to overflow crowds. Then he was joined by Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez (D-N.Y.) for a swing through the Mountain West and the crowds grew even larger and more exuberant. Here was the vital opposition. The vast audience hung on every word, recognizing that the progressive proposals presented were the antidote to Trump’s destructive agenda. They spoke to the needs, not just the anger, of the population.
Most importantly, there was a tangible sense of solidarity present. Both Bernie and AOC called upon the people gathered to join with them, to organize in their communities and build a movement to defend democracy, protect the environment, and advocate for policies that prioritize the interests of the working class—and, significantly, remain engaged with electoral politics.
This was exactly the message people came to hear. They understand that a popular movement that presents a positive progressive vision for society and organizes to win elections is necessary to turn the tide against Trump. They are ready to act, along with millions more across the country.
Progressives have to seize the moment.
The Constitution’s system of checks and balances, designed to protect America from tyranny, are teetering. The courts have limited some damage, but one would have to be willfully naive to believe that a Federalist Society-dominated Supreme Court, the ultimate arbiter in the judicial branch, will rule against right-wing authoritarianism. We already see that congressional Republicans, even with razor-thin majorities, will not break with Trump to defend the Constitution.
Therefore, our best hope for preserving our constitutional democracy is the election of a Democratic House majority in 2026. As a prerequisite, we will need a party that fights before election day to ensure that we have free and fair elections. The Democratic Party is the only institution in contemporary American society that can take on this task—and the more people it mobilizes, the more likely it will succeed.
This moment is crying out for progressive leadership.
This article outlines a workable strategy for progressives to transform the Democratic Party through mass entryism. The plan’s centerpiece is an updated “outside-inside strategy” designed to overcome the barriers that protect entrenched interests inside the party. Through this strategy, we can unseat the neoliberal status quo, which condemns the party to failure, and facilitate the mass entry of the party’s progressive base, which will lift the party to victory over fascism.
History is demanding that the Democratic Party change—and change fast. That is not going to happen by simply wishing it will come true.
This is the final installment in a four-part series that argues that a progressive transformation of the Democratic Party is required to defeat Trump, Musk, the lockstep GOP, and 21st-century fascism in general.
The first two articles explained that of the three major political tendencies in the country (the Trumpian reactionaries on the right, the neoliberal “moderates” in the center, and the progressives on the left), only the progressives adequately address the two major complaints that the public has about the direction of the country: 1. The performance of the economy for the vast majority of Americans; and 2. Mistrust of politicians and the political system.
As such, the only effective antidote to the current crisis of our democracy will be the rise of the progressives.
The third article, the most polemical in the series, challenged Americans to recognize some difficult truths. Our constitutional system of government is under attack from within. We are at a perilous moment in our history. For all its flaws, both historical and contemporary, our democratic republic and open society must be defended against the unfolding fascist coup. However, our last bastion of defense is a seemingly listless Democratic Party. As one of the two parties in a nationwide two-party system, it alone has the capacity to take on and defeat a threat of this magnitude. Therefore, it is incumbent upon all people of conscience to get inside the Democratic Party and get to work.
This article, the final installment in the series, presents a viable plan for progressives to transform the Democratic Party into the party that we need; and which, through an alliance with independent left progressive elected officials (like Bernie Sanders), will be poised to win majorities across the country, undo the damage wrought by Trump, and build an America as great as its promise. A country at peace with the world, in harmony with the planet, with an economy organized to ensure that the working class is a prosperous middle class.
Thus, before introducing the “outside-inside” plan to transform the Democratic Party, it’s important to reiterate that this is more than a strategy to win elections in the short run, it’s an outline to dramatically improve American society through mass political participation. As such, it is a strategy to win elections now and for the foreseeable future.
It’s not enough to express anger at Trump—as centrist Democrats are finally starting to do, even as they intend otherwise to proceed as before. Such an opposition party cannot defeat Trumpism. Sure, it’s plausible that this sorry crew could pull off a victory in the midterms—but only because of the horrors of Trump.
While any victory over Trump is welcome, no one should believe that a party that represents the previous status quo can vanquish Trumpism in the long run.
The public recognizes that by complacently calling for a return to “norm,” establishment Democrats are advocating for a society with little to offer them. America in the 21st century has been defined by massive wealth inequality; where the average person has to have two, three, or four jobs, working 60, 70, 80 hours a week, just to keep their head above water; with a broken and inhumane healthcare system designed primarily to steal people's money and give it to the idle investor class; where there is an epidemic of despair among our youth; with legions of fellow citizens homeless; where the jobs are not coming back; where a lot is said but nothing is ever done about persistent structural racism, or mass incarceration, or rampant drug addiction (both “legal” and illegal); and humanity is burning itself off the planet.
Such an opposition party in a two-party political system, even if it achieves a narrow 51-49 victory in 2026 or 2028, can only forestall the rise of savage fascism—because only one of the two options promises change.
We need another option. Only an opposition party that sincerely addresses the crises that afflict American society and proposes workable solutions—and then implements those plans upon being elected, like FDR—can revive faith in the country. We must transform the Democratic Party.
What follows is a simple blueprint for transforming the Democratic Party into the party that America, and all those who believe in democracy around the world, needs in the 21st century.
The following proposal is based on Progressive Democrats of America’s (PDA) two decades of experience working to increase progressive influence within the Party.
Throughout its history PDA has deployed an “inside-outside” strategy. Its members establish themselves inside their local party while maintaining coordination with social movements and the labor movement on the outside of the party. This not only builds support for these movements in the political and legislative realms, but also grounds PDA members in the issues important to communities and the grassroots.
Then, in 2013, PDA launched the Run Bernie Run campaign, calling upon Sen. Sanders to run for president as a Democrat. The campaign was successful, and Sanders’ spectacular performance in the primaries changed American politics for the better—reestablishing progressive politics nationwide.
What better time to build a party through which people will meet fellow community members and share their ideas about how society should be organized?
In the aftermath of the 2016 Sanders campaign, tens of thousands of activists entered the Democratic Party in the hope of moving it in a progressive direction.
While some met with success, most encountered considerable resistance. Democratic Party rules differ from state to state, so they were made to feel unwelcome in a wide variety of ways.
Fast-forward to 2025, and the general sentiment among progressive activists is that the party establishment will do whatever necessary to keep them away.
However, staying away is not an option. History is demanding that the Democratic Party change—and change fast. That is not going to happen by simply wishing it will come true.
What’s needed is a new strategy to transform the Party.
Here’s our proposal, based on two decades of experience:
Progressives must establish an organization—or, at least, a well-defined network of organizations—on the outside of the Democratic Party that is dedicated to transforming the Democratic Party into an exemplary progressive Party committed to the needs and aspirations of the general public.
This organization or network would convene progressives in each state since party rules differ significantly from state to state, and also coordinate nationally, with the clear goal of overcoming the barriers to progressive influence that the party establishment has erected.
As for a unifying political agenda, which is very important, it should be kept simple so that it’s not a source of dissension and distraction. PDA supports adopting the 2020 Sanders for President platform, with some minor tweaks and updates. Also, given the current crisis, a short negative agenda, opposing Trump’s policies, could be added.
Just as importantly, a set of basic demands to reform the Democratic Party should be adopted nationally, including the elimination of dark money from all party primaries, mandatory reporting of all revenue and expenditures, and requirements for a high level of direct engagement with party members and the general public.
In every state, our organization should operate on two fronts: 1. It should organize members to move into the party, determining and then implementing strategies for transforming the party in a progressive direction; and 2. It should hold public-facing events, showing the public what a truly inclusive and welcoming 21st century political party can look like.
On the first front, here are seven strategies that the statewide organizations could deploy:
Then, most importantly, after pursuing these initiatives, members should reconvene in the outside organization and share notes about their success or failure. Like a football team re-huddling after every play, they can adjust their approach and go for it again. In all likelihood, they will devise strategies beyond the seven outlined above.
Over time, and possibly very quickly, this approach will produce breakthroughs. In some states, the party infrastructure is not well populated. Even in states where more people are participating, there’s often a lack of enthusiasm, let alone inspiration. Still, in most cases, progressive activists will encounter barriers to entry and influence.
This is why the establishment of an organization, operating independently on the outside of the party, but dedicated to gaining power in each state party, will make a huge difference compared to recent efforts. Getting to reconvene with fellow progressives, hear about their experiences, and use that knowledge to devise better strategies will mitigate any sense of defeat, and build perseverance.
Lastly, at the national level, the organization should push for a similar ban on dark money in the presidential primaries, and fight to make sure that all the candidates share a level playing field.
On the second front, that of inviting the public to join the effort, the organization should more-or-less operate as a de facto political party—as a party-inside-a-party, so to speak, that happens to be on the outside of the party. And, by adopting exemplary practices, it can prove to the world that democracy, far from dying, remains the best system of political organization for the 21st century.
In this regard, each statewide branch of this new organization must allow for broad participation. This means holding public forums, inviting everyone regardless of political affiliation, engaging with and learning from the people. (Each state branch of the organization should have its own fundraising capacity and balance sheet. Even as some funding will come from the national organization.) Through such events, we can rapidly grow the ranks of our “progressive party outside the party.” In turn, we will invite the new members to join our efforts to “take over” the official Democratic Party. Soon, we will be able to flood the party with progressive activists.
We should aspire to build a party that accommodates people according to their needs. In particular, we must find ways to hear from people who work long hours, and don’t have time to attend meetings, let alone volunteer. Just as we must respect people who don’t want a barrage of text messages. We should engage people at their own pace; always keeping an open line of communication and making sure to check in with everyone a few times per year, placing a priority on listening.
The great Italian political philosopher Antonio Gramsci posited the idea of a political party creating a counter-hegemonic space, where the people could discover their own culture. Certainly, this concept should be applied to our era when countless hours of our lives are lost staring into handheld devices, our minds channeled down rabbit holes by algorithms designed by and for the benefit of our class enemies. What better time to build a party through which people will meet fellow community members and share their ideas about how society should be organized? Study after study suggests that contemporary Americans have a ravenous appetite for exactly this kind of social space.
The organization will also facilitate a full flowering of the classic “inside-outside strategy.” Representatives from social movements and labor organizers will always be provided a platform—as will the broad array of Resistance activists, in particular those from communities and groups of workers under direct attack from the Trump administration. Members of the organization will convey their messages inside the party and call upon elected Democrats to support them.
Also, the organization’s public events will invariably attract people supporting the wide array of radical and visionary projects long marginalized by the moderate Democratic Party. A progressive party, true to its principles, would want to learn about the innumerable mutual aid projects across the country, and consider public policies to support such efforts. Indeed, ours should be a party open to all projects that serve the general welfare.
As such, we should not be shy about reclaiming words like liberty and freedom, long held hostage by the right wing, for all the people—and we should absolutely pull no punches in embracing free speech, rejecting censorship, and exposing right-wing hypocrisy on that front. Such initiatives will help negate the constant misrepresentation of progressives in right-wing media (and by moderate Democrats as well).
Of course, the organization should always be advocating for, and educating the public about, signature progressive policies like Medicare for All, a 21st-Century Economic Bill of Rights, free public higher education and childcare, affordable housing, support for the labor movement, a reduction in Pentagon spending, the Green New Deal, and the Rural New Deal. Almost all of these have majority support among the general public, and their adoption would reestablish an American social contract defined by prosperity for all.
Now for the big question: Can this work?
Two answers.
1. It’s a moot question. It simply has to be tried. Progressives are far too aware of the failings of mainstream Democrats to have faith that they can save us from fascism. But it goes deeper than that. Their zombie ideology is not going to revive itself. History has turned the page on neoliberalism.
So, either we act now to position progressive politics as the viable alternative to Trump or we’re complicit in the end of our democratic society. In our two-party system, there’s only one option: We have to transform the Democratic Party. So, let’s get to it.
2. Yes, it will work.
But only if two important conditions are met.
The first is that the balance of the progressive movement must get behind the effort. You may have noticed that I haven’t been describing this as a PDA initiative, though PDA most certainly will pursue the strategy outlined above. (Indeed, please join PDA, as we will be launching this initiative in the next week—including the recruitment of partner organizations.)
PDA is only one of a number of sizable national progressive organizations, and, for a campaign like this to be successful, it’s important that most of the others join the effort too.
In the coming days, PDA will be reaching out to our regular partners, Our Revolution and Roots Action, as well as a long list of frequent partners and allies, including labor unions, and ask them to be partners.
Fortunately, there is good news, very good news, on this front. Bernie Sanders has been calling for a similar approach to electoral politics in recent days.
On the one hand, he has been calling for the Democratic Party to make many of the changes outlined above (with special emphasis on getting dark money out of the primaries). In general, his critique of the contemporary party matches up with PDA’s.
On the other hand, Bernie has been emphasizing something that, at first glance, may appear to conflict with PDA’s strategy, but the opposite is true—we love the idea. Sen. Sanders has been calling on progressives to consider endorsing independent candidates, especially in parts of the country where the Democratic brand is in shambles. Why does this not contradict our strategy? Because it’s something PDA has practiced throughout our history. You may recall that we ruffled some feathers in the party when we drafted an independent senator to run for president as a Democrat in 2016. The same independent senator that we’ve endorsed every six years.
The Democratic Party can be the party of the working class—and no one will think we’re gaslighting anyone, and we’ll win national elections—when we adopt the Sanders-AOC policy program, which will dramatically improve the lives of the majority of the population.
Not only does Sen. Sanders’ proposal about independent progressive candidates suit our strategy perfectly, but it will be aided by our organization. The success of such an independent candidate requires that the Democratic Party not throw its support behind a Democrat in the general election—this was the case last year in Nebraska when the Democratic Party “stood down” for independent candidate Dan Osbourn. Our “outside-inside” organization is perfectly suited to help facilitate, and, with the right independent candidate, support this strategy.
In the coming days, I will be reaching out to Sen. Sanders to talk about coordinating our efforts.
The second important condition is that, even in states where we might endorse independent candidates, the Democratic Party itself must be a central focus of the campaign. This can’t simply be a matter of supporting progressive candidates.
Why? Because Trumpism will not be vanquished until the opposition can implement transformative policies that will noticeably improve the lives of Americans. This will not be possible until progressives win control of the party and can diminish the power of big money, which effectively buys primaries for moderate neoliberal Democrats. This is especially pronounced in the U.S. Senate where Democrats, on balance, are more conservative than in the House—and where primary elections are much, much more expensive.
Thus, even though a strong majority of Democratic voters support progressive policies, congressional Democrats invariably champion a milquetoast set of technocratic adjustments that will improve very few people’s lives. This plays right into the hands of a demagogue like Trump. Yet moderate Democratic incumbents will be safe in their seats until progressives gain control of the party and can level the primary playing field (and also call out incumbents for not supporting the party platform). Only then will the public feel that Democratic Party candidates are serious about making changes to improve their lives.
It follows that building progressive power inside the party is a necessary precursor to the passage of transformative progressive legislation. This is an opportune time to pursue this strategy, as incoming Democratic National Committee Chair Ken Martin has said that he welcomes an influx of progressives into the party.
Of course, Martin extends this invitation in a spirit of party unity, which progressives should also embrace while never bending on principle. After all, it still remains essential that we join together to defeat the fascists and preserve our democratic republic.
Having said that, we will be calling for, and organizing to achieve, a progressive transformation of the party. We just need to proceed with grace and decorum. We’re confident that we’ll win the debate. The facts are with us 100%.
Neoliberal and moderate Democrats keep losing national elections to an anti-constitutional authoritarian Republican Party that itself has very low public support. Why? Because moderate Democrats are a status-quo political formation, and the public is profoundly dissatisfied with the state of the country.
Furthermore—and this really drives the point home—when it became apparent after the election that the mainstream Democrats had “lost the working class” to Trump, mainstream Democrats across the nation started talking about the working class. But there was no discernable change in the policies they support. This is gaslighting, and the public will see right through it.
Progressives, as part of the same political party as the moderates, need to explain this politely to the moderates and to the party activists, rank-and-file members, and the general public.
The Democratic Party can be the party of the working class—and no one will think we’re gaslighting anyone, and we’ll win national elections—when we adopt the Sanders-AOC policy program, which will dramatically improve the lives of the majority of the population.
I’m confident that progressives can win the debate over the direction of the party while maintaining a spirit of comity and anti-fascist unity.
So, there you have it. Public dissatisfaction with the party is so profound, the moment is ripe for a progressive takeover—and this can be achieved through some basic organizing and old-fashioned stick-to-itiveness.
Many historians have noted that periods of significant social progress often follow great crises. Well, with Trump, we have a great crisis unfolding.
If we take appropriate action now, not only can we limit the damage, but we can set the table for a new progressive era and the redemption of democracy.
Join PDA’s efforts to create a truly progressive Democratic Party, which we desperately need at this crucial hour of our history.
NB: In the previous article in this series, I promised to respond to the myriad objections (i.e. excuses) people have to becoming active in the Democratic Party. Because of the great length of this article, I will publish those retorts at the end of an addendum to this series that I will publish in a few weeks, which will also update the progress of the project outlined in this article.
"We need a leader who will tell a clear story about what Musk and Trump are doing... rally the people and organize in congressional districts across the country, and... engage forcefully and clearly in the media."
Dozen of advocacy organizations on Wednesday joined the growing call for U.S. Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer to step down from his leadership position after caving to Republicans on a stopgap spending measure last month.
Given GOP control of Congress and the White House, people across the country saw the looming government shutdown as a rare opportunity for Democratic lawmakers to fight against President Donald Trump's agenda. However, Schumer (D-N.Y.) led 10 caucus members in partnering with Senate Republicans to force through the spending legislation.
Since then, polling has made clear that voters are frustrated with the Democratic Party and Schumer in particular, and want political leaders to challenge the GOP's agenda, which is primarily passing more tax giveaways for the wealthy and gutting the federal government—an effort led by Trump adviser Elon Musk, the richest person on Earth.
"As Trump and Musk seek to dismantle not just the key public health and safety functions of our federal government, but also the fundamental pillars of our democracy itself, we require the unflinching, bold and strategic resistance of every single Democrat in Washington—especially party leaders such as Senator Schumer," said Mitch Jones, managing director of policy and litigation at Food & Water Watch, in a statement.
"Schumer's inexplicable surrender and support for a dangerous and cruel MAGA spending bill amounted to a complete dereliction of duty and failure of leadership. For this simple reason, Schumer must step down as Senate majority leader immediately," added Jones, whose group led the letter with Progressive Democrats of America (PDA) and the Center for Biological Diversity (CBD).
"Sen. Schumer, you have lost the confidence of elected Democrats, and you have lost the confidence of our organizations."
Ultimately, over 50 other groups signed on to the letter to Schumer, which begins, "We write to urge you in the strongest terms to step down as Senate minority leader so that someone more prepared and willing to fight the disastrous Musk-Trump agenda can step up and lead."
Pointing to the shutdown battle, or lack thereof, the letter asserts: "You surrendered one of the very few points of leverage Democrats have to stop the full-scale dismantling of key government functions and Musk-Trump's complete disregard for congressional actions. Further, it was evident throughout the process that there was no plan, no message, and no strategy. We face an existential crisis for our food, water, health, communities, and climate. We simply cannot afford more of the same."
"Trump, Musk, and the Republican Congress are engaging in an assault on basic government functions," the letter stresses. The Musk-led Department of Government Efficiency (DOGE) "is cutting or eliminating many critical programs that include consumer protection from corporate fraud, clean water and food safety and assistance, education, renewable energy, and healthcare and retirement and access to them including Social Security, Medicare, and Medicaid."
With the spending bill, "it is clear there was no strategy around the fight and no communication plan. Frankly, there hasn't been since the start of the Trump administration," the groups argued. "You simply gave your vote and support, receiving nothing in return except praise from Trump. This is inexcusable."
"Sen. Schumer, you have lost the confidence of elected Democrats, and you have lost the confidence of our organizations," the coalition continued. "We need strong leadership to really fight the Musk-Trump agenda. We need a leader who will tell a clear story about what Musk and Trump are doing, who will hold daily briefings with key messages, who will rally the people and organize in congressional districts across the country, and who will engage forcefully and clearly in the media—including alternative media."
"Allow a Democratic senator who can do all these things to step up and lead," the organizations implored. "It's time to do the right thing. It's time to step down as Senate minority leader."
While the groups did not put forth any alternative names to fill the role, PDA executive director Alan Minsky said Wednesday that "we need a fearless Senate minority leader who will seize every opportunity to disrupt Trump's plans. Chuck Schumer has never been a strong negotiator, and his capitulation last month over the budget showed he is not the right leader for this moment. Democrats need a new minority leader—one who understands the stakes and will never back down."
Brett Hartl, government affairs director at CBD, warned that if Schumer remains, "the best Democrats can hope for is permanent minority status in the Senate, the worst will be the end of our democracy, complete ruin of the climate, and the evisceration of all our bedrock environmental protections."
"Booker said that he was speaking in spite' of [Thurmond's] remarks against the 1957 Civil Rights Act." This is a much-improved record, to say the least. Congratulations and thank you to @booker.senate.gov for standing up for democracy!
[image or embed]
— Food & Water Watch ( @foodandwater.bsky.social) April 2, 2025 at 2:44 PM
The letter came a day after Sen. Cory Booker (D-N.J.), a 2020 presidential candidate, broke the record for the longest Senate speech with over 25 hours of remarks decrying Trump and Musk's assault on the government. Multiple Democrats, including Schumer, asked Booker questions, to give him opportunities to rest and shift topics.
Meanwhile, Sen. Bernie Sanders (I-Vt.)—who caucuses with Democrats and sought the party's 2016 and 2020 presidential nominations—is in the midst of a "Fighting Oligarchy: Where We Go From Here"
tour across the United States. Multiple Democratic lawmakers have joined him, including New York Congresswoman Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, who faces mounting pressure to primary Schumer in the 2028 cycle.
As Trump eats their faces, his voters are more likely to support proven effective progressive solutions to our shared challenges. We must find a way to meet them and welcome them into our orbit so that we can build the kind of society we all truly deserve.
In 2015, writer Adrian Bott famously tweeted: “‘I never thought leopards would eat MY face,’ sobs woman who voted for the Leopards Eating People’s Faces Party.” This went viral, coining the phrase, “Leopards ate my face.” It’s so tempting to mock people who act against their own interests such as Trump voters.
Many people voted for Trump due to their perception of economic self-interest, as MAGA promised to restore America's economy and national pride after recent hardships. Additionally, Trump's charismatic leadership and the appeal of his nationalist and anti-woke rhetoric attracted widespread support among various segments of the population.
Wait, no. That’s my paraphrased analysis of how Adolph Hitler rose to power. I substituted Trump for Hitler, MAGA for Nazi Party, America for Germany, and woke for communist. I couldn’t resist. My bad. You can find the original source: How Did Adolf Hitler Happen? on the National WWII Museum website.
So how did Trump rise to power? In a November 13, 2024 article entitled What Trump supporters believe and expect, the Pew Research Center reported “[T]he economy was the most important issue for Trump voters this year. In a September survey, 93% said it was very important to their vote. Immigration ranked second, as 82% said it was very important to their vote.”
Many people voted for Trump due to his lies about immigration and the economy. He and his team effectively tricked people into believing that he would effectively address these issues. This, because his supporters see him as a decisive leader who would change America.
According to the same Pew Research article, among Trump voters: “92% believed that biological sex is not mutable. Just 7% said a person can be a man or woman even if that is different from the sex they were assigned at birth. 89% said gun ownership does more to increase than decrease safety. 83% viewed the criminal justice system as not tough enough on criminals. 75% did not think the legacy of slavery affects the position of Black people in American society today much or at all.”
So not all that much different from Hitler’s rise to power. Trump’s voters are already learning to their dismay that Trump’s fascistic attacks on trans people, immigrants, women, and minorities won’t do anything to help anyone.
Trump’s frantic dismantling of government and mass firing of public servants—including veterans—harm these essential government employees immediately. This anarchic frenzy will hurt all of us eventually, including Trump voters. His regressive, reckless policies certainly won’t lower the price of eggs which are far more likely to infect people with food borne diseases now that Trump fired inspectors charged with keeping our food safe.
Any way forward against fascism must repudiate faux populism by championing inclusive economic policies—such as a 21st Century Economic Bill of Rights based on FDR’s Second Bill of Rights.
Many Trump voters already realize that their lives are getting worse, not better, due to Trump’s assaults on education, science, health, and nearly every other essential government service. We may feel compelled to say, “We told you so!” to Trump voters and even to other people who didn’t vote for Kamala Harris. That’s understandable, perhaps unavoidable, but I think it makes more sense to commiserate with them. After all, so many of them already lament Trump’s eating their faces off.
After we commiserate, we could listen to Trump voters and others, learn why they voted the way they did. We could urge them to vote for better candidates to cure the harms their vote caused. If that prospect disgusts you, then we could consider learning from interviews with Trump voters and public opinion polling instead.
We could engage with persuadable Trump voters and persuade them to vote for candidates courageous enough to stand up to oligarchs and corporatists. We could listen to and learn from those who rejected Kamala Harris. Trump voters, Jill Stein voters, and those who stayed home have valid views about the weaknesses of Democratic candidates and policies. After we listen to them, we could ask them to help us make the Democratic Party better.
Alan Minsky explained how and why this makes sense as a viable theory of change in his article, Our 2 Choices: Join the Democratic Party to Transform It, or Acquiesce to Fascism published by Common Dreams last month. Minsky wrote, “Because of the structure of American society and politics, the Democratic Party is the only institution positioned to challenge, defeat, and reverse the Trump administration’s ongoing destruction of our constitutional order.”
Of course this prescription involves a powerful mass movement working inside and outside of the Democratic Party. This, to effectuate an evolution in the Party to reject neoliberal economics in favor of an enlightened economics of inclusion. One that fits neatly beside, rather than works at cross purposes, with the Democratic Party’s commitment to social inclusion. Good economic policy has always been good politics.
Alan Minsky added a post script, “The one thing I think I should have added—and which I will add at the top of my next essay—is that the Democratic Party right now is flat on its back. Now is not the time for progressives to abandon the party.”
Make no mistake, Trump’s economic policies elevate special interests and oligarchs above the needs of every day Americans at least as much as any other neoliberal scams. Also, as mentioned, Trump’s style of identity politics is at least as cynical as any Democrat’s. Much worse, Trump’s demagoguery instigates death threats, stochastic terrorism, and violence. Most notably the January 6th attacks against the U.S. Capitol seeking to halt the peaceful transfer of power after Trump lost the 2020 election.
Yes, they voted for Trump. Yes, Trump is eating their faces. Yes, we may feel an almost irresistible urge to wipe what’s left of their noses in the rotten fruits of their folly. That won’t help beat back Trump’s fascism or help us win elections.
Asad Haider, author of Mistaken Identity: Race and Class in the Age of Trump (Verso 2018), wrote a commentary published in Salon entitled Despite his loss, Bernie Sanders' campaign proved that organizing around class interests works. Haider explained, “First and foremost, liberals are constantly worried about people ‘voting against their interests.’ ... According to a certain liberal common sense, working class voters are continually supporting Republicans, against ‘interests’ which haven't yet been defined.”
I estimate that between a fourth and a third of voters actually believe that scapegoating and harming immigrants, minorities, women, disabled people—aka Trump’s anti-woke, anti-DEI attacks—are in their interests. Of course they’re wrong. Still, it may well be extremely time consuming and difficult to deprogram them and free them from their hatefulness.
That said, reaching out to such people with an economic message might help begin a constructive conversation, or it may not. Calling them “deplorable” etc. gains us little more than a feeling of moral superiority. Cold comfort for people subjected to Trump’s ruthless predation, including almost all of them and us sooner or later.
By my calculus, at least two thirds of voters remain open to listening to a progressive agenda. In fact, they’re eager to support candidates and policies that center the economic needs of the poor, the working class, and the increasingly insecure middle class. This, in a marked repudiation of Carter-Clinton-Obama-Biden neoliberal policies that favor greed and power of the economic elite over the vast majority of Americans.
Bernie Sanders proved outreach based on economic imperatives works. In an article entitled Bernie Sanders influenced US politics more than any other failed presidential candidate in the country's history published in 2020 by Business Insider, John Haltiwanger wrote:
His push for Medicare for All, the Green New Deal, and tuition-free college, among other policies aimed at eradicating inequality, has set the tone for the future of the party. This is evident via young leaders such as Democratic Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez of New York, who volunteered on Sanders' campaign in 2016 before going on to win a shocking victory in the 2018 midterms.
Haltiwanger added, “Sanders has also set a new standard in the way campaigns raise money, rejecting high-dollar fundraisers while building a massive grassroots movement via small-dollar donations.”
Failing to make a Bernie Sanders-style economic appeal to voters, candidates running as Democrats keep ceding the high ground on economic inclusiveness. Trump took advantage of this failure. Other faux populists will continue doing so as well.
By running on identity rather than kitchen table issues, neoliberal Democrats squander political advantages on economics, the most important issues for many if not most voters. Candidates may shy away from inclusive economics, hoping to secure generous campaign contributions from oligarchs and elites.
In any case, the dismal results of this utterly failed approach speak for themselves. No amount of slick television ads or performative inclusion can overcome the stench of duplicitous neoliberal policies. Voters reject these broken promises. Bad economic policy remains bad politics.
Diversity, inclusion, and equity remain essential. That understood, absent a clear parallel commitment to economic inclusion, candidates relying on to DEI may appear out of touch. Worse, tokenism and other hollowly symbolic identity politics alienates increasingly cynical voters. This, including poor, working class, and middle class voters of all ethnicities, across all demographics.
Decades of bipartisan neoliberal repudiation of New Deal economic policies set the stage for Trump’s faux populism. Generations of Democrats’ failure to offer a competing inclusive economic vision opened the door for Trump’s fascism. This dismal dynamic creates an opportunity for a people-centered policy advocates. As Trump eats their faces, his voters are more likely to support proven effective progressive solutions to our shared challenges.
So-called “centrist” Democrats may try to camouflage their rob from the poor to enrich the rich policies behind a cheap and increasingly cynical strategy focusing on identity politics. That tactic isn’t working. Not as politics, nor as policy.
This approach keeps failing so spectacularly that I find it hard to imagine it’s any kind of accident. I blame million dollar a month consultants whose allegiance lies with billionaire benefactors. Their advice consistently prevents Democratic political victories. They must know this. Their income depends on it.
We can and will continue making social progress, and we must struggle for a more perfect union, no matter the backlash, and no matter how long it takes.
Overpaid pundits would rather lose to fascists like Trump than win by backing progressives like Bernie Sanders, A.O.C., and the rest of The Squad. So should people abandon the Democratic Party? As mentioned, Alan Minsky addressed that dilemma in his Common Dreams article Our 2 Choices: Join the Democratic Party to Transform It, or Acquiesce to Fascism.
Bernie eschewed high priced consultants and relied on small donations. This lets Sanders and other progressive candidates shake off shackles of campaign contributions with strings attached, freeing them to advocate for policies that benefit everyone—not just the wealthiest elite. This is important.
Any way forward against fascism must repudiate faux populism by championing inclusive economic policies—such as a 21st Century Economic Bill of Rights based on FDR’s Second Bill of Rights. Alan Minsky and Professor Harvey J. Kaye wrote about this in their February 2022 Common Dreams article entitled A Call for All Progressive Candidates and Officeholders to Embrace a 21st Century Economic Bill of Rights.
Melding economic and social policies, Minsky and Kaye wrote, “We must guarantee all people residing in the United States the right to the essentials of a good life regardless of their income, race, religion, gender, sexual orientation, or country of origin.”
It’s true. People of color, immigrants, LGBTQ+ people, disabled people, and other Trump targets disproportionately suffer from neoliberal economic neglect. Promising people equal access to college means nothing when we can’t afford to feed ourselves or our loved ones, heat our homes, or even pay the rent—much less pay for tuition, books, room, and board.
Sadly, trying to impose enlightenment on an unwilling majority usually backfires. Trump’s two electoral victories, along with appallingly sweeping victories by hate-mongers like Ron DeSantis prove these points.
We can and will continue making social progress, and we must struggle for a more perfect union, no matter the backlash, and no matter how long it takes. As Dr. King said, “The arc of the moral universe is long, but it bends toward justice.”
I hope those of us who warned against Project 2025 and the rest of the Trump wrought wreckage will extend an empathetic hand of welcome to all those who voted for Trump or failed to vote against him.
Progress toward economic and social justice makes winning culture wars more likely. By contrast, failure to address the economic needs of the majority makes social progress impossible. As the decades of New Deal coalition domination of U.S. politics proved, we can win elections and win over swing voters by addressing their economic needs. Bernie Sanders showed that the New Deal resonates as well today as it did from the 1930s all the way into the 1960s.
I hope those of us who warned against Project 2025 and the rest of the Trump wrought wreckage will extend an empathetic hand of welcome to all those who voted for Trump or failed to vote against him. This, in order to reclaim and remake the Democratic Party into a people’s party worth of the name. I hope this happens sooner rather than later.
Yes, they voted for Trump. Yes, Trump is eating their faces. Yes, we may feel an almost irresistible urge to wipe what’s left of their noses in the rotten fruits of their folly. That won’t help beat back Trump’s fascism or help us win elections. We’re better off offering the increasing numbers of repentant Trump voters a sweeping, common sense set of solutions to their economic woes. They’re our woes too.