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The president-elect's advisers are reportedly discussing plans to shrink or eliminate key bank watchdogs, including the Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation.
President-elect Donald Trump and his advisers are reportedly considering plans to weaken—or abolish altogether—top bank regulators, including the Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation and Office of the Comptroller of the Currency.
The Wall Street Journalreported Thursday that members of Trump's transition team and the new Elon Musk-led Department of Government Efficiency have asked nominees under consideration to head the FDIC and OCC if the bank watchdogs could be eliminated and have their functions absorbed by the Treasury Department, which is set to be run by a billionaire hedge fund manager and crypto enthusiast.
"Bank executives are optimistic President-elect Donald Trump will ease a host of regulations on capital cushions and consumer protections, as well as scrutiny of consolidation in the industry," the Journal reported. "But FDIC deposit insurance is considered near sacred. Any move that threatened to undermine even the perception of deposit insurance could quickly ripple through banks and in a crisis might compound customer fears."
The Trump team's internal and fluid discussions about the fate of the key bank regulators broadly aligns with Project 2025's proposal to "merge the Office of the Comptroller of the Currency, the Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation, the National Credit Union Administration, and the Federal Reserve's non-monetary supervisory and regulatory functions."
The FDIC, which is primarily funded by bank insurance premiums, was established during the Great Depression to restore public trust in the nation's banking system, and the agency played a central role in navigating the 2023 bank failures that threatened a systemic crisis.
Observers warned that gutting the FDIC and OCC could catalyze another economic meltdown.
"The next recession starts here," tech journalist Jacob Silverman warned in response to the Journal's reporting.
Eric Rauchway, a historian of the New Deal, wrote that "even Milton Friedman appreciated the FDIC," underscoring the extreme nature of the incoming Trump administration's deregulatory ambitions.
Musk, the world's wealthiest man, is also pushing for the elimination of the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau, an agency established in the wake of the 2008 financial crisis.
The Journal noted Thursday that "Rep. Andy Barr, a Republican from Kentucky and Trump ally on the House Financial Services Committee, has backed the plan to eliminate or drastically alter the CFPB and said he wants to get rid of what he calls 'one-size-fits-all' regulation for banks."
Barr has received millions of dollars in campaign donations from the financial sector and "introduced many pieces of pro-industry legislation, including significant rollbacks of protections stemming from the 2008 financial crisis," according to the watchdog group Accountable.US.
Economist Paul Krugman argued there is a "real case for an emergency cut soon" as concerns grow that the Fed has waited too long to act.
A steep global sell-off in financial markets on Monday and broader concerns about the health of the U.S. economy sparked calls for the Federal Reserve to take the rare step of enacting an emergency interest rate cut—something last done at the start of the coronavirus pandemic.
The calls came as the Fed and its chairman, Jerome Powell, faced mounting criticism for not reducing borrowing costs earlier despite slowing job and wage growth and overwhelming evidence that U.S. inflation has cooled dramatically from its 2022 peak.
Jeremy Siegel, an American economist and finance professor at the Wharton School of the University of Pennsylvania, said in an appearance on CNBC Monday morning that the Fed should "at minimum" implement an emergency 75-basis-point cut to interest rates followed by another cut of the same size at its scheduled September meeting.
The current federal funds rate—the target interest rate set by the Fed—is 5.25% to 5.50%. Siegel argued that the rate should be "somewhere between 3.5% and 4%," noting that inflation is nearly at the central bank's arbitrary 2% inflation target while the unemployment rate is rising.
"How much have we moved the fed funds rate? Zero," said Siegel. "That makes absolutely no sense whatsoever."
"I'm calling for a 75 basis point emergency cut in the Fed funds rate, with another 75 basis point cut indicated for next month at the September meeting - and that's minimum," says Wharton's Jeremy Siegel: pic.twitter.com/s4CgWx962Q
— Squawk Box (@SquawkCNBC) August 5, 2024
Economist Paul Krugman also urged the Fed to act with an emergency rate cut, rejecting the counterargument that doing so could suggest policymakers are panicking.
"Even though I've been arguing for rate cuts—50 [basis points] in September for sure—I wasn't calling for an inter-meeting cut, because that might signal panic," Krugman wrote on social media. "But since we may be seeing a panic anyway, that argument loses its force. Real case for an emergency cut soon."
Monday's sell-off wiped $1 trillion off the market values of leading U.S. tech companies shortly after trading began, and Wall Street's "fear index" jumped to its highest level since 2020.
"Is this 1987 all over again?" asked a headline in The Wall Street Journal, referring to the infamous stock market crash known as "Black Monday." Reutersproclaimed that global markets were giving off "'Black Monday' vibes." The Financial Timesnoted that "Tokyo's Topix fell 12.2%, the sharpest sell-off since 'Black Monday' in October 1987 and more than erasing its gains for the year."
"The biggest concern here is they put us in a recessionary environment, and it's too late to course-correct."
U.S. lawmakers, economists, and progressive advocacy groups have been urging the chair of the world's most powerful central bank to cut interest rates for months, warning that keeping borrowing costs elevated for an extended period could do profound harm to workers as well as the broader U.S. and global economy. Higher rates have already taken a significant toll on lower-income Americans, in part due to rising interest payments and sky-high housing costs.
"Chair Powell, enough brinkmanship," the Groundwork Collaborative, a vocal advocate of rate cuts, wrote on social media Monday. "It's time to follow the data demanding rate cuts. It's time to put the American people first. It's time to cut interest rates now."
During its meeting last week, the Federal Open Market Committee (FOMC)—the Fed's policy-setting committee—opted to keep rates at a two-decade high for the 12th consecutive month, sparking allegations that Powell is succumbing to political pressure from Republican presidential nominee Donald Trump and GOP lawmakers.
Powell said a rate cut is "on the table" for the September FOMC meeting but did not make any explicit commitments.
Two days after the Fed decided to keep the current federal funds rate in place—which came even as other nations' central banks moved to lower interest rates—the U.S. Labor Department released data showing that the country added far fewer jobs than expected in July and that the unemployment rate rose to its highest level in roughly three years.
The data amplified concerns that the Fed has waited too long to reduce borrowing costs.
"I worry that they are behind the eight ball here," Groundwork executive director Lindsay Owens said last week. "And with every passing FOMC meeting where they don't move to correct for being behind the eight ball, the risks accumulate and compound."
"The biggest concern here is they put us in a recessionary environment, and it's too late to course-correct," Owens added. "Much better to course-correct early than late, in my opinion."
For media outlets owned by the wealthy, there’s obvious utility in directing the conversation away from inequality and toward other concerns.
One of the defining features of contemporary U.S. capitalism is rampant inequality. Though there is some scholarly debate about its precise extent, even conservative estimates suggest a rise in income inequality of 16% since 1979 (as measured by the Gini coefficient). Moreover, of the 38 members of the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development, a group of mainly high-income countries, the U.S. currently ranks dismally as the sixth-most unequal.
In 2013, then–President Barack Obama described inequality, alongside a lack of upward mobility, as the “defining challenge of our time” (CBS, 12/4/13). This declaration spurred a brief moment of interest in inequality on cable news channels, which proved fleeting. During the two-month window of December 2013 through January 2014—Obama made his statement during a speech on December 4—the cable news channels Fox, CNN, and MSNBC aired about a tenth of the total mentions of the term “inequality” that they would air from the start of 2010 through the beginning of 2024, a 14-year period.
The rapid rise in inequality over recent decades might have been expected to generate a deep sense of alarm in news media. But on cable news, there’s little sign of distress.
Compare cable coverage of inequality to coverage of other economic topics, such as inflation, recession, and government debt. The following chart shows the number of mentions of various terms across Fox, CNN, and MSNBC over the course of 2023:
Can you make out the bottom bar? That depicts combined coverage of four terms: “income inequality,” “wealth inequality,” “class inequality,” and “economic inequality.” Those four together got less than 1% of the coverage of inflation during 2023.
The skew was evident but less extreme at text-based outlets. Searches of The New York Times archives for the year of 2023 deliver 1.5 times as many articles for “debt ceiling” as for “income inequality,” 2.5 times for “recession,” and seven times for “inflation.” Searches of The Washington Post archives for the same period return a more disproportionate 18 times for “debt ceiling,” 14 times for “recession,” and 34 times for “inflation.”
Note that, although inflation and a debt ceiling battle were both issues in 2023, there was no recession. The reason there was so much coverage of the topic was that economists overwhelmingly forecast a recession—and utterly whiffed—and media signal-boosted their inaccurate predictions. Fears of recession, a fantasy problem, consequently overshadowed discussion of the very real problem of inequality.
For media outlets owned by the wealthy, there’s obvious utility in directing the conversation away from inequality and toward other concerns. For instance, if the public’s attention can be directed toward a debt ceiling battle, corporate media outlets can hype fears about unsustainable deficits. In turn, the public can be primed to see government debt as a leading challenge, whether or not this actually makes much sense.
Public opinion data suggests that this has worked—53% of Americans see the federal budget deficit as a very big problem, whereas only 44% view economic inequality the same way.
Media hyper-fixation on inflation and a potential recession over the last couple years, meanwhile, has persistently distorted the economic evaluations of the general population, whose satisfaction with the economy remained at historically low levels last year amidst the strongest economic recovery in decades (FAIR.org, 1/5/24). In a recent poll, asked whether wage growth outpaced inflation over the past year, a full 90% of Americans said that it hadn’t, when in reality it had.
In each case, whether media are fearmongering about deficits, inflation, or a potential recession, they have been able to steer the conversation away from progressive policies and toward a more centrist approach.
At the heart of the issue is that news media don’t just structure conversations about inequality; inequality also structures the media.
Both The New York Times and The Washington Post, during last year’s debt ceiling battle, directed attention toward Social Security and Medicare, amplifying arguments for cutting these programs (FAIR.org, 5/17/23, 6/15/23). During the recent bout of inflation, both papers cheered on the Federal Reserve’s campaign to “cool” the labor market (read: reduce workers’ bargaining power) and potentially hike unemployment (FAIR.org, 1/25/23, 6/27/23).
Promotion of recession fears likewise functioned to sow doubts about the sweeping stimulus packages implemented in response to the pandemic, legislation that produced the most rapid recovery in decades and a substantial reduction in inequality. After all, if the inevitable result of an enhanced safety net is inflation and a downturn, why bother?
A focus on the fundamental issue of inequality, which has significantly exacerbated the effects of real but temporary issues like elevated inflation, would not serve these same ends. Rather, its likely effect would be to delegitimize centrist policies and point towards a more radical approach.
Consider these findings from a 2014 study: Asked what they view as an ideal pay ratio between CEOs and unskilled workers, Americans pointed to a ratio of 7-to-1. The real ratio at the time? 354-to-1. Meanwhile, Americans thought that the actual ratio was more like 30-to-1, about an order of magnitude off from reality.
There’s no way to get to Americans’ preferred level of equality without a massive redistribution of income. But is the public going to push for this sort of redistribution if media distract them from the topic, or if a lack of coverage results in them not even recognizing the extent of inequality in the first place?
At the heart of the issue is that news media don’t just structure conversations about inequality; inequality also structures the media. The dominant news outlets are major corporations owned by the wealthy. The flow of information is far from democratically controlled. Instead, a billionaire can pick winners among media outlets by, for instance, boosting the circulation of a staunchly centrist publication like The Washington Post.
Within prominent news outlets, journalists are drawn disproportionately from privileged backgrounds and top schools. They may come in with blinders about issues like inequality that are felt more viscerally by lower-income folks.
Even more worrisome is the personal advantage that on-screen personalities on top TV networks derive from ignoring inequality, which may explain why cable news is so much worse at covering inequality than a paper like The New York Times. Popular anchors at Fox, CNN, and MSNBC make millions of dollars a year, putting them easily in the top 1% of earners nationwide. Is it at all surprising when they opt for an obsession with the deficit over an interest in inequality?
What can be done about this state of affairs? Calls for journalists to do better may get us somewhere, but more fundamental change is needed. As scholars Faik Kurtulmus and Jan Kandiyali have argued, getting media to pay more attention to issues affecting working-class and poor people requires a different funding model, one where the upper class doesn’t hold all the power.
One option would be a voucher system in which
everyone would be provided with a publicly funded voucher, which they would then get to spend at a news outlet of their choice, with the revenue going to that news outlet… Coupled with a more representative and diverse pool of journalists, this could lead to a marked improvement in the media’s coverage of issues of poverty and inequality.
A complementary set of reforms are advocated by Thomas Piketty in his recent book A Brief History of Equality:
The best solution [to media concentration in the hands of the wealthy] would be to change the legal framework and adopt a law that truly democratizes the media, guaranteeing employees and journalists half the seats in the governing organs, whatever their legal form might be, opening the doors to representatives from the reading public, and drastically limiting stockholders’ power.
Ultimately, it’s going to take an attack on inequality within media to get media to take inequality seriously.