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The bill would end two of the ultra rich’s favorite tax-avoidance strategies: “Buy-Borrow-Die” and “Buy-Hold for Decades-Sell.”
America’s ultra-rich today love to play tax-avoidance games. One of their favorites goes by the tag “buy-borrow-die,” a neat set of tricks that lets billionaire households avoid any taxes on the gains they make from their investments.
The simple rules of the buy-borrow-die game: buy an asset—with your millions or billions—and watch it grow. If you have a hankering to pocket some of that gain, don’t sell the asset. Any sale would trigger a capital gains tax. Just borrow against that asset instead, a simple move that lets you avoid capital gains levies so long as you live.
And what happens when you die? Nothing! Your asset’s untaxed gains vanish for income tax purposes under a tax code provision known as “stepped-up basis.”
Thanks to this buy-hold for decades-sell, the effective tax rate on the multi-billion dollar gains of America’s Bezoses, Gateses, and Buffetts, even when they do sell assets before they die, approaches zero.
This buy-borrow-die, progressive lawmakers like U.S. Sen. Ron Wyden from Oregon believe, amounts to a game plan for creating dynastic fortunes. Wyden has proposed an antidote, dubbed the “Billionaires Income Tax,” which would require billionaires to pay tax annually on the gains they make from tradable assets like the corporate shares that list on stock exchanges.
Gains from non-tradable assets would go untaxed, under Wyden’s proposal, but only until the assets get sold, at which point the tax rate would be increased to account for the tax-free compounding of annual gains. And those who inherit millions and billions from billionaires would no longer, under Wyden’s bill, be able to benefit from our current tax code’s magical stepped-up basis.
Closing the buy-borrow-die loophole would, all by itself, be reason enough for passing Wyden’s Billionaires Income Tax bill. But buy-borrow-die may only be the second leakiest loophole Wyden’s proposal would close. His Billionaires Income Tax proposal would also shut down a far less well-known loophole I like to call “Buy-Hold for Decades-Sell.”
How does this loophole work? Consider two rich taxpayers, Jack and Jill. Each invests $10 million in a stock they hope will grow at a 10% annual long-term rate, a good but not great return for a rich investor. Investors in Berkshire Hathaway, for example, have seen average annual returns of about 20%.
Our Jack goes on to hold his stock for 30 years and realizes exactly the 10% annual return he hoped to achieve.
Jill opts for a more aggressive investment strategy. After holding her stock for just over one-year, long enough to qualify her profits for the preferential tax rate available to long-term capital gains, Jill then sells at an 11% gain, pays tax on the gain, and invests the remaining proceeds in a stock she believes has more potential going forward. She successfully repeats this strategy each year for 30 years.
You might guess that Jill’s eventual nest egg at the end of 30 years, after paying federal income tax at the current long-term gains rate of 23.8%, would be larger than Jack’s. But, despite Jill’s superior investment acumen, Jack’s $135 million nest egg turns out to be 20% larger than Jill’s $112 million nest egg.
How could that be? Jack, to be sure, does pay the same 23.8% tax on his capital gain as Jill. But Jack’s money has had the benefit of 30 years of compounding before Jack has to pay that tax. That benefit far outweighs Jack’s lower annual investment return.
Jack’s whopping tax benefit from holding an appreciating asset for several decades should give us pause. After all, we want investors to seek the highest yielding investments, not the ones that get the best tax treatment. We don’t want developers of promising new technologies, for example, struggling to raise capital because our tax law confers higher returns on investors who just keep on holding old, under-performing investments.
In our example, Jill’s annual tax of 23.8% on her gains reduces Jill’s 11% pre-tax rate of return to an after-tax return of 8.38%. But Jack, because he gets to defer the tax on his 10% annual gains for 30 years, sees the after-tax return on his investment reduced by only 0.93 percentage points, to 9.07%.
As a result, Jack, a poorer investor than Jill, has millions more wealth on hand at the end of 30 years.
What tax rate would Jack have to pay annually on the growth in his stock value to place him in the same position at the end of 30 years as a one-time tax of 23.8% upon the sale of that stock? He’d only have to pay tax at a 9.3% annual rate. That 9.3% would actually run lower than the 10% income tax rate that our federal tax code currently expects Americans with incomes barely above the poverty level to pay.
In some extreme cases today, our super rich can enjoy an effective annual tax rate on their investments far lower than Jack’s.
Consider a lucky Berkshire Hathaway investor who bought 100 shares back in 1979 at $260 per share, a $26,000 investment. That investor’s shares would be worth about $70 million today. The annual pre-tax return on those shares would be 19.19%. If the investor sold the shares and paid tax at 23.8% on the long-term gain, the investor would be left with about $53.35 million.
The investor’s annual rate of return after-tax would be 18.47%, a trifling 0.72 percentage point reduction from this investor’s pre-tax rate of return. The effective annual rate of tax on the growth in the investor’s stock value would be 3.75%, less than one-sixth the 23.8% one-time rate on the investor’s compounded gains.
That about sums up perfectly the magic of buy-hold for decades-sell, the loophole that causes the effective annual tax rate on the growth in the value of investments to decline as the rate of return and length of holding period increase. Thanks to this buy-hold for decades-sell, the effective tax rate on the multi-billion dollar gains of America’s Bezoses, Gateses, and Buffetts, even when they do sell assets before they die, approaches zero.
We don’t need to just close the buy-borrow-die loophole. We desperately need to shut the buy-hold for decades-sell loophole just as firmly.
Responding to the GOP senator's latest thwarting of the PRESS Act, Democratic Sen. Ron Wyden vowed to "keep trying to get this bill across the finish line" before Republicans take control of the Senate next month.
Republican U.S. Sen. Tom Cotton of Arkansas on Tuesday again blocked the passage of House-approved bipartisan legislation meant to shield journalists and telecommunications companies from being compelled to disclose sources and other information to federal authorities.
Sen. Ron Wyden (D-Ore.) brought the Protect Reporters from Exploitative State Spying (PRESS) Act—which would prohibit the federal government from forcing journalists and telecom companies to disclose certain information, with exceptions for terroristic or violent threats—for a unanimous consent vote.
Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer (D-N.Y.) argued Tuesday that passing the PRESS Act is "more important now than ever before when we've heard some in the previous administration talk about going after the press in one way or another," a reference to Republican President-elect Donald Trump's threats to jail journalists who refuse to reveal the sources of leaks. Trump, who has referred to the press as the "enemy of the people," repeatedly urged Senate Republicans to "kill this bill."
Cotton, who blocked a vote on the legislation in December 2022, again objected to the bill, a move that thwarted its speedy passage. The Republican called the legislation a "threat to national security" and "the biggest giveaway to the liberal press in American history."
The advocacy group Defending Rights and Dissent lamented that "Congress has abdicated their responsibility to take substantive steps to protect the constitutional right to a free press."
However, Seth Stern, director of advocacy at the Freedom of the Press Foundation, noted ways in which Senate Democrats can still pass the PRESS Act before Republicans gain control of the upper chamber next month:
Senate Democrats had all year to move this bipartisan bill and now time is running out. Leader Schumer needs to get the PRESS Act into law—whether by attaching it to a year-end legislative package or bringing it to the floor on its own—even if it means shortening lawmakers' holiday break. Hopefully, today was a preview of more meaningful action to come.
Responding to Tuesday's setback, Wyden vowed, "I'm not taking my foot off the gas."
"I'll keep trying to get this bill across the finish line to write much-needed protections for journalists and their sources into black letter law," he added.
Millions of Americans could lose coverage if the GOP allows the Affordable Care Act's enhanced premium tax credits to expire.
As Congress negotiates the extension of Affordable Care Act tax credits, a nonpartisan government analysis warned this week that letting the ACA subsidies expire next year would cause millions of Americans to lose health coverage in the years ahead.
The American Rescue Plan Act "reduced the maximum amount eligible enrollees must contribute toward premiums for health insurance purchased through the marketplaces established by the Affordable Care Act, and it extended eligibility to people whose income is above 400% of the federal poverty level," wrote Congressional Budget Office (CBO) Director Phillip Swagel.
His Thursday letter came in response to an inquiry from U.S. Sens. Jeanne Shaheen (D-N.H.) and Ron Wyden (D-Ore.) along with Reps. Richard Neal (D-Mass.) and Lauren Underwood (D-Ill.) about "the effects on health insurance coverage and premiums that will result from not extending—either for one year or permanently—the expanded premium tax credit structure."
"Without an extension through 2026, CBO estimates, the number of people without insurance will rise by 2.2 million in that year," Swagel said. "Without a permanent extension, CBO estimates, the number of uninsured people will rise by 2.2 million in 2026, by 3.7 million in 2027, and by 3.8 million, on average, in each year over the 2026-2034 period."
"Without an extension through 2026, CBO estimates, gross benchmark premiums will increase by 4.3%, on average, for that year," the director continued. "Without a permanent extension, CBO estimates, gross benchmark premiums will increase by 4.3% in 2026, by 7.7% in 2027, and by 7.9%, on average, over the 2026-2034 period."
"If Congress fails to act, healthcare will become out of reach for millions of Americans, leaving middle-class families to struggle and choose between seeing a doctor or keeping a roof over their heads or groceries in the fridge."
The analysis comes as the world braces for GOP control of Congress and the White House, with President-elect Donald Trump set to be sworn in next month. Since President Barack Obama signed the ACA—also known as Obamacare—in 2010, elected Republicans including Trump have repeatedly tried to gut or fully repeal the law.
In response to the CBO report, Wyden said, "This is a stark preview of healthcare under Donald Trump: higher insurance premiums for families who buy health coverage on their own, and more uninsured Americans who can't afford health insurance at all."
"Republicans have an opportunity to end their ideological crusade against the Affordable Care Act and work in a bipartisan manner to make healthcare more affordable for working families, but instead they seem poised to hand another big tax break to corporations and the wealthy," warned Wyden, the outgoing Senate Finance Committee chair.
In September, Shaheen and Underwood introduced a bill to make the ACA's enhanced premium tax credits permanent. Shaheen said Thursday that the "new data from CBO confirms what we feared: if Congress fails to extend these tax credits, healthcare costs will skyrocket for millions of families and 3.8 million Americans will lose coverage entirely."
"At a time when Americans are already facing higher prices, we should do everything we can to lower costs when and where we can," she added. "It's time we pass my Health Care Affordability Act to permanently extend the tax credits so many families rely on."
Advocacy groups echoed demands for Congress to at least extend the subsidies following the CBO's findings.
"If Congress fails to act, healthcare will become out of reach for millions of Americans, leaving middle-class families to struggle and choose between seeing a doctor or keeping a roof over their heads or groceries in the fridge," said Protect Our Care executive director Brad Woodhouse in a statement.
"Instead of helping hardworking families, Republicans have opposed measures to lower healthcare costs and have instead focused on delivering tax breaks to big corporations and the wealthiest Americans," he continued. "Health coverage gives people peace of mind knowing they won't go bankrupt over an injury or illness. Democrats stand ready to extend the tax credits to ensure everyone has access to affordable healthcare. It's time for Republicans to get on board."
While the CBO found with the expiration of the credits, "on average, those with health insurance will see their unsubsidized gross monthly premiums increase by as much as 8% each year," Anthony Wright, executive director of Families USA, pointed out that "for people who now receive premium assistance, the increases will be far steeper."
"Taking into account the cuts in premium assistance, nonpartisan organizations, such as the Center on Budget and Policy Priorities, report that people will experience estimated premium increases ranging from 41% to 218%, with a median increase of 91%—a near doubling of their monthly costs," he explained.
"For nearly 20 million Americans, these enhanced tax credits have been the difference between getting access to the healthcare and coverage they need or going without it," Wright stressed. "At a time when so many families are struggling to pay for the basics, these tax credits have been a literal lifeline for millions of people to get healthcare they can afford."
"Voters just made it clear in the 2024 election that they want action to lower costs—and so it would be cruel to have the result be inaction that allows these tax credits to expire, and monthly healthcare costs to jump," he added. "For many millions of working Americans, premiums will double. For some, the spike will be not just hundreds but thousands of dollars of additional costs, leading many millions to lose coverage altogether. Congress must protect the health and financial security of our nation's families right now by extending these critical tax credits."
Citing several unnamed sources, The Washington Postreported Friday afternoon that Democrats on Capitol Hill privately proposed a deal to extend the ACA subsidies by a year, which "accompanied a broader package of healthcare proposals submitted to Republicans on Thursday night ahead of year-end spending negotiations."
"It is not yet clear whether Republican leaders, who control the House, will agree to any of the proposals," the Post noted. "Spokespeople for Republicans on the House Ways and Means and the Senate Finance committees declined to comment."
Despite efforts to salvage the ACA subsidies due to the pain and economic suffering that would follow if they are not extended, progressives across the board continue to argue that Obamacare—which sends billions of federal dollars to the private insurance industry—is a far inferior solution compared with Medicare for All, which would cover everyone in the United States at a lower overall cost than the current system.