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"These hearings are designed to stoke divisions so that we forget who is actually unsafe—the students of Gaza where every university has been destroyed," said one Jewish student who protested at UCLA.
As U.S. House Republicans held yet another hearing about antisemitism and higher education on Thursday, Jewish students and advocacy groups aimed to set the record straight on the threats they face and the largely peaceful protests against genocide.
"This hearing has nothing to do with keeping Jewish students on campus safe, and is solely designed as part of a broader campaign to silence anti-war activism and dissent on college campuses," declared Beth Miller, political director of Jewish Voice for Peace (JVP) Action. "MAGA Republicans are merging attempts to censor students and faculty speaking out for Palestinian rights with a broader culture war campaign against [diversity, equity, and inclusion], critical race theory, LGBTQ rights, and more."
Since Israel launched its U.S.-backed assault of the Gaza Strip in retaliation for the Hamas-led October 7 attack, students and faculty—many of them Jewish—have held demonstrations and set up encampments across the country, demanding that their colleges and universities divest from what critics call a genocidal war against Palestinians.
In addition to enduring violent crackdowns by law enforcement called in by administrators, campus protesters have faced consequences including suspension, expulsion, and not being allowed to graduate—as was the case for 13 seniors at Harvard University, which sparked a commencement walkout by hundreds of students on Thursday.
"I felt completely safe in the encampment until we were attacked by pro-genocide counterprotesters and the police."
The GOP-controlled House Committee on Ways and Means held a hearing on antisemitism and colleges in November—after which House Committee on Education and the Workforce Chair Virginia Foxx (R-N.C.) hosted one December, another last month, and a third on Thursday.
The latest hearing featured testimony from Gene Block, chancellor of the University of California, Los Angeles; Jonathan Holloway, president of Rutgers University; Michael Schill, president of Northwestern University; and Frederick M. Lawrence, secretary and CEO of the Phi Beta Kappa Society.
After students were injured and arrested when Los Angeles police in riot gear attacked a pro-Palestinian encampment at UCLA early this month, Graeme Blair, an associate professor of political science and member of Faculty for Justice in Palestine, said that "their blood is on Gene Block and the UC administration's hands."
Benjamin Kersten, a JVP member pursuing a Ph.D. in Jewish art history, said Thursday that "I am a Jewish student at UCLA who proudly participated in the protest calling on our university to divest from genocide. I felt completely safe in the encampment until we were attacked by pro-genocide counterprotesters and the police. These hearings are designed to stoke divisions so that we forget who is actually unsafe—the students of Gaza where every university has been destroyed."
CNNreported that during Thursday's hearing, Rep. Pramila Jayapal (D-Wash.) took aim at her Republican colleagues.
"Instead of using these hearings for political bullying purposes, which is what the majority seems to do—and if you want to be embarrassed about something, perhaps be embarrassed about the fact that this majority has not been able to govern in this cycle without being
saved by Democrats—I for one am interested in hearing and learning about what successful negotiation and de-escalation looks like in the context of protecting students and free speech," Jayapal said.
Unlike UCLA, Northwestern and Rutgers ended their encampments through negotiations with student protesters. According toThe Associated Press, while Foxx said, "Mr. Schill and Dr. Holloway, you should be doubly ashamed for capitulating to the antisemitic rule breakers," the Northwestern president explained that "the police solution was not going to be available to us to keep people safe, and also may not be the wisest solution as we've seen at other campuses across the country."
Paz Baum, a JVP member set to graduate from Northwestern next year, said that "I joined the protests calling out Northwestern's complicity in the Israeli military's destruction of Gaza because as the descendant of people who fled genocide I understand that never again must mean never again for anyone."
"Despite attacks from counterprotests and condemnation from Congress, I will keep calling for an end to genocide," Baum added. "It is what Jewish tradition requires of me."
As of Thursday, Israel's assault on Gaza has killed at least 35,800 people and injured another 80,011, according to Palestinian officials. The war has also devastated civilian infrastructure and left survivors—many displaced multiple times over the past seven months—struggling to find food, water, and medical care.
The International Court of Justice has taken up a South Africa-led genocide case against Israel and International Criminal Court Prosecutor Karim Khan has applied for arrest warrants targeting Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and Defense Minister Yoav Gallant as well as Hamas leaders Yahya Sinwar, Ismail Haniyeh, and Mohammed Deif.
As the international community and some progressive U.S. political leaders have increasingly expressed alarm about the war and accused Israel of genocide, many other politicians in the United States—across party lines—have backed Netanyahu's assault on Gaza, including with billions of dollars in military support. They have also repeatedly conflated antisemitism and criticism of the Israeli government, despite Jewish Americans' objections.
"It is offensive and dangerous that right-wing Republicans are putting on a show hearing under the pretense of protecting Jewish safety when in fact the only thing they are protecting are the profits of weapons companies and ongoing U.S. complicity in Israeli war crimes," JVP executive director Stefanie Fox said Thursday.
She argued that "Congress is using these hearings to distract from the very point of the principled anti-genocide student movement: The U.S. and Israeli governments continue this genocide despite mass opposition."
"Our picket lines have been and will continue to be a peaceful, nonviolent expression of our determination to make a better Rutgers for our students and workers," said three unions representing faculty and graduate students.
Three unions representing faculty members and graduate student workers at Rutgers University in New Jersey on Tuesday rejected the school president's accusation that their strike, now in its second day following nearly a year of contract negotiations, is disrespectful of Rutgers students.
"Let's be clear: Our picket lines have been and will continue to be a peaceful, nonviolent expression of our determination to make a better Rutgers for our students and workers," said the unions, whose members overwhelmingly voted last month to go on strike.
\u201cRutgers strike, peak euphoria \u2014 unmute this one \ud83d\ude0d\u201d— Eric Blanc (@Eric Blanc) 1681244687
The work stoppage was announced Sunday and includes about 9,000 union members at the public university, who are represented by Rutgers American Association of University Professors-American Federation of Teachers (Rutgers AAUP-AFT), Rutgers Adjunct Faculty Union, and AAUP-Biomedical and Health Sciences of New Jersey (BHSNJ).
The unions represent full-time faculty, adjunct lecturers, and the faculty of the university's medical, dental, nursing, and public health schools.
The workers have been negotiating with the school since last July and are calling for changes including a 20% pay increase over four years for full-time professors, a minimum salary of $37,150 for graduate workers, guaranteed funding for teaching assistants and graduate students, an increase of new parents' "release time" to 14 weeks, and equal pay for equal work for adjunct instructors, who they say should be paid and eligible for benefits equal to those given to nontenure track faculty.
"We intend for this new contract to be transformative, especially for our lowest-paid and most vulnerable members," Rebecca Givan, the president of Rutgers AAUP-AFT, toldThe New York Times.
According to the unions, the university has agreed to only a 3% yearly raise followed by smaller pay increases in subsequent years and has "rejected all substantial proposals" regarding funding for graduate students, adjunct teacher pay, job security, and other changes to workers' contracts.
The university's "net unrestricted assets" have skyrocketed in recent years, the unions have said, reaching $818.6 million during the coronavirus pandemic. Union faculty members and their supporters on campus have used the hashtag #RutgersHasTheMoney on social media to build awareness of the school's failure to meet their demands for fair compensation.
\u201cUntil the University awards its faculty and staff with contracts that include fair wages and protections for adjunct faculty (among other demands), my service to the University is withheld.\n\n#RUOnStrike #RutgersHasTheMoney\u201d— Ryan Glaubke (@Ryan Glaubke) 1681130885
One graduate student, Michelle Ling, told the Times that she earns $30,000 per year and that many graduate students struggle to make ends meet.
"A lot of the grads that I know here are on food stamps," she told the newspaper. "A lot of grads I know have secret part-time jobs they don't report to the university because they have to—they have families, they have responsibilities."
Students joined union members in solidarity on Monday and Tuesday as the workers began the work stoppage, with picketers chanting, "No contract, no peace!" and "Together, unite, Rutgers on strike!" at the university's three campuses.
\u201cNO CONTRACT, NO PEACE!!!\n\n@ruaaup @ruaaup_ptl \n#FairContractNow \n#RUonStrike \n\nSupport Rutgers unions strike fund here: https://t.co/CiuxQpcPJs\u201d— American Association of University Professors (@American Association of University Professors) 1681147621
Michael Reagan, who teaches at Rutgers' School of Management and Labor Relations, reported on Twitter that construction workers on the school's New Brunswick campus were stopping work on a project in solidarity with the strike.
In Rutgers president Jonathan Holloway's email to the school community Monday night, he threatened to seek an injunction in court to force the faculty to return to work, claiming strikes by public sector workers are illegal in New Jersey.
While state courts have issued injunctions to stop public sector walkouts before, "there is no state statute that prohibits strikes or work stoppages by public employees, including faculty employed by Rutgers," said the unions. "New Jersey public employees have gone on strike at least 36 times in the past 30 years."
"Rather than threatening us, we urge President Holloway to demand movement from his negotiators, who have repeatedly said no to our core proposals," said the unions.
Union representatives were in Trenton on Tuesday, following an invitation from Democratic Gov. Phil Murphy to the unions and university officials to negotiate in the state capital.
"We are in Trenton today and are bargaining in good faith there, as we have for nearly a year—with the hope that Gov. Murphy will influence the Holloway administration to finally take bargaining seriously," the unions said.
U.S. Sen. Bernie Sanders (I-Vt.) was among the lawmakers who voiced support for the graduate students and faculty members as the strike began Monday.
\u201cI stand in solidarity with the 9,000 @ruaaup faculty and graduate student workers on strike at Rutgers University. These workers deserve a good contract with fair pay and benefits NOW.\u201d— Bernie Sanders (@Bernie Sanders) 1681132934
Rep. Frank Pallone (D-N.J.), whose district includes Rutgers, joined union members on the picket line Monday.
\u201cJoined today in solidarity with @ruaaup - Rutgers professors, faculty, and graduate students who are on strike and demonstrating on the New Brunswick campus. An agreement must be reached that provides fair pay, benefits, and job security.\u201d— Rep. Frank Pallone (@Rep. Frank Pallone) 1681149666
"The [university] administration calls me all the time to try to get more grants and funding for more research," Pallone told the Times. "But I always say if that is going to be the case, we need to make sure that the graduate students who are doing the research, teaching the classes, they have to have a fair wage too."
The defeat of the Harvard University debate team by a team from the Eastern New York Correctional Facility in the Catskills elucidates a truth known intimately by those of us who teach in prisons: that the failure of the American educational system to offer opportunities to the poor and the government's abandonment of families and children living in blighted communities condemn millions of boys and girls, often of color, to a life of suffering, misery, and early death. The income inequality, the trillions of dollars we divert to the war industry, the flight of manufacturing jobs overseas, and the refusal to invest in our infrastructure wrecks life after innocent life.
I spent four years as a graduate student at Harvard University. Privilege, and especially white privilege, I discovered, is the primary prerequisite for attending an Ivy League university. I have also spent several years teaching in prisons. In class after class in prison, there is a core of students who could excel at Harvard. This is not hyperbolic, as the defeat of the Harvard debate team illustrates. But poverty condemned my students before they ever entered school. As poverty expands, inflicting on communities and families a host of maladies, including crime, addiction, rage, despair, and hopelessness, the few remaining institutions that might intervene to lift the poor up are gutted or closed. Even when students in inner-city schools are not the targets of racial insults, racism worms into their lives because the institutions that should help them are nonexistent or deeply dysfunctional.
I stood outside a prison gate in Newark, N.J., at 7 a.m. last April 24. I waited for the release of one of my students, Boris Franklin, who had spent 11 years incarcerated. I had ridden to the gate with his mother, who spent her time reading Bible verses out loud in the car, and his sister. We watched him walk down the road toward us. He was wearing the baggy gray sweatpants, oversized white T-shirt, and white Reeboks that prisoners purchased before their release. Franklin had laid out $50 for his new clothes. A prisoner in New Jersey earns $28 a month working in prison.
Franklin, with broad shoulders and muscular chest and arms that come with years of lifting weights, clutched a manila envelope containing his medical records, instructions for parole, birth certificate, Social Security card, and an ID issued by the Department of Motor Vehicles, his official form of identification. All his prison possessions, including his collection of roughly 100 books, had to be left behind.
The first words he spoke to me as a free man after more than a decade in prison were, "I have to rebuild my library."
"You don't know what to think or feel at that moment," he said to me recently about the moment of his release. "You are just walking. It is almost surreal. You can't believe it. After such a traumatic experience, you are numb. There is no sense of triumph."
Franklin was a student under the New Jersey Scholarship and Transformative Education in Prisons Consortium (NJ-STEP) when he was in prison. Now, at 42, he attends Rutgers under the university's Mountainview Program for ex-offenders. He is seeking a degree in social work and plans to assist the formerly incarcerated. This is an unusual and rare opportunity for a freed prisoner.
Franklin, like many others I have taught, should never have ended up in prison. His brilliance, his hunger to learn and his passion for ideas, if nurtured, would have led him to a very different life. But when you are poor in America, everything conspires to make sure you remain poor. The invisible walls of our internal colonies, keeping the poor penned in like livestock, mirror the physical walls of prison that many in these communities are doomed to experience.
"I started school in Piscataway, N.J.," he said. "It was predominantly white. There was a lot of space. It was clean. There was order. People walked down the halls in lines. I had been prepared in Head Start."
When he was in the second grade, his family moved. He started attending an inner-city school in New Brunswick. The two schools, he said, "were night and day." The classrooms in New Brunswick were shabby, dirty and overcrowded. Many of the children were "loud and disruptive."
"In Piscataway we were taught how to learn, how to read and scan texts for information," he said. "New Brunswick was a zoo. It was mostly black and Hispanic. There were fights all the time. I doubt the teachers were even qualified. It was not an environment where you could teach anything. Kids would come to school and slam things down or turn stuff over. They were angry. I remember seeing a girl in my class, a victim of child abuse, with welts all over her. She later became a drug addict. Your fight-or-flight mechanism as a child is activated even before you walk out of the house. Your blood pressure goes up. There are drugs and alcohol all around you. You see fights on the way to school. You see dope addicts slumped over. You see police jump on someone and beat 'em up. You run into gangs of kids."
"I knew kids who dropped out of school because it was dangerous to be in school," he went on. "If you had a fight they would find out what school you went to and they would be there to retaliate when you got out. We used to take bats and knives to school and put them by the door when we came out in case there was a confrontation. I got my first weapons charge at 14 for a handgun. You are not in a state to learn anything. Of course criminals have low brain arousal. They have been desensitized since childhood. This is how you deal with constant danger. You go numb. And you become a danger to others and yourself."
"The students in my third-grade class were tracing out letters," he said. "They were trying to learn how to write. I was writing in cursive. I could multiply and divide. They did not know how to add and subtract. The two schools were only 20 minutes apart. But in New Brunswick you were not taught how to think. You were taught rote behavior, to obey. I was told to sit in the back of the class, be quiet and wait for the other students to catch up. But they never caught up."
"There was usually drugs in the homes," he said. "I had friends whose homes were raided when they were children. Most of the parents were getting high, including my father. I did not know any child who did not have a drug addict in the home. And if a person was not a drug addict he or she was often suffering from some form of mental illness. It seemed everyone was dealing with something. Those who were left with their grandparents were in the best situation. Kids would say they were living with their grandmother. They would never mention their mother or father. I never saw the fathers of most of my friends. They had disappeared or were in jail."
"I remember when my friend Carl Anderson's father came home from jail," he said. "We were in the seventh grade. We were sitting in the classroom. Somebody said, 'Carl, that's your father outside.' We all turned around. Carl was my best friend. I had never seen his father. He looked like [boxer] Marvin Hagler. He had a leather jacket, a bald head and a goatee. Carl was excited because his dad was home. That same year we were walking home from school and this lady who was getting high ran up to him and said, 'Little Carl, they just locked your father up. He cut somebody's throat down in the projects.' You could see everything drain out of his face. He shut everything down. How do you learn to deal with that? You learn not to care. We were using a lot of misplaced aggression. That night we were probably fighting somebody. I could feel his pain. You want to get it out? We will get it out. That's how you dealt with it. That's how everybody dealt with it. Take it out on somebody else. When I would get hit in the house I would come outside and the first person lookin' at me I would say, 'What you lookin' at?' I would jump them or chase them or something. My mother told my father, 'You can't hit him anymore. You are making him violent.' "
"There is a stigma that comes with being poor," he said. "If you are poor you are bad. You are worthless. You are ridiculed. You are picked on. Markets are built on this. This is how you can sell a kid from the inner city a pair of $200 sneakers. He is buying his identity. He is buying his self-esteem. And that's why poor people hustle. That's why I started hustling [drugs], to buy things. The gratification is immediate. You wear that stuff and it is like you are magically not poor anymore. It is a trigger to go back to selling drugs. I remember when I was struggling. I had grits one night for dinner because that was all that was in the cabinet. I panicked. By the next day I decided I would do something criminal to change my situation."
"What's the best that can happen to you, even if you don't go to jail?" he asked. "Check out bags at Wal-Mart? A warehouse job? That's as far as you can go in this world if you are poor. The only education the poor are given is one where they get to a place where they learn enough to take orders. They are taught to remember what is said. They are taught to repeat the instructions. There is no thinking involved. We are not taught to think. We are educated just enough to occupy the lowest rung on the social ladder."
"No one in prison wanted to admit they were poor," he said. "A friend of mine in prison told all these big-drug-dealer stories. He has been in and out of jail for 20 years. But one day we were walking on the basketball court. He got honest. He told me he had been sleepin' in his car. Sometimes motel rooms. Basically homeless. No education. No connections. The only people he knows are inmates. He does not know anyone in the working world who can help him put in an application and say a word for him. When he got out he went to the guys he knew from jail still in the streets. That was his network. That's most people's network. 'Can you get me some dope? What's the price? Who's moving it?' That's your economy. That's the one you go back to. That's how you survive. His brother is doing 30 years. His nephew is doing 16 years."
"One of my four children went to school in New Brunswick," Franklin said. "And he is in jail. The other three, who did not go to school in New Brunswick, have college degrees or are in college. You go to schools like the one I went to and you enter a pipeline straight to jail. When I walked into the mess hall in prison it looked like my old school lunchroom, including the fights. When I walked into the yard in prison, it looked like my old playground, including the fights. When I was in the projects it looked like prison. When guys get to prison the scenery is familiar. If you grow up poor, then prison is not a culture shock. You have been conditioned your whole life for prison."
His family moved again when he was a child. He entered Franklin High School in Somerset, N.J., but his years in a dysfunctional school meant he was now woefully unprepared, struggling and behind. "Students in Franklin High School had continued in the pace I had started in," he said.
He had become acculturated to poverty. He would not go to college. He would, as so many of his peers did, end up in prison. And it was in prison that he, like many others, found refuge in books and the world of ideas.
"You have a lot of intellectuals in prison," he said. "There are people who think about things, who read things, who try to connect the dots. People read psychology and science to see how things fit together. You see libraries in some cells. You hear people say, 'I got to get my library up.' You would go from one cell with a library to another. It was like a cult. When you first loan a book to someone in prison you loan a tester. You do not loan a valuable book. If the person who borrows the book reads it and talks about it, then they get another book. But if they leave the book sitting on their shelf, if it doesn't get read, they never get another book."
"There are a lot of guys in prison who read everything," he continued. "When I saw that those prisoners won the debate with the Harvard team I was not surprised. I took classes where there were prisoners who had read everything the professor had read. I was intimidated to take classes with certain guys. They read constantly. They retained all the information. And they could relate it to whatever we were talking about. On the outside they never had a chance."
"Look at the faces of the young kids, when they first start out," he said. "They have wide, bright eyes. Then look at the pictures of the faces of people in prison. Their eyes are low, slanted, shifty, beaten. They are worn out. How you do you get from that child to that man? Look at the community. Look at the schools. Look at what is done to the poor."