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Concerned that official records undercount the number of people shot and killed by police in the United States every year, the Washington Post (12/26/15) attempted to compile a list of every fatal police shooting in 2015. The paper found nearly a thousand cases--more than twice as many as the FBI reports in a typical year.
The Post's project--which corroborates a similar tally conducted by the British Guardian (6/9/15)--is a journalistic accomplishment, as well as an achievement of the Black Lives Matter movement, which has worked to call attention to police violence in the wake of the killing of Michael Brown by police officer Darren Wilson in Ferguson, Missouri, in August 2014.
But it's hard for me to escape the feeling that the Post story--by Kimberly Kindy and Marc Fisher--was framed by the paper to minimize the project's remarkable findings. Take the first paragraph that summarizes the details of the results:
In a year-long study, the Washington Post found that the kind of incidents that have ignited protests in many US communities--most often, white police officers killing unarmed black men--represent less than 4 percent of fatal police shootings. Meanwhile, the Post found that the great majority of people who died at the hands of the police fit at least one of three categories: They were wielding weapons, they were suicidal or mentally troubled, or they ran when officers told them to halt.
"The kind of incidents that have ignited protests...represent less than 4 percent of fatal police shootings." That sure sounds like an attempt to play down the number. Particularly since the write-up never presents the raw number for fatal police shootings of unarmed African-Americans in 2015--which is 37--or the more comprehensive number of all unarmed civilians shot and killed: 90. Those numbers can be found on a graphic that accompanied the story in the paper's print edition, and in an interactive feature online-but are nowhere to be found in the Post's own article on its project. ("Just 9 percent of shootings involved an unarmed victim," a sidebar accompanying the graphic began--that word "just" indicating that we should read that as "not so many.")
The Post's "meanwhile," juxtaposed against "incidents that have ignited protests," implies that the categories that follow would not inspire protest: those killed "wielding weapons," who were "suicidal or mentally troubled," or who "ran when officers told them to halt."
People very much protest these sorts of police killings, starting with Michael Brown, who ran when Wilson told him to halt. Laquan McDonald, whose death at the hands of Chicago police has resulted in a first-degree murder charge for officer Jason Van Dyke and the ouster of the city's police chief, was "wielding" a three-inch knife when he was shot 16 times, so he would have been counted in the first category--as would Tamir Rice, since the Post made the questionable choice to count "toy weapons" in the same category as knives.
The piece stresses that police killings can result from "a single bullet fired at the adrenaline-charged apex of a chase" and prominently cites the argument of Pennsylvania police union president Les Neri that "officers make split-second decisions" while "their bosses, prosecutors, jurors and the public have the luxury of examining every frame of video." Neri's quote becomes the pull quote in the print edition:
"We now microscopically evaluate for days and weeks what they only had a few seconds to act on," Neri said. "People always say, 'They shot an unarmed man,' but we know that only after the fact. We are criminalizing judgment errors."
With a background in law enforcement, Neri must be aware that people can be prosecuted for judgment errors that result in death; that's why there's a crime called criminally negligent homicide. Yet the piece presents his argument at length as though it were a novel legal concept to hold people criminally responsible when their bad decisions end up killing people.
The Post's delicate approach to police killings can be appreciated by comparison with the Guardian's similar project. For one thing, the Guardiancontrasts the numbers with statistics on police killings in Europe, so you can see that the rate at which US cops kill people is far out of line with the frequency of such deaths in comparable countries. For example, England and Wales had 55 fatal police shootings in the last 24 years, while the US had 59 in just 24 days. (The higher level of crime in the US explains some but not much of this difference; the US murder rate is about four times the UK's but has a rate of police killings about 70 times as high.)
More viscerally, it's instructive to compare how the two papers visualize the toll of police killings. In the print edition of the Washington Post, those killed by police are represented by what appear to be stylized bullets--with black dots on the ones that represent African-Americans. On the Postwebsite, the dead appear as stereotyped silhouettes:
On the Guardiansite, by contrast, the dead are represented, when possible, by actual photos--revealing themselves not as a set of statistics or a collection of weapons wielded but as individuals, each a unique human life lost as the result of a police decision. An appreciation of that fact, more than anything, is what's missing from the Washington Post's tally of fatal police shootings.
The evidence is clear. The reports are in. There is no other conclusion. It's 2015, and Black people in America are under a sustained and lethal terrorist attack.
In North Charleston, S.C., not too far from the place where the A.M.E. terrorist attack on 9 Black church members took place, Walter Scott was shot several times in the back as he fled from police on foot, posing no immediate threat. In Staten Island, N.Y., Eric Garner was choked to death by officers as he gasped for air, exclaiming: "I can't breathe." In Baltimore, MD, a frightened Freddie Gray fled from Brian Rice and two other white officers on foot. By the time he was placed in the police wagon, his leg had been broken. By the final time he was removed from the wagon, three of his vertebrae had been cracked and his voice box had been crushed.
In Barstow, Calif., a pregnant Black woman named Charlena Michelle Cook was viciously thrown to the ground as she screamed and pleaded, telling the officers: "Please! I'm pregnant." Recalling the incident later, Cooks stated that officers treater her "like an animal, like a monster, like I didn't exist, like I was not human." In St. Louis, Mo., protester Kristine Hendrix was walking home on the sidewalk when an officer cut off her and a male colleague and then proceeded to use a Taser on her twice as she lay on the concrete writhing and screaming in pain. She was able to capture the incident on her cellphone and the police are currently under investigation.
In the last month alone, the accounts of racial terror reports have been trickling in. We've witnessed former Officer Eric Casebolt verbally and physically attack a group of Black teenagers in McKinney, TX, forcing Black boys to lie down and then violently slamming Dejerria Becton to the ground. He then put his knee on her back, placed his weight on her body, and ignored her pleas for relief. All the while, he allowed Brandon Brooks, a white teenager, to stand and walk around freely. (Thankfully, Brandon used his privilege to film the entire incident.)
Then in Fairfield, Ohio, a whole gang of white police officers brutally accosted, pepper sprayed, choked, and slammed the family of Krystal Dixon to the ground as a young white male in his swim trunks forced his forearm onto the throat of a young Black teenage male as we was already being arrested by a white cop. A white female cop grabbed a young Black girl by the back of her neck as the other white male cops viciously manhandled other Black teenage girls, so much so that a 12-year-old has her jaw broken along with 3 ribs cracked by white Fairfield police. It ended up with a picture of a young girl in the hospital looking like this, with a solitary tear streaming down her face.
In a nation that saw 3,959 lynchings of Black people committed by an assortment of white American terrorists between 1877-1950 with no one punished for these nearly 4,000 atrocities, history reverberates through these most current traumatic incidents. This is a nation that has ignored multiple instances of mass anti-Black mob violence carried out by thousands of whites in the following cities:
This list only includes three of the 25-plus cities where Black people were met with white supremacist mob violence during the Red Summer of 1919. All told, thousands of Black lives were wiped out during these and other instances of racial cleansing. White supremacist racial cleansing destroyed intact and thriving Black communities and business districts, directly stunting Black economic growth and constraining the viability of future community health and wellness.
In a nation that witnessed the death of 4 girls and the injury of another at the 16th Street Baptist Church in Birmingham, AL, church by members of the arch-terrorist organization Ku Klux Klan, the slaughter of nine unarmed Black churchgoers at Emanuel A.M.E. Church and the assassination of Pastor and State Senator Clementa Pickney stirs up the ghosts of America's haunted past. Dylann Roof brutally murdered us as we worshipped in our sacred space. Dylann Roof butchered us as we talked with the "God of our weary years, God of our silent tears."
Meanwhile, the same media that declared a deadly shootout between biker gangs in Waco, TX, a "brawl," has labelled the murder of 9 in Charleston a "shooting." But this was no mere shooting. It was a cold-blooded, pre-meditated, white supremacist terrorist attack that ended the lives of nine unarmed Black people in the same church co-founded by the revolutionary Denmark Vesey, who sought to overthrow America's wicked regime of human bondage and chattel slavery.
The terrorist Dylann Roof has been caught, but the threat has not abated. Whether at swimming pools or churches, whether on suburban sidewalks or city streets, there is no place Black folk are safe from the police use of excessive force or guns of a white supremacist assassin. History has shown that white supremacist violence is grossly systemic and is an existential threat to Black people living in America.
We have not overcome. We are not post-racial. We are at the crossroads. The world is upside down when Dylann Storm Roof, James Eagan Holmes, and Dzhokhar Tsarnaev are captured alive while Tamir Rice, John Crawford III, and Aiyana Stanley-Jones lie in an early grave. The question now is: will white Americans confront the ideology of white supremacy and uproot it from every policy, practice, and community? Because domestic American white supremacist terrorism must end.
You are all familiar with this story. A young boy is playing in the park, a police car pulls up and in less than two seconds, 12-year old Tamir Rice is on the ground, bleeding from what would prove to be a fatal gunshot wound. For more than six months the investigation(s) into this videotaped killing has languished. Now, coincidentally, two days after a judge found probable cause that the police officer who shot Rice should face murder charges, and the Associated Press was presented with the opportunity to run a hit job on ... Tamir Rice. And, boy, oh boy, did they run with it.
It turns out that, again, after more than six months of silence and yet just two days after the judge's opinion, documents in the killing of Tamir were released "in the interests of transparency." Uh huh. Cue the Associated Press with its screaming headline:
Boy with pellet gun warned by friend before police shooting
That's right! Tamir was warned! No word if Tamir was warned that he would be shot without warning for the crime of being in a public park, because the only quotes in this article come from the prosecutor, an unnamed FBI agent and the shooter's lawyer.
So, what else do we learn from the Associated Press?
Investigators were told that Tamir used the airsoft gun, which shoots non-lethal plastic projectiles, to shoot at car tires that day.
Not only non-lethal, but non-able-to-shoot-out-a-freaking-tire. Not to mention, that's not why the police confronted Tamir.
The video appears to show Tamir reaching for the pellet gun, which is tucked in his waistband, after he was shot.
It does? The only thing I see is Tamir reaching for his stomach when he's shot.
And what about the police officers being "criticized for not giving Tamir first aid"? (Side note: Do you think the Associated Press could come up with a stronger word than "criticized" in describing two men standing over the dying body of a 12-year-old, doing absolutely nothing to help him?) Cue the unnamed FBI agent who happened to be in the area and did attempt to render some sort of first aid more than four minutes after Tamir was shot:
The officers seemed to freeze, the agent said.
"They wanted to do something, but they didn't know what to do," the agent told investigators.
Of course, the officers weren't too frozen to take down Tamir's 14-year-old sister, tackling her, handcuffing her, and tossing her in the back of their squad car when she had the temerity to run up to her brother.
And according to the FBI agent, the shooter was really upset!
Loehmann, who had sprained his ankle while falling back after the shooting, was described as distraught by the agent, according to the documents.
In fact, Loehmann was so distraught that the initial story was--you know, before the video proved that he was lying through his teeth--that:
A rookie officer and a 10-15 year veteran pulled into the parking lot and saw a few people sitting underneath a pavilion next to the center. The rookie officer saw a black gun sitting on the table, and he saw the boy pick up the gun and put it in his waistband, Cleveland Police Patrolmen's Association President Jeffrey Follmer said.
The officer got out of the car and told the boy to put his hands up. The boy reached into his waistband, pulled out the gun and the rookie officer fired two shots, Tomba said.
All lies. Apparently the Associated Press forgot about that whole videotape thing because they dutifully conclude this absolute load of codswallop disguised as journalism with this:
In Tamir's death, Cleveland police said Loehmann told him three times to drop the weapon before the boy reached toward his waistband and the officer fired.
Sheriff's detectives wrote that from witness interviews it was unclear if Loehmann shouted anything to Tamir from inside the cruiser before opening fire.
Oh, and we also learn that Tamir was "big for his age," that the FBI agent guessed he was an "older teenager" and that police officers "shared the same belief."
So ... apparently he had it coming.