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The recent race for DNC chair raises questions about how the progressive wing of the party can and should move forward toward 2028.
Just before starting to write my lament about what a dramatic step backward the recent campaign for Democratic National Committee chair had been, I opened an Our Revolution email that told me, “We beat back the party establishment at the DNC.”
Now Our Revolution being a direct organizational descendent of the 2020 Bernie Sanders presidential campaign, and me having been a 2016 Sanders convention delegate, I feel pretty confident that our ideas of who “we” means are pretty much the same. So what accounts for the widely divergent takes?
For those who haven’t been following this, Minnesota’s Democratic-Farmer-Labor Party Chair Ken Martin was just elected to lead the DNC for the next four years, defeating Wisconsin Democratic Party Chair Ben Wikler by a 246.5–134.5 vote margin. There was no contested election four years ago, because by tradition a just-elected president selects the new chair; contested elections generally follow defeats. In the last one, in 2017, former Obama administration Secretary of Labor Tom Perez won the job, beating Minnesota Rep. Keith Ellison in a second round of voting, 235--200.
At the moment there is no one obviously positioned to take up the Sanders’ mantle in the 2028 presidential campaign.
Ellison’s candidacy came in the wake of his having been just the second member of Congress to support Sanders in the prior year’s presidential primaries, and the fact that Sanders people harbored serious grievances with the DNC over its perceived favoritism for the ultimate nominee, Hillary Clinton, lent a distinct edge to the election, bringing it considerably more buzz than the one that just occurred. At the time, former Massachusetts Rep. Barney Frank, a vociferous opponent of Sanders’ run—who had once declared, “The most effective thing liberals and progressives can do to advance our public policy goals... is to help Clinton win our nomination early in the year”—now thought there was “a great deal to be said for putting an active Sanders supporter in there,” so as to clear the air “of suspicions and paranoia.” But Clinton and Barack Obama apparently didn’t think so, and Clinton’s past Obama cabinet colleague, Perez, took up the torch in a race that produced a level of grassroots involvement seldom if ever before seen in this contest.
Although the office is traditionally considered organizational rather than ideological and the 2017 candidates did run on those issues, the underlying political differences were obvious to all. This time around, the race was generally understood to involve little if any political disagreement on the issues. By way of explaining its support for new party chair Martin, Our Revolution characterized runner-up Wikler, as “an establishment candidate backed by Nancy Pelosi, Hakeem Jeffries, and Chuck Schumer, and bankrolled by the billionaire class.” We understand that election campaigns are about sharpening the perception of differences between the candidates, but still this seems a rather thin, flimsy basis for hailing the vote as an anti-establishment triumph, given that Martin has publicly stated that he doesn’t want the party to take money from "those bad billionaires" only from "good billionaires;”and one of the two billionaires who gave a quarter million dollars to Wikler’s campaign was George Soros—probably the DNC’s model “good billionaire.” Besides Musk/Bezos/Zuckerberg probably aren’t thinking of donating anyhow. Oh, and Chuck Schumer actually supported Ellison eight years ago.
Actually, “we” did have a horse in the race—2020 Sanders campaign manager Faiz Shakir. Shakir, who has been running a nonprofit news organization called More Perfect Union, dedicated to “building power for the working class,” argued that Democrats needed a pitch for building a pro-worker economy to go with their criticism of U.S. President Donald Trump’s policy proposals. His viewpoint presented a serious alternative to that of Martin, who told a candidates forum that “we’ve got the right message... What we need to do is connect it back with the voters,”—seemingly a tough position to maintain following an election in which NBC’s 20-state exit polling showed the majority of voters with annual household incomes under $100,000 voting Republican, while the majority of those from over-$100,000 households voted Democrat. But even though Shakir was a DNC member and thereby able to get the 40 signatures of committee members needed to run, he entered the race far too late to be taken for a serious contender and ultimately received but two votes.
Mind you, none of this critique comes as a criticism of the work of the two state party chairs who were the principal contenders. Martin touts the fact that Democrats have won every statewide election in Minnesota in the 14 years that he has chaired the party, and anyone who understands the effort that goes into political campaign work can only admire that achievement. Nor is Our Revolution to be criticized for taking the time to discern what they thought would be the best possible option in a not terribly exciting race that was nevertheless of some importance.
At the same time it’s hard not to regret the diminished DNC presence of the “we” that Our Revolution spoke of, after “we” legitimately contended for power in the last contested election. Certainly this lack of interest was in no small part a consequence of the extraordinary circumstances that produced a presidential nominee who had not gone before the voters in a single primary—for the first time since Hubert Humphrey in 1968.
More importantly, it raises a serious question for those of us who believe that the structure and history of the American political system require the left’s engagement in the Democratic Party—uncomfortable and unpleasant as that may be at times. As the social scientists like to say, politics abhors a vacuum, and absent a national Democratic Party presence for the perspective that motivated the Sanders campaigns, people seeking action on the big questions on the big stage may start to look elsewhere. And elsewhere always looms the possibility of the cul-de-sac of yet of another third party candidacy that holds interesting conventions and debates, but ultimately receives only a small share of the vote, but a large share of the blame for the election of a Republican president.
At the moment there is no one obviously positioned to take up the Sanders’ mantle in the 2028 presidential campaign. But we may have to make it our business to find one.
After Apple employees in Maryland voted Saturday to form the tech giant's first retail store union in the United States, workers' rights advocates across the country celebrated the "pathbreaking win for labor."
"We love our jobs. We just want to see them do better."
Workers at the store in Towson recently organized into the Coalition of Organized Retail Employees (CORE) and have decided to join the International Association of Machinists and Aerospace Workers (IAM).
"We did it!" IAM declared on Twitter, welcoming the Towson workers.
IAM international president Robert Martinez Jr. in a statement that "I applaud the courage displayed by CORE members at the Apple store in Towson for achieving this historic victory. They made a huge sacrifice for thousands of Apple employees across the nation who had all eyes on this election."
"I ask Apple CEO Tim Cook to respect the election results and fast-track a first contract for the dedicated IAM CORE Apple employees in Towson," Martinez added. "This victory shows the growing demand for unions at Apple stores and different industries across our nation."
\u201cThat feeling when \u2066you form the first union at Apple in America. Congrats, \u2066@acoreunion\u2069!\n\nWelcome to the Machinists Union! #1u\u201d— Machinists Union (@Machinists Union) 1655599462
The win in Maryland comes as Amazon and Starbucks workers across the nation are also pushing for unions--and the companies are fighting back.
Apple is no different, according to More Perfect Union and The Washington Post, which reported that "Saturday evening's initial tally was 65-33, and the official count was pending."
While an Apple representative declined to comment, Towson worker Billy Jarboe told the newspaper that the company's campaign to undermine the union drive "definitely shook people," but most supporters of the effort weren't swayed.
"It just feels good to go into a new era of this kind of work, hopefully it creates a spark [and] the other stores can use this momentum," Jarboe said.
\u201cThey did it! They won an historic victory\u201d— Faiz (@Faiz) 1655599212
Eric Brown, another employee in Towson, told the Post that organizers of an unsuccessful unionization campaign at an Atlanta store "let us know what some of the talking points and tactics were going to be, and we were able to let people know some of the things they may try."
Tyra Reeder similarly toldThe New York Times that "we kind of got some insight from the Atlanta store on things that were coming," pointing to the company's claims that a contract negitation process could lead to workers losing some benefits.
"For that to happen, a majority of us have to agree," Reeder said. "I don't think any of us would agree to lose something we love dearly, that benefits us."
As for being an Apple employee, Reeder said: "We love our jobs. We just want to see them do better."
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U.S. Sen. Bernie Sanders (I-Vt.) was among the political figures who welcomed the development in Maryland.
"Congratulations to Apple workers in Towson, Maryland on becoming the first Apple store in the United States to form a union!" Sanders tweeted. "What we are seeing right now is a historic uprising of working-class Americans telling the corporate elite that they have to end their greed."
\u201cThis is what\u2019s possible when workers organize to make their voices heard. We must continue fighting to\u00a0secure this right\u00a0for\u00a0all workers\u00a0and to ensure their ability to collectively bargain for better pay, benefits, and working standards.\u201d— Senator Chris Van Hollen (@Senator Chris Van Hollen) 1655608712
Tom Perez, a Democratic candidate for Maryland governor, also congratulated the Towson workers while tying their win to the broader movement currently sweeing the country.
"This is a big deal," he said. "All across our country we're seeing workers demanding fairness and dignity. So proud that the nation's first Apple store to form a union is right here in Baltimore County."
As climate experts and advocates on Thursday continued to criticize Democratic Party officials' draft 2020 platform, the Democratic National Committee's Council on the Environment and Climate Crisis delivered petitions with over 25,000 signatures urging the DNC to incorporate the panel's bold policy recommendations.
"The climate crisis is not down the road. It is here and now. And we need bold and ambitious policies to tackle it."
--Michelle Deatrick, DNC climate councilThe council, which launched in February after months of DNC Chair Tom Perez refusing to hold a climate-focused presidential primary debate, published 14 pages of recommendations in early June. Since then, the panel's proposals have been endorsed by over 150 advocacy groups including 350.org Action, Greenpeace USA, Sierra Club, and the Sunrise Movement.
"The council's platform, centered in equity and environmental justice, is critical to developing comprehensive policies that complete the long overdue transition to clean, renewable energy and will continue to energize voters across the country," Sierra Club national political director Ariel Hayes said in a statement Thursday.
Sierra Club collected 15,000 of the petition signatures delivered to the DNC on Thursday, according to the panel. Over 5,000 more were collected by Food & Water Action, another supporter of the panel's recommendations, which include spending $10-$16 trillion on fighting the climate emergency over a decade and various emissions and renewable energy targets.
"The outpouring of support for our recommendations has been remarkable," said Michelle Deatrick, who chairs the council. "The climate crisis is not down the road. It is here and now. And we need bold and ambitious policies to tackle it. We know Republicans won't act. That is why we need Democrats to lead."
"What's more, this is how Democrats win--the polling and other data are clear. This is not only good policy, it is good politics," added Deatrick. Polling released in mid-July by Data for Progress showed that U.S. voters, particularly Democrats, want to see candidates who are committed to achieving 100% clean energy by 2035 and creating millions of jobs as part of that transition.
Presumptive Democratic presidential nominee Joe Biden last week unveiled a $2 trillion plan that aims to achieve a carbon pollution-free energy sector by 2035. Climate activists welcomed the plan as a "major step forward" compared with the candidate's previous proposals but also emphasized that more work needs to be done.
Earlier this week, the DNC's 2020 platform drafting subcommittee--which some critics said snubbed progressive climate activists, given the backgrounds of its 15 members--sent party delegates an 80-page draft (pdf) that the whole platform committee is set to consider on Monday and finalize before the party's August convention.
Earther's Dharna Noor, reporting on the draft Wednesday, pointed out that the climate section is longer than the party's 2012 or 2016 platforms and includes "some notable bright spots" but "still falls far short of the recommendations of leading climate scientists because it doesn't have a plan to phase out U.S. fossil fuel production or use."
"Pandemic, money, war, racism. Do Democrats realize climate change is making all those things worse?"
--Emily Atkin, climate reporter"Unlike the 2016 platform, the new draft is silent on phasing out extraction of fossil fuels... on public lands and doesn't include language to halt fracking in localities that oppose it," Noor noted. "That represents a step backward for the climate."
Johanna Bozuwa, co-manager of the climate and energy program at the Democracy Collaborative, told Noor "it is good to see commitments from the DNC platform to unionized jobs, investment in public and affordable housing, and commitments to renewable energy." However, she also offered a broad critique of the draft.
"This proposal fails to dismantle the political and economic powers in place that allow the current extractive system to perpetuate," she said, "meaning it will not go nearly far enough to secure a just and equitable transition."
Bozuwa was far from alone in criticizing the platform and calling on party officials to be bolder in confronting the climate emergency.
\u201cIt's really not super hard to understand: Fossil fuel use needs to end as quickly as possible. Full stop.\n\nIt's shameful the Democrats know this (the science is super clear: cut emissions in half by 2030 at the latest, globally) and choose not to say it.\nhttps://t.co/3VibWDWna3\u201d— Eric Holthaus (@Eric Holthaus) 1595459238
"The DNC platform is a thermometer for the Dems," Demos senior campaign strategist Adrien Salazar tweeted Thursday with a link to Noor's report. "The climate movement's pressure got in an aggressive clean electricity timeline and green investments--this is good. But the DNC is shying away from confronting and breaking the power of fossil fuel industry."
Salazar, in a series of tweets, welcomed some other elements of the draft and also highlighted a Thursday report about it from Emily Atkin, who runs the climate-focused newsletter HEATED.
\u201cHeated newsletter by @emorwee today tackles the question of the DNC draft platform's tepidness towards confronting fossil fuels and other mixed messages here. Dems may be hedging against FF industry pre-election attacks. Probably negotiating w/labor too. https://t.co/2KVYpOFJFn\u201d— Adrien Salazar (@Adrien Salazar) 1595515035
In a list of observations about how the draft platform treats the climate crisis, Atkin detailed that the preamble doesn't even mention climate until the 15th paragraph, the draft only mentions "fossil fuels" once, and--despite mentioning the 2015 Paris climate agreement--it does not contain the phrase "1.5 degrees," the accord's more ambitious warming limit.
Atkin added:
The paragraph summarizing the "challenges before us" also does not mention the climate crisis. The third paragraph of the preamble says that Americans are facing "the worst public health crisis in a century, the worst economic downturn since the Great Depression, the worst period of global upheaval in a generation, the intolerable racial injustice that still stains the fabric of our nation." Pandemic, money, war, racism. Do Democrats realize climate change is making all those things worse?
The platform, she reported, "does not say Democrats will hold fossil fuel companies accountable for climate change," whereas "the 2016 platform did mention accountability. In fact, it mentioned 'fossil fuels' four times, and acknowledged the need to ramp down production."
Atkin also noted that the advocacy group Climate Hawks Vote--founded by DNC delegate RL Miller, who has proposed amendments to the platform--has circulated a petition in response to the draft.
The DNC's draft "needs work on science, clean energy jobs, fossil fuel finance, and cars," the petition says. "Let's tell them to make the platform stronger on climate."
This post has been updated to reflect that 350.org Action endorsed the DNC climate panel's recommendations.