SUBSCRIBE TO OUR FREE NEWSLETTER
Daily news & progressive opinion—funded by the people, not the corporations—delivered straight to your inbox.
5
#000000
#FFFFFF
");background-position:center;background-size:19px 19px;background-repeat:no-repeat;background-color:var(--button-bg-color);padding:0;width:var(--form-elem-height);height:var(--form-elem-height);font-size:0;}:is(.js-newsletter-wrapper, .newsletter_bar.newsletter-wrapper) .widget__body:has(.response:not(:empty)) :is(.widget__headline, .widget__subheadline, #mc_embed_signup .mc-field-group, #mc_embed_signup input[type="submit"]){display:none;}:is(.grey_newsblock .newsletter-wrapper, .newsletter-wrapper) #mce-responses:has(.response:not(:empty)){grid-row:1 / -1;grid-column:1 / -1;}.newsletter-wrapper .widget__body > .snark-line:has(.response:not(:empty)){grid-column:1 / -1;}:is(.grey_newsblock .newsletter-wrapper, .newsletter-wrapper) :is(.newsletter-campaign:has(.response:not(:empty)), .newsletter-and-social:has(.response:not(:empty))){width:100%;}.newsletter-wrapper .newsletter_bar_col{display:flex;flex-wrap:wrap;justify-content:center;align-items:center;gap:8px 20px;margin:0 auto;}.newsletter-wrapper .newsletter_bar_col .text-element{display:flex;color:var(--shares-color);margin:0 !important;font-weight:400 !important;font-size:16px !important;}.newsletter-wrapper .newsletter_bar_col .whitebar_social{display:flex;gap:12px;width:auto;}.newsletter-wrapper .newsletter_bar_col a{margin:0;background-color:#0000;padding:0;width:32px;height:32px;}.newsletter-wrapper .social_icon:after{display:none;}.newsletter-wrapper .widget article:before, .newsletter-wrapper .widget article:after{display:none;}#sFollow_Block_0_0_1_0_0_0_1{margin:0;}.donation_banner{position:relative;background:#000;}.donation_banner .posts-custom *, .donation_banner .posts-custom :after, .donation_banner .posts-custom :before{margin:0;}.donation_banner .posts-custom .widget{position:absolute;inset:0;}.donation_banner__wrapper{position:relative;z-index:2;pointer-events:none;}.donation_banner .donate_btn{position:relative;z-index:2;}#sSHARED_-_Support_Block_0_0_7_0_0_3_1_0{color:#fff;}#sSHARED_-_Support_Block_0_0_7_0_0_3_1_1{font-weight:normal;}.grey_newsblock .newsletter-wrapper, .newsletter-wrapper, .newsletter-wrapper.sidebar{background:linear-gradient(91deg, #005dc7 28%, #1d63b2 65%, #0353ae 85%);}
To donate by check, phone, or other method, see our More Ways to Give page.
Daily news & progressive opinion—funded by the people, not the corporations—delivered straight to your inbox.
The Arab East must no longer be a playground for non-Arabs to compete for their own ends.
There’s no two ways about it, the Arab East is a mess. It is weak, divided, directionless, locked in multiple conflicts, and not in control of its own destiny. This isn’t new. It’s been this way for a century, with non-Arab powers preying off the region in pursuit of their own aspirations. This has been playing out in four major periods that define the Arab East’s plight during the last century. While the players dominating Arab history have changed over time, the constant is that Arabs have been the victims of manipulation by others.
One century ago, the Arab East was caught between the colonial designs and greed of the British and French. At stake was control of oil, the Eastern Mediterranean, and the Suez Canal. These colonial powers carved up the region creating states out of whole cloth with imposed forms of governance, planting the seeds of conflict that have born bitter fruit since that time. Palestinians were dispossessed and dispersed to make way for a Western client-state in Israel. The Kurds were cut off from one another under the control of four rival states. The French ushered in a sectarian state in Lebanon with their favored sects in control, while Syria and Iraq had imposed monarchies which ultimately gave way to ideological military coups that masked sectarianism.
During the Cold War, the Arab East became one of many platforms worldwide for competition between the US and the Soviet Union. While the Soviets were the patron of the region’s “revolution movements” and “anti-imperialist” military regimes, the US cultivated its client-state Israel, allies among the monarchies wanting stability, and sectarian groups seeking to preserve their positions of influence.
At the Cold War’s end, and especially after 9/11, the US seriously overplayed its hand with its invasion and occupation of Iraq, ideology-driven advocacy of democratization, and total embrace and empowerment of Israeli ambitions. The result was two-fold: the diminished role of the US, which lost treasure, troops, and prestige while on this fool’s errand to create a client-state in Iraq; and the emboldening of non-Arab regional powers who saw an opportunity to expand their influence over this region.
And so here we are today in the wake of wars in Gaza and Lebanon and the fall of the Assad regime in Syria. While the Russians and the US still have their hands in the pot, it’s clear that the region’s newly emergent overseers are now, to different degrees, the non-Arab states of Israel, Iran, and Turkey.
Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu sounds megalomaniacal in describing his country’s dominant regional role, while ignoring the reality that Israel is only in its position because of massive supplies of US weapons, back-up military assets, and political support. He claims to be fighting and winning on seven fronts, saving the West from the scourge of Islamic extremism. He is operating without restraint, genocidally transforming much of Gaza into a no-man’s land, with permanent bases as signs of permanent conquest. Israeli forces are doing much the same in Syria and, despite an internationally accepted ceasefire with Lebanon, Israel has already made clear that it will violate the terms of the agreement by retaining a presence in the south of Lebanon.
Iran, undoubtedly weakened by its losses, especially in Lebanon and Syria, may be down, but it’s not out. It retains the support of significant groups in Lebanon and some in Syria, not to mention its deep penetration into Iraq and Yemen.
Iran may have lost its lynchpin, Syria, and with that a weakening of its axis of resistance, but Turkey and its support for the region’s Islamic movements has emerged as the new factor in that country’s and the Arab East’s political equation. The impact of this development on empowering or emboldening ideological Muslim affiliates in neighboring states is not yet clear. Nor do we know how religious or ethnic minority communities will be impacted by or react. But it’s not unreasonable for them to be wary of what some fear are Turkey’s Ottoman Empire-like ambitions.
At the same time, the fate of the two major victims of the British/French machinations, the Palestinians and the Kurds, remain both unresolved and impossible to ignore.
The Kurdish nation was forcibly separated into four portions and incorporated into Iran, Iraq, Syria, and Turkey. Today’s major flashpoint is between the Kurdish region of Syria, backed by the US, facing resistance by Turkey who sees its independence as threatening their continued control of the Kurdish community in Turkey. It’s a flare-up waiting to happen.
Meanwhile, Israel’s projection of regional power remains challenged by their continuing genocide in Gaza and intensified oppression of Palestinians in Jerusalem and the rest of the West Bank. This situation not only fuels greater Palestinian resistance, but also contributes to Israel’s isolation among Arabs and much of the rest of the world.
Some continue to blame the Arabs of the East for this sorry state of affairs, finding fault with their sectarianism or absence of leadership. This, however, is akin to blaming the victims. The divisions that exist are the result of external manipulation. And in the past, when movements emerged to create broadly-based unity based on a non-sectarian identity, external forces moved to crush or exploit them.
It's high time for the Arabs to take control of their destiny. The Arab East must no longer be a playground for non-Arabs to compete for their own ends. One place to start would be for the Gulf Arab states, the apparent locus of Arab strength these days, to convene a summit and lay out a vision for the future coupled with demands:
- a hands off policy for non-Arab states, with the threat that future relations will depend on adherence to this goal;
- a vision of non-sectarian Arab unity within each of the Mashreq’s states;
- an end to Israeli occupation, expansionism, and aggression against multiple Arab states;
- full self-determination for the Palestinian people and an end of the regional countries’ denial of the rights of the Kurdish people; and
- the creation of working groups to study the steps necessary to make these goals possible.
Some may dismiss this as a pipe dream. It won’t happen overnight because much accrued damage must be undone. But if a new vision isn’t developed, backed up by steps to translate it into reality, the region will continue to hobble along crippled by division and external manipulation.
It is up to the U.N. and other governments around the world to intervene, and to hold Israel and the United States accountable for their actions.
The United States, Turkey, and Israel all responded to the fall of the Assad government in Damascus by launching bombing campaigns on Syria. Israel also attacked and destroyed most of the Syrian Navy in port at Latakia, and invaded Syria from the long-occupied Golan Heights, advancing to within 16 miles of the capital, Damascus.
The United States said that its bombing campaign targeted remnants of Islamic State in the east of the country, hitting 75 targets with 140 bombs and missiles, according to Air Force Times.
A long-standing force of 900 U.S. troops illegally occupies that part of Syria, partly to divert Syria’s meager oil revenues to the U.S.’s Kurdish allies and prevent the Syrian government from regaining that source of revenue. U.S. bombing badly damaged Syria’s oil infrastructure during the war with the Islamic State, but Russia has been ready to help Syria restore full output whenever it recovers control of that area. U.S. forces in Syria have been under attack by various Syrian militia forces, not just the Islamic State, with at least 127 attacks since October 2023.
Meanwhile, Turkiyë is conducting airstrikes, drone strikes, and artillery fire as part of a new offensive by a militia it formed in 2017 under the Orwellian guise of the “Syrian National Army” to invade and occupy parts of Rojava, the autonomous Kurdish enclave in northeast Syria.
Israel, however, launched a much broader bombing campaign than Turkey or the U.S., with about 600 airstrikes on post-Assad Syria in the first eight days of its existence. Without waiting to see what form of government the political transition in Syria leads to, Israel set about methodically destroying its entire military infrastructure, to ensure that whatever government comes to power will be as defenseless as possible.
Israel claims its new occupation of Syrian territory is a temporary move to ensure its own security. But while Israel bombed Syria 220 times over the past year, killing about 300 people, Syria showed restraint and did not retaliate for those attacks.
The pattern of Israeli history has been that land grabs like this usually turn into long-term illegal Israeli annexations, as in the Golan Heights and the Occupied Palestinian Territories. That will surely be the case with Israel’s new strategic base on top of Mount Hermon, overlooking Damascus and the surrounding area, unless a new Syrian government or international diplomacy can force Israel to withdraw.
Egypt, Jordan, Iraq, Saudi Arabia, Qatar, Iran, Russia, and the U.N. have all joined the global condemnation of the new Israeli assault on Syria. Geir Pedersen, the U.N. Special Envoy to Syria, called Israel’s military actions “highly irresponsible,” and U.N. peacekeepers have removed Israeli flags from newly-occupied Syrian territory.
The Qatari Foreign Ministry called Israel’s actions “a dangerous development and a blatant attack on Syria’s sovereignty and unity as well as a flagrant violation of international law… that will lead the region to further violence and tension.”
The Saudi Foreign Ministry reiterated that the Golan Heights is an occupied Arab territory, and said that Israel’s actions confirmed “Israel’s continued violation of the rules of international law and its determination to sabotage Syria’s chances of restoring its security, stability and territorial integrity.”
The only country in the world that has ever recognized Israel’s annexation of the Golan Heights is the United States, under the first Trump administration, and it is part of Biden’s disastrous legacy in the Middle East that he failed to stand up for international law and reverse Trump’s recognition of that illegal Israeli annexation.
As people all over the world watch Israel ignore the rules of international law that every country in the world is committed to live by, we are confronted by the age-old question of how to respond to a country that systematically ignores and violates these rules. The foundation of the UN Charter is the agreement by all countries to settle their differences diplomatically and peacefully, instead of by the threat or use of military force.
As Americans, we should start by admitting that our own country has led the way down this path of war and militarism, perpetuating the scourge of war that the UN Charter was intended to provide a peaceful alternative to.
"While the United States bears a great deal of responsibility for this crisis, U.S. officials remain in collective denial over the criminal nature of Israel's actions and their instrumental role in Israel’s crimes."
As the United States became the leading economic power in the world in the 20th century, it also built up dominant military power. Despite its leading role in creating the United Nations and the rules of the U.N. Charter and the Geneva Conventions, it came to see strict compliance with those rules as an obstacle to its own ambitions, from the U.N. Charter’s prohibition against the threat or use of military force to the Geneva Conventions’ universal protections for prisoners of war and civilians.
In its “war on terror,” including its wars on Iraq and other countries, the United States flagrantly and systematically violated these bedrock foundations of world order. It is a fundamental principle of all legal systems that the powerful must be held accountable as well as the weak and the vulnerable. A system of laws that the wealthy and powerful can ignore cannot claim to be universal or just, and is unlikely to stand the test of time.
Today, our system of international law faces exactly this problem. The U.S. presumption that its overwhelming military power permits it to violate international law with impunity has led other countries, especially U.S. allies but also Russia, to apply the same opportunistic standards to their own behavior.
In 2010, an Amnesty International report on European countries that hosted CIA “black site” torture chambers called on U.S. allies in Europe not to join the United States as another “accountability-free zone” for war crimes. But now the world is confronting a U.S. ally that has not just embraced, but doubled down on, the U.S. presumption that dominant military power can trump the rule of law.
The Israeli government refuses to comply with international legal prohibitions against deliberately killing women and children, by military force and by deprivation; seizing foreign territory; and bombing other countries. Shielded from international accountability behind the U.S. Security Council veto, Israel thumbs its nose at the world’s impotence to enforce international law, confident that nobody will stop it from using its deadly and destructive war machine wherever and however it pleases.
So the world’s failure to hold the United States accountable for its war crimes has led Israel to believe that it too can escape accountability, and U.S. complicity in Israeli war crimes, especially the genocide in Gaza, has inevitably reinforced that belief.
U.S. responsibility for Israel’s lawlessness is compounded by the conflict of interest in its dual role as both Israel’s military superpower ally and weapons supplier and the supposed mediator of the lopsided “peace process” between Israel and Palestine, whose inherent flaws led to Hamas’s election victory in 2006 and now to the current crisis.
Instead of recognizing its own conflict of interest and deferring to intervention by the UN or other neutral parties, the U.S. has jealously guarded its monopoly as the sole mediator between Israel and Palestine, using this position to grant Israel total freedom of action to commit systematic war crimes. If this crisis is ever to end, the world cannot allow the U.S. to continue in this role.
While the United States bears a great deal of responsibility for this crisis, U.S. officials remain in collective denial over the criminal nature of Israel’s actions and their instrumental role in Israel’s crimes. The systemic corruption of U.S. politics severely limits the influence of the majority of Americans who support a ceasefire in Gaza, as pro-Israel lobbying groups buy the unconditional support of American politicians and attack the few who stand up to them.
Despite America’s undemocratic political system, its people have a responsibility to end U.S. complicity in genocide, which is arguably the worst crime in the world, and people are finding ways to bring pressure to bear on the U.S. government:
Members of CODEPINK, Jewish Voice For Peace and Palestinian-, Arab-American and other activist groups are in Congressional offices and hearings every day; constituents in California are suing two members of Congress for funding genocide; students are calling on their universities to divest from Israel and U.S. arms makers; activists and union members are identifying and picketing companies and blocking ports to stop weapons shipments to Israel; journalists are rebelling against censorship; U.S. officials are resigning; people are on hunger strike; others have committed suicide.
It is also up to the U.N. and other governments around the world to intervene, and to hold Israel and the United States accountable for their actions. A growing international movement for an end to the genocide and decades of illegal occupation is making progress. But it is excruciatingly slow given the appalling human cost and the millions of Palestinian lives at stake.
Israel’s international propaganda campaign to equate criticism of its war crimes with antisemitism poisons political discussion of Israeli war crimes in the United States and some other countries.
But many countries are making significant changes in their relations with Israel, and are increasingly willing to resist political pressures and propaganda tropes that have successfully muted international calls for justice in the past. A good example is Ireland, whose growing trade relations with Israel, mainly in the high-tech sector, formerly made it the fourth largest importer of Israeli products in the world in 2022.
Ireland is now one of 14 countries who have officially intervened to support South Africa’s genocide case against Israel at the International Court of Justice (ICJ) - the others are Belgium, Bolivia, Chile, Colombia, Cuba, Egypt, Libya, the Maldives, Mexico, Nicaragua, Palestine, Spain and Turkiyë. Israel reacted to Ireland’s intervention in the case by closing its embassy in Dublin, and now Israeli Foreign Minister Gideon Saar has smeared Ireland’s Taoiseach (prime minister) Simon Harris as “antisemitic.”
The Taoiseach’s spokesperson replied that Harris “will not be responding to personalized and false attacks, and remains focused on the horrific war crimes being perpetrated in Gaza, standing up for human rights and international law and reflecting the views of so many people across Ireland who are so concerned at the loss of innocent, civilian lives.”
If the people of Palestine can stand up to bombs, missiles, and bullets day after day for over a year, the very least that political leaders around the world can do is stand up to Israeli name-calling, as Simon Harris is doing.
Spain is setting an example on international efforts to halt the supply of weapons to Israel, with an arms embargo and a ban on weapons shipments transiting Spanish ports, including the U.S. naval base at Rota, which the U.S. has leased since it formed a military alliance with Spain’s Franco dictatorship in 1953.
Spain has already refused entry to two Maersk-owned ships transporting weapons from North Carolina to Israel, while dockworkers in Spain, Belgium, Greece, India, and other countries have refused to load weapons and ammunition onto ships bound for Israel.
The U.N. General Assembly (UNGA) has passed resolutions for a ceasefire in Gaza; an end to the post-1967 Israeli occupation; and for Palestinian statehood. The General Assembly’s 10th Emergency Special Session on the Israel-Palestine conflict under the Uniting for Peace process has been ongoing since 1997.
The General Assembly should urgently use these Uniting For Peace powers to turn up the pressure on Israel and the United States. The International Court of Justice (ICJ) has provided the legal basis for stronger action, ruling that the Israeli occupation of the Palestinian territories Israel invaded in 1967 is illegal and must be ended, and that the massacre in Gaza appears to violate the Genocide Convention.
Inaction is inexcusable. By the time the ICJ issues a final verdict on its genocide case, millions may be dead. The Genocide Convention is an international commitment to prevent genocide, not just to pass judgment after the fact. The U.N. General Assembly has the power to impose an arms embargo, a trade boycott, economic sanctions, a peacekeeping force, or to do whatever it takes to end the genocide.
When the U.N. General Assembly first launched its boycott campaign against apartheid South Africa in 1962, not a single Western country took part. Many of those same countries will be the last to do so against Israel today. But the world cannot wait to act for the blessing of complacent wealthy countries who are themselves complicit in genocide.
In Syria, Turkey is escalating the very “terrorism” it pretends to be fighting. Erdoğan and his jihadist SNA proxies are artificially prolonging an atrocious war for their own political agendas, aiming to crush democratic self-determination and women's freedom in north-east Syria. Progressives around the world must no longer stay silent.
Ten years ago, the Kurdish struggleagainst Da'esh's genocidal onslaught on Kobane became a global symbol for the defense of humanity and the resistance against fascism. The world held its breath as Kurdish women militias belonging to the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) in this small town next to the Turkish border heroically defied a hitherto unstoppable terrorist group. However unlikely it may have seemed, the Kurds ultimately succeeded to push back the jihadists — a crucial turning point that would turn out to be the beginning of Da'esh's end.
Right now, history repeats itself but this time, the world isn't paying much attention. Once again, Kobane finds itself besieged by hostile military forces about to assault. The attackers may carry a different flag but have similar mentalities. Turkey and its jihadist mercenaries of the so-called “Syrian National Army” (SNA) are exploiting the collapse of the Assad regime trying to achieve what Da'esh couldn't: to eradicate Rojava, the internationally under-reported democratic, feminist and ecological revolution in Syria's north-east.
Hayat Tahrir al-Sham's (HTS) lightening offensive and overthrow of 54 years of ruthless dictatorial Assad rule have opened a new chapter for Syria. As Syrians celebrate in the streets, as families reunite with political prisoners freed from Assad's notorious torture chambers, as exiled Syrians start their way home and as we face the grueling extent of the old regime's state terrorism, there's hope to finally end one of this century's most atrocious wars.
But much is yet uncertain. The HTS, an Al-Qaeda overshoot with links to Da'esh and a terrorism classification in the West, has made efforts to rebrand itself as “freedom fighters” committed to human rights, civilian freedom and international cooperation. But how credible this is will need to be seen. Some of HTS's leaders are talking about imposing Sharia law with Iran-style morality police, fueling worries they plan to turn the country into another Afghanistan. Much will depend on whether HTS is open and able to bring Syria's different political, ethnic and religious groups around the same table and find a political solution together.
It's probably no exaggeration to claim that the Rojava revolution is one of the planet's most significant current experiments in building a post-capitalist society. And this is exactly what makes it so dangerous in the eyes of all groups with totalitarian or colonial ambitions.
Yet, whether this is possible depends not only on HTS's willingness but also on whether the foreign powers meddling in Syria will allow the war to end. Whereas Assad's departure has put Iran out of the game in Syria and immensely weakened Russia's position, Israel and Turkey have each in their own way benefited from and opportunistically exploited this period of transition and instability.
And both have done so in disregard of international law.
While many Western progressives have rightly blasted Israel's rogue bombing campaign of Syrian military bases as a bizarre and unacceptable violation of international law, there's more silence towards Turkish attacks on north-east Syria and confusion about the role of the Kurds.
Turkey has illegally interfered in and occupied parts of sSyria for years. Back in 2018, Turkey and its Jihadist SNA allies attacked the SDF just briefly after they'd defeated Da'esh.Turkey invaded and effectively annexed themajority Kurdish areas of Afrin and,in 2019, of Serekaniye and Gire Spi. Amnesty InternationalaccusesTurkey of war crimes, including forcing hundreds of thousands to flee their homes. In the occupied areas, the inhabitants sufferfrom what the United Nations calls a "grim" human rights situation, rife with ethnic cleansing, forced displacements and seizures of land and properties. Despite a ceasefire agreement, Turkey has perpetually continued its warfare with consistent drone attacks and regular intensive assaults. Last winter, Turkish airstrikes destroyed 80% of north-east Syria's civil infrastructure through surgical targeting of electricity and water plants, food storages, medical infrastructure, etc.
Since November 27, with the world's attention on HTS and Damascus, Turkey and the SNA escalated aggressions against north-east Syria. Aided by heavy Turkish airstrikes, the SNA quickly conquered the Shebha, Tall Rafaat and Manbij regions around Aleppo. 170,000 families were forcibly displaced, creating a new refugee crisis. SNA mercenaries have been denounced for serious human rights violations and war crimes in the newly occupied areas including summary executions, forced displacement, and the looting of civilian properties, torture and abduction of women, sparking protests and strikes in Manbij.
There have been heavy clashes at the Tishreen dam, a major hydroelectric power plant in the Euphrates River, near Manbij, causing serious damage. A break of the dam would likely provoke further humanitarian disaster, an energy blackout and water shortage for much of north-east Syria.
SNA troops have also attacked SDF units at the Qerekozak bridge at the border between Turkish-occupied Afrin and the Kobani region under SDF control. The US negotiated a ceasefire in Manbij but the SNA and Turkey didn't abide by the agreement.
Reports from within north-east Syria speak of widespread fears of massacres and a resurgence of Da'esh. With tens of thousands of Da'esh fighters still held in north-east Syrian prisons and sleeper cells operating, the Turkish attacks over the years have already jeopardized the SDF's efforts to monitor and contain Da'esh. Many of the imprisoned jihadists are Western citizens whose home countries refuse to repatriate and prosecute. The heavier the Turkish/SNA onslaughts, the greater the risk of a full-blown Da'esh resurgence, as the SDF is forced to defend its against Turkish attacks.
But many Kurds don't even see much difference between the SNA mercenaries and the Da'esh. As Foza Yusuf, a Kurdish political leader, warns, “What Da'esh did to the Ezidi women in 2014 will happen to the women of north-east Syria if we don't resist. Da'esh, however, didn't have the support which the SNA enjoys. We know that extremist forces always begin by targeting women and minorities but we also know that they won't stop there; they become a threat to the self-determination and dignity of others.”
To accommodate Turkish security concerns, the SDF offered Turkey to turn Kobane into a demilitarized zone. So far, US attempts at brokering a diplomatic solution haven't born fruits. To the contrary, the Turkish military has amassed ground troops opposite the border at Kobane, leading US government officials on Tuesday to warn that a Turkish ground invasion of Rojava might be imminent.
Turkish president Recep Tayyip Erdoğan’s explicit plan is for Turkey to permanently occupy a 30 kilometer-wide strip along the 600km border between Turkey and Syria and to carry out large-scale population engineering: displacing native populations and forcibly moving (up to one million) mostly Arab Syrian refugees, into the area, as Turkey has already done in Afrin.
The reason for these unremitting aggressions, however, isn’t “Kurdish terrorism,” as the Turkish state, NATO and their allies continually claim. What is usually omitted from reports about north-east Syria is the fact that it's been home to a remarkable experiment of democratic autonomous self-governance.
Since 2012, around 5 million people — Kurds, Arabs, Assyrians, Turkmen, Ezidis and others — have been organized within the Democratic Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria (DAANES), commonly known as Rojava (Kurmanyi for “west” Kurdistan), demonstrating how a multi-ethnic society can peacefully coexist.
The DAANES functions on the basis of “democratic confederalism,” a radical model of grassroots decision-making, in which people self-organize in popular assemblies at the local, regional, canton and overall levels to address needs as closely to where they occur as possible. Workers and farmers produce through self-directed and co-owned cooperatives. The revolution is striving for food sovereignty through regenerative methods. Their governance system is oriented towards equity among different ethnicities and genders — minorities are entitled to speak first in assemblies and women make up at least half of the leadership. Practices of restorative justice and women councils are trying to transform social conflicts through inclusion and reconciliation, rather than punishment and force. As award-winning journalist Debbie Bookchin says, “The Rojava revolution at its core really is a women's revolution. The fact that women's liberation is key to every aspect of society there isn't just unique to the Middle East but the whole world.” The Kurdish women's movement goes beyond Western mainstream feminism in that it doesn't just aim for uplifting women into seats of power but overthrowing the entire patriarchal power structure and restoring community as a social basis of human coexistence.
It's probably no exaggeration to claim that the Rojava revolution is one of the planet's most significant current experiments in building a post-capitalist society. And this is exactly what makes it so dangerous in the eyes of all groups with totalitarian or colonial ambitions. As the imprisoned Kurdish leader Abdullah Öcalan writes: “The real power of capitalist modernity isn’t its money and its weapons, [but] its ability to suffocate all utopias […] with its liberalism.”
The oppression of the Kurds goes back well over a century. With a population of roughly 40 to 45 million, the Kurdish people the world’s largest ethnic group without its own state.
In the Lausanne Treaty of 1923, when European colonial powers drew the map of a post-Ottoman Middle East, they divided the Kurds among four ethnocentric nation-states: Turkey, Syria, Iran and Iraq. Subsequently, Kurdish people suffered 100 years of continuous and ongoing genocidal colonial erasure to assimilate them and other minorities into respective Turkish, Arab and Persian culture with no right to speak their language, practice their culture and to have political self-determination.
As is true for other liberation struggles from Mexico to Palestine, the colonial powers framed the Kurds' anti-colonial resistance as “terrorism” worthy of ruthless elimination and collective punishment. The Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK) raised arms against the Turkish state in 1984 aiming to break out of oppression and to establish an independent socialist Kurdish homeland, but after significant setbacks and many lives lost the movement changed its strategy. Nine times, the PKK offered the Turkish state a peace process to politically end the armed conflict.
It also changed its vision of collective liberation. As Nilüfer Koç of the Kurdistan National Congress explains, “The Kurdish Freedom Movement realized that being stateless can actually be an opportunity to establish structures of democratic autonomy that allow different ethnic groups to live together peacefully beyond the constraints of nation-state, patriarchy and capitalism. When we look at the current dramatic events in the Middle East, including in Palestine, we see that we urgently need an alternative to the violence of ethnocentric nation-states and the Kurdish Freedom Movement offers such a model.”
With the implosion of Assad's control over north-east Syria in 2012, the Kurdish Freedom Movement stood ready to put these ideas into practice.
By now, Rojava's governance model has spread beyond Syria's Kurds to other ethnic and religious groups in Syria and Iraq and reinvigorated Kurdish political and cultural organization within Iran and Turkey — posing a serious threat to Erdoğan’s ever more dictatorial domestic rule. The rise of fascism requires the eradication of utopian imagination.
The Turkish state couldn't wage its colonial war against the Kurds without the active support of NATO and regular weapons deliveries by the United States, Germany, the UK, Spain and other countries.
But when Da'esh, a decade ago, rapidly grew its terrorizing rule, the US found themselves in the awkward position of having to support Turkey's arch enemy — and on top of it, an army of anarchists! — simultaneously.
Because of its military cooperation with the US, many progressives and anti-imperialists are reluctant to stand with or even touch Rojava. In reality, the US plays an opportunistic Machiavellian double game with the Kurds, which misleading international media reporting has largely concealed.
Yes, the United States lends the SDF military assistance in its fight against Da'esh. But the usual framing of the SDF as “US backed Kurdish fighters” hides a number of simultaneous truths: The United States uses its leverage over the SDF to undermine Rojava's grassroots democratic structures. The US neither supports the DAANES diplomatically nor works for their inclusion in a political solution for Syria's future. They're also Turkey's largest arms supplier, delivering the very weapons with which Turkey assaults the SDF and populations in north-east Syria, and thus unsurprisingly, the US usually fails to hold Turkey accountable for its war crimes.
When international media portrays current hostilities in north-east Syria as “territorial disputes between Turkish-backed rebels and US backed Kurdish fighters,” it suggests an equivalence of power that simply doesn't exist. SNA fighters are advancing onto Rojava with the help of relentless airstrikes by NATO's second largest army, while the United States — the SDF's supposed patron — controls much of north-east Syria's airspace, letting Turkey bomb the Kurds with impunity, and while American ground troops stand by watching.
Furthermore, portraying the SDF as US proxies perpetuates an old racist trope of Kurds being agents of foreign imperialist interests, with no political agency of their own. But make no mistake: The SDF and DAANES have a very strong, outspoken anti-imperialist, anarchist agenda which the US opposes to its bones. It's no coincidence that very few international media outlets will be ready to openly acknowledge the revolutionary politics of north-east Syria.
We mustn't fall for a lazy and purist anti-imperialism that refuses to engage with the complexities of building and maintaining actual alternatives on the ground.
The people of north-east Syria have been able to maintain their unlikely revolution for over 12 years because of their own struggle and self-defense, not because of any imperial patron.
Nevertheless, Western politicians are starting to realize that the current Turkish onslaught on north-east Syria threatens to bring Da'esh back to life. On Tuesday, United States Senators Chris Van Hollen (D-Md.) and Lindsey Graham (R-S.C.) threatened to impose sanctions against the Turkish state should Ankara fail to reach a ceasefire with the SDF and ensure the creation of a demilitarized zone in north-east Syria.
Syria, and Rojava in particular, are at critical crossroads. This is the perhaps most dangerous moment of Rojava's tumultuous history, but after Assad's fall there's also a historic chance to end the cruel Syrian war and enable a democratic peaceful future for all groups of the country. Immediately after HTS's takeover of Damascus, the DAANES reached out to them proposing an intra-Syrian dialogue to worktowards a shared political solution.
With all the different foreign influences meddling in Syria, what will happen there also depends on the voices of the international communities. The Turkish state, so much is certain, is wielding its growing influence over HTS to prevent any cooperation with DAANES that could lead to a future for an autonomous Rojava.
At this crucial moment, progressives and all those committed to collective liberationneed to make their voices heard, loud and clear. Those of us in NATO member countries particularlyhave a responsibility to stand up against the Turkey's illegal military actions which we co-sponsor with our taxpayer money. The silence towards Turkish war crimes and the regular omission of both the colonial root causes of this conflict and the radical political vision of the Kurdish Freedom Movement enable Turkey's oppressive actions to continue.
We need to use our platforms to amplify the messages from within Rojava. Radicals around the world need to learn about democratic confederalism and the Kurdish women's paradigm. And while you might be as skeptical towards electoral politics as I am, we need to talk to our elected representatives to pressure them to push Turkey for an immediate cessation of hostilities in Syria, to stop sending arms to Ankara, impose sanctions and to politically recognize the DAANES.
What is at stake in north-east Syria is more than just the fate of the Kurdish people and the future of Syria, but whether humanity is able to break out of the patriarchal, capitalist, colonialdead-endand build effective alternatives before it's too late. When we recognize that no struggle can be isolated so long as all struggles run up against the same global system of power, shared struggle and the construction of grounded living alternativesare the natural expressions of our will for life.
Or as the Kurdish women's movement says, “Jin jiyan azadi” — we're rising for “life, woman, freedom.”