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On August 15, Democratic Representative Eric Swalwell of California proposed, through the medium of (what else?) Twitter, that after the election a "Presidential Crimes Commission" should be created to investigate the manifold derelictions of Donald J. Trump, including "[s]abotaging the mail to win an election." He evidently regards this idea as a bold and meaningful innovation: "I don't say this lightly."
Why is this a bad idea?
Swalwell appears to be an able and articulate House member and has managed to snare at least his share of TV time on the cable news shows. A congressman since 2012, he is not a neophyte, and his membership on the intelligence and judiciary committees ought to make him knowledgeable about possible law-breaking by Trump.
But a commission? That is a half-step stronger than demanding that someone conduct a study. I don't question Swalwell's motives, but I think that somewhere along the line this sort of action would result in the usual suspects subverting the commission's intent. Based on my own experience in government, the preferred modus operandi of high-profile commissions is to contain public anger and distress rather than get at the truth.
It is not an exaggeration to say that the art form of the classic Washington commission is this: create a ballyhoo through public relations, appoint grave and unimpeachably bipartisan grey eminences as commission members, count on said members, who really don't want to upset the system, to conduct a coverup disguised as an expose, replete with stern warnings over the small details of skullduggery that divert attention from the greater misdeeds they ignore.
Maybe it doesn't have to be that way, but it generally is, as exemplified by three of the more famous commissions in the last several decades: the Warren Commission, the Tower Commission, and the 9/11 Commission.
The Warren Commission is, of course the granddaddy of all modern commissions, as well as their prototype. We now know that Lyndon Johnson, who proposed the commission, never intended it to uncover the truth, wherever it might lead, about John F. Kennedy's assassination in Dallas. He planned for it to squelch any popular belief that the Soviet Union or other powerful entities might have played a role.
The chairman, Chief Justice Earl Warren, was not particularly enthusiastic about his task. Neither was Senator Richard Russell (D-GA), who demonstrated his reluctance to the president strongly enough that Johnson gave him "the treatment" (LBJ's patented application of pleading, cajoling, and bullying) to make him say yes.
But for another member, recently fired CIA director Allen Dulles, there was no such reluctance. To say that Dulles was a fox in the hen house is an understatement: more like a ravenous Bengal tiger.
Hence the Warren Report: its conclusion, that Lee Harvey Oswald was the shooter and acted alone, was almost certainly true on the first count and very likely true on the second. But it ill-served the public with its refusal to say anything substantive about the manifest failure of the government to prevent the assassination.
If these sorry precedents are not enough, the very concept of a commission handling what should be a judicial proceeding is a fundamental indictment of equal justice on America.It glossed over the incompetence of the Secret Service, whose agents were out getting drunk the evening before the assassination rather than taking steps to secure Kennedy's route through town. And it was silent about the CIA's contacts with Oswald. Even worse, Dulles' presence ensured that the quarrel between the CIA and J. Edgar Hoover's FBI, which amounted to a vicious subterranean war, remained buried. This crippling of intelligence-sharing over bureaucratic turf may have helped lead to Kennedy's death, certainly ill-served the public, and the CIA-FBI rivalry later blew up into a subplot of the Watergate scandal.
It wasn't long before the report's incompleteness fed, rather than prevented, the same conspiracy theories that LBJ hoped to squelch; the presence of Dulles alone would guarantee that. In the ensuing decades the Kennedy assassination spawned a cottage industry of "buffs" who theorized that the assassins were Cubans, Soviets, the CIA, the Chicago mafia, Texas oil men, the Corsican mob - anybody but Oswald! Critiques of the report became the gateway drug for conspiracy-obsessed paranoiacs to this day, culminating in QAnon. (and not just symbolically: the QAnon faithful believe Kennedy's son did not die in a 1999 plane crash, but is living in Pennsylvania and is a Trump supporter).
The Tower Commission of 1986-1987, named after its chairman, former Senator John Tower (R-TX), was supposed to investigate the covert arms sales to Iran and transfer of the proceeds to the Contra rebels in Nicaragua. Bear in mind that selling armaments to Iran (including TOW antitank missiles, a state-of-the-art guided weapon at the time) was a serious breach of the Iran embargo, and the delivery of arms to the Contras was a flagrant violation of the Boland Amendment. As such, both were impeachable offenses, and Ronald Reagan's presidency was in jeopardy.
The commission opted for what has become a classic commission gambit. Rather than report on potential law-breaking, they focused their stern, admonitory language on bureaucratic process. Like processed cheese, a "process"-oriented commission means you're not getting the real thing. The members professed to be stunned that "no one was in charge," and recommended a rewired White House with a reformed National Security Council and a new presidential chief of staff.
It was designed to get Reagan off the hook for the price of a couple of staff sacrificial lambs. But even if it were true that Reagan was unaware of the arms deal, it still meant he was incapable of seeing that the laws were faithfully executed. Such negligence is in itself impeachable. But as we know, Reagan skated, and the parallel joint congressional Iran-Contra committee was as feckless as the Tower Commission. They both helped establish the precedent for institutional tolerance of a lawless presidency -- the very thing that concerns Mr. Swalwell.
Last, the 9/11 Commission. For it, the powers-that-be hauled Lee Hamilton, a retired congressman, out of mothballs to be co-chairman with ex-New Jersey governor Thomas Kean. By an uncanny coincidence, fifteen years before, he had been co-chair of the Iran-Contra committee. If that suggests something was rigged, it was confirmed by the resignation from the commission of former senator Max Cleland (D-GA), who maintained that the White House was stonewalling and the commission itself was compromised.
And so it was. As a national security staffer on Capitol Hill at the time, it was my job to minutely examine the proceedings. I remain convinced that at least two high administration officials perjured themselves blatantly enough that the commission should have referred them for possible prosecution. The commission did no such thing.
Instead, it wrote a masterful report in riveting language that had everybody looking in the wrong direction. Once again, it was a process issue: the intelligence agencies didn't talk to each other, nobody pushed the warning up high enough, and so on. So they recommended the reorganization of the intelligence community and the creation of the Department of Homeland Security.
As several former DHS employees have told me with some bitterness, the agency is a bureaucratic nightmare that was less than the sum of the predecessor agencies that went into forming it. We now waste tens of billions per year as an alibi: a flimsy excuse to disguise a failure of policy at the top as a failure of the intelligence process.
For the failure was at the top. As his administration began, George W. Bush and his cronies, like Donald Rumsfeld and Condoleezza Rice, were basically bored with terrorism, and chose to set their sights on a peer competitor like China. Thus the multiple occasions that the subject of al Qaeda was brought up to Bush and senior officials but ignored, culminating in the now-infamous August 6, 2001 president's daily intelligence brief titled "Bin Laden determined to strike in U.S." Bush would rather cut brush and go golfing than attend to his duties.
The tragedy extends beyond the lives needlessly lost in the attack, and even beyond the countless casualties, both our own and others, wrought by our idiotic revenge in the form of an attack on the wrong country. It created a veritable deluge of conspiracy stories about the attacks being an inside job by the U.S. government itself, each more lurid than the last. Given the report's conclusions, this probably was inevitable.
A lot of ordinary people thought something smelled fishy. And they were right. By failing to highlight malfeasance at the very top (which amounted to a grossly negligent failure to protect the American people, itself potentially impeachable), the 9/11 Commission not only hung the millstone of DHS around our necks but also opened the door for "alternative" explanations that seemed more psychologically satisfying than re-wiring an organizational chart. As such, 9/11 and its "official" explanation represented another milestone in America's descent into lunacy.
Hence bizarre conspiracy theories involving everything from the conjecture that the airliners people "saw" hit the Trade Center were actually a laser-projected image, to "proof" that the Boeing 757 that slammed into the Pentagon was a cruise missile. A year ago, one conspiracy buff at a political dinner got so animated explaining the melting point of the steel in the Trade Center's girders to me (an involuntary listener), that she spilled a glass of red wine on my suit.
If these sorry precedents are not enough, the very concept of a commission handling what should be a judicial proceeding is a fundamental indictment of equal justice on America.
I have argued elsewhere that there are three tiers of law in America. The majority of us, the middle class, receive the letter of the law. Thus we do not skate free, but generally, we are not railroaded, either. The downside, of course, is the exorbitant cost of the American legal racket: average salary-earners may exhaust all their financial assets obtaining counsel sufficient to find vindication. How is that functionally different from a third-world country where one must pay a hefty bribe?
The George Floyd case brought home to us that the poor and designated out-groups are frequently beneath the law. Here the Wild West prevails, with legal safeguards hardly above the level of foreign nationals in proximity to one of our overseas drone strikes. If persons driving with a broken taillight are pulled over and must consider the small but non-negligible odds that they might not survive the incident, law ceases to have meaning.
The rich? The well-connected? Occasionally one gets bagged for PR purposes (think Martha Stewart as a scapegoat for the complete impunity of Wall Street), but this is vanishingly rare. They can afford the best counsel, can always make bail, and are in any case more indulgently treated, particularly for corporate crimes. In case of conviction, there is usually monitored home detention, which sure beats Riker's Island.
And for the ultra high-ups, there is the commission, which allows them to avoid the actual legal proceedings the rest of us face, because after a mandate of months or years and the commission's bogus "verdict," the psychological steam has dissipated from any desire to prosecute. That is, if there ever was any desire: The Justice Department's guideline for not indicting a sitting president has no standing in law, but prosecutors obey it with the same reverence as a New Guinea highlander observes a taboo. Any day now, I expect the guideline to sprout a penumbra declaring that former presidents cannot be indicted, either.
Commissions cannot solve the reluctance of the establishment to bring high-level criminals to book; they are a diversion from this fact. Mr. Swalwell may have the best intentions, but we all know what the road to hell is paved with.
The Nobel Prize-winning Czech author Milan Kundera began his 1979 novel, The Book of Laughter and Forgetting, by describing two photographs. In the first, two men are standing side by side, a Czech nationalist later executed for his views and the country's Communist ruler. In the second, the dissenter is gone, airbrushed out. Just the dictator remains. Today, if Kundera hadn't written that opening to his book, only someone with a long memory or a penchant for research would know that the two men had ever shared a podium or that, on that long-gone day, the dissident had placed his fur hat on the dictator's cold head. Today, in the world of Donald Trump and Robert Mueller, we might say that the dissident was redacted from the photo. For Kundera, embarking on a novel about memory and forgetting, that erasure in the historical record was tantamount to a crime against both the country and time itself.
In the Soviet Union, such photographic airbrushing became a political art form. Today, however, when it comes to repeated acts meant to erase reality's record and memory, it wouldn't be Eastern Europe or Russia that came to mind but the United States. With the release of the Mueller report, the word "redaction" is once again in the news, though for those of us who follow such things, it seems but an echo of so many other redactions, airbrushings, and disappearances from history that have become a way of life in Washington since the onset of the Global War on Terror.
In the 448 pages of the Mueller report, there are nearly 1,000 redactions. They appear on 40% of its pages, some adding up to only a few words (or possibly names), others blacking out whole pages. Attorney General William Barr warned House Judiciary Committee Chairman Jerry Nadler about the need to classify parts of the report and when Barr released it, the Wall Street Journal suggested that the thousand unreadable passages included "few major redactions." On the other hand, House Appropriations Committee Chairwoman Nita Lowey was typical of congressional Democrats in suggesting that the speed -- less than 48 hours -- of Barr's initial review of the document was "more suspicious than impressive." Still, on the whole, while there was some fierce criticism of the redacted nature of the report, it proved less than might have been anticipated, perhaps because in this century Americans have grown used to living in an age of redactions.
Such complacency should be cause for concern. For while redactions can be necessary and classification is undoubtedly a part of modern government life, the aura of secrecy that invariably accompanies such acts inevitably redacts democracy as well.
Airbrushing Washington
Redaction, like its sibling deletion, is anything but an unprecedented phenomenon when it comes to making U.S. government documents public. My generation, after all, received the Warren Commission Report on the assassination of President John F. Kennedy with significant redactions in the very records on which it was based. And who among us could forget that infamous 18-and-a-half minute gap in the tapes President Richard Nixon secretly used to record Oval Office conversations? That particular deletion would prove crucial when later testimony revealed that it had undoubtedly been done to hide evidence connecting the White House to the Watergate burglars.
Still, even given such examples, the post-9/11 period stands out in American history for its relentless reliance on redacting material in government reports. Consider, for instance, the 28 pages about Saudi Arabia that were totally blacked out of the 9/11 Commission Report, an investigation of how the United States failed to prevent al-Qaeda's attacks that fateful day. Similarly, the 2005 Robb-Silberman Report on Weapons of Mass Destruction, classified -- and therefore redacted -- entire chapters, as well as parts of its chief takeaway, its 74 recommendations, six of which were completely excised.
Infamously enough, the numerous military reports on the well-photographed abuses that American military personnel committed at Abu Ghraib, the Iraqi prison, came out with substantial redactions. So, too, have the reports and books on the CIA's use of enhanced interrogation techniques on war on terror detainees held at its "black sites." In FBI agent Ali Soufan's book, The Black Banners: The Inside Story of 9/11 and the War Against al-Qaeda, for example, large portions of a chapter on Abu Zubaydah, an al-Qaeda figure who was brutally waterboarded 83 times, were redacted by the CIA. It mattered not at all that Soufan had already testified in a public hearing before Congress about his success in eliciting information from Zubaydah by building rapport with him and registered his protest over the CIA's use of brutal techniques as well. And the nearly 400-page executive summary of the extensive Senate Select Intelligence Committee's Torture Report was partially redacted, too, even though it was already a carefully chosen version of a more than 6,700-page report that was not given a public airing.
It's worth noting that such acts of redaction have taken place in an era in which information has been removed from the public domain and classified at unprecedented levels -- and unacceptable ones for a democracy. In the first 19 years of this century, the number of government documents being classified has expanded exponentially, initially accelerating in the immediate aftermath of 9/11. Between 2001 and 2005, for instance, the number of government documents classified per year doubled. Even former New Jersey Governor Tom Kean, chairman of the 9/11 Commission, pushed back against the growing urge of the national security state to excessively classify -- that is, after a fashion, redact -- almost any kind of information. "You'd just be amazed at the kind of information that's classified -- everyday information, things we all know from the newspaper," he said. "We're better off with openness. The best ally we have in protecting ourselves against terrorism is an informed public."
Along the same lines, well-known judges in national security cases have repeatedly commented on the way in which information that, to their minds, did not constitute sensitive material was classified. For example, Judge T.S. Ellis III, who has overseen numerous high-profile national security cases, admitted his "firm suspicion that the executive branch over-classifies a great deal of material that does not warrant classification." Ellis's colleague, Judge Leonie Brinkema, underscored the obstacles classification imposed in the trial of now-convicted terrorism defendant Zacarias Moussaoui, expressing her frustration at the "shroud of secrecy that had hampered the prosecution of the defendant." Other judges have echoed their sentiments.
In the first days of his presidency, Barack Obama declared his intention to reverse the trend towards over-classification. His administration then issued a memo, "Transparency and Open Government," that promised "an unprecedented level of openness in government." In April 2009, he also ordered the release of the 2002-2005 memos from the Office of Legal Counsel that had been written to justify the "enhanced interrogation techniques" that President George W. Bush's top officials had put in place for use in the Global War on Terror. In 2010, Obama also signed into law the Reducing Over-Classification Act aimed at decreasing "over-classification and promot[ing] information sharing across the federal government and with state, local, tribal, and private sector entities." And for a time, the rate of classification of new documents did indeed drop.
In the end, though, it proved impossible to stanch, no less reverse the urge to keep information from the public. As Obama explained, "While I believe strongly in transparency and accountability, I also believe that in a dangerous world, the United States must sometimes carry out intelligence operations and protect information that is classified for purposes of national security."
Disappearing Democracy
Another government tactic that, as with former FBI agent Soufan's book, has given redaction a place of pride in Washington is the ongoing strict pre-publication review process now in place. Former public servants who worked in intelligence and other positions requiring security clearances (including former contractors) and then wrote books about their time in office must undergo it. In April, the Knight First Amendment Institute and the ACLU focused on this very issue, jointly filing suit over the pre-publication review of such books, citing, among other things, the First Amendment issue of suppressing speech. In the words of Harvard law professor Jack Goldsmith and Yale law professor Oona Hathaway:
"Clearly, the government has a legitimate interest in preventing disclosure of classified information. But the current prepublication review process is too expansive, slow, and susceptible to abuse... In an era characterized by endless war and a bloated secrecy bureaucracy, the restrictions on commentary and criticism about government policies and practices pose an intolerable cost to our democracy."
And bad as the urge to redact has been, in recent times the Trump administration and the national security state have taken its spirit one step further by trying to prevent the actual reporting of information. In March, for instance, President Trump issued an executive order revoking the need for the Pentagon to make public its drone strikes in the war on terror or the civilian casualties they cause. In a similar fashion, the American military command in Afghanistan announced its decision to no longer report on the amount of territory under Taliban control, a metric that the previous U.S. commander there had called the "most telling in a counterinsurgency." Similarly, President Trump has repeatedly displayed his aversion to any kind of basic note taking or record-keeping during White House meetings with aides and lawyers (as the Mueller report pointed out).
In this century, the American public has learned to live in an increasingly redacted world. Whether protest over the level of redactions in the Mueller report will in any way change that remains doubtful, at best.
Certainly, Congressman Nadler has been insistent that the Judiciary Committee should see the entire unredacted report. At the recent Judiciary Committee hearing that Attorney General Barr refused to attend, Nadler acknowledged the dangers to democracy that lay in an increasing lack of transparency and accountability. "I am certain," he said, "there is no way forward for this country that does not include a reckoning of this clear and present danger to our constitutional order... History will judge us for how we face this challenge. We will all be held accountable in one way or another."
As he suggested, democracy itself can, in the end, be redacted if the culture of blacking-out key information becomes Washington's accepted paradigm. And with such redactions goes, of course, the redaction of the very idea of an informed citizenry, which lies at the heart of the democratic way of life. Under the circumstances, perhaps it's not surprising that polls show trust in government in steady decline for decades (with a brief reversal right after 9/11).
In the end, blacking out the record of the grimmest aspects of our own recent history will leave American citizens unable to understand the country in which they live. Informed or not, we all share responsibility for the American future. As with that photograph in the Kundera novel, our children may one day see the consequences of our past acts without truly recognizing them, just as many Czechs who saw that photo Kundera described undoubtedly thought it represented reality.
The record of how democracy is being redacted -- sentence by sentence, passage by passage, fact by fact, event by event -- would surely have rung a bell with Milan Kundera. He summed his own time's version of the process this way: "The struggle of man against power is the struggle of memory against forgetting." Today, Americans are forgetting.
As the editor of the JFK Facts blog, I try not to spend a lot of time on stupid conspiracy theories, but given widespread ignorance and confusion on the subject, unpleasant journalist duty often calls.
Who killed JFK? The Federal Reserve? Nah. The Secret Service man? A hoax. Ted Cruz's father? Pure B.S. George H.W. Bush? Heavy breathing is not the same as credible evidence. On a recent Black Vault podcast, the most common JFK question I heard was, "Was Kennedy assassinated because of his interest in UFOs?" Um, no, he was not.
Which brings me to QAnon, the imaginative conspiracy theorist now dominating the internet, attracting followers of President Trump, and obsessing the Washington Post, which has published a dozen articles about QAnon in the span of four days. Like many conspiracy theories, the QAnon fever dream can be traced back to the assassination of JFK.
The QAnon conspiracy theory is a psychedelic mushroom planted in the fertile manure of the Warren Commission. This mind-altering proposition grows in the gloom of anonymous chat groups. It is then stimulated by the bright lights of social media. And finally it is harvested and ingested by Trump cultists eager to prolong the alt-reality buzz that commenced on January 20, 2017.
But it all began on November 22, 1963.
Who Is QAnon?
For the uninitiated, "Q" is the moniker of a person or group of persons who post to 4Chan, a popular image website favored by the anonymous. Q's "theory" (and I use the term generously) is that President Trump was persuaded by the military to smash a network of "deep state" pedophiles that has ruled America for decades. The president (it is said) is working with John F. Kennedy Jr. (who did not die in a plane crash). They will soon smash the perfidious plotters, QAnon predicts, and Barack Obama and Hillary Clinton will be sent to Guantanamo.
You may think this is nutty stuff. Buzzfeed News speculates that QAnon is actually a leftist goof on right-wing suckers. But read the respectful coverage of the pro-Trump Washington Times, where QAnon is described as a "mysterious figure" who has been "posting provocative questions about the government since October." This stuff is taken seriously.
The historical foundation of this mash-up of the preposterous, the ludicrous and the vile is, you guessed it, the assassination of JFK.
From a December 2017 QAnon post about Trump's alleged enemies:
As a backup, they defined 'conspiracy' as crazy/mentally unstable and label anything 'true' as such.
This works given most of what they engage in is pure evil and simply unbelievable (hard to swallow).
The 'fix' has always been in - no matter which party won the election (-JFK (killed)/Reagan(shot)).
Why do people believe this nonsense?
One reason is that a few kernels of it are not nonsense. The CIA, in this April 1967 memo, launched a worldwide campaign to demonize critics of the Warren Commission as "conspiracy theorists." Skepticism about official theory of JFK's assassination, wrote one agency official with the approval of CIA director Richard Helms, "is of concern to the U.S. government including our organization."
The agency distributed talking points for "friendly elite contacts," including the bald-faced lie that accused assassin Lee Harvey Oswald was "an unknown quantity to any professional intelligence service." In fact, CIA counterintelligence chief James Angleton had monitored Oswald's movements, politics, personal life and foreign contacts for four years before he allegedly killed JFK.
If that fact became known, the CIA would have a world of hurt on its hands. So the agency said in its memo that the members of the Warren Commission were eminent men and "efforts to impugn their rectitude and wisdom tend to cast doubt on the whole leadership of American society."
The Commission's critics, said the CIA, "are enticed by a form of intellectual pride: they light on some theory and fall in love with it; they also scoff at the Commission because it did not always answer every question with a flat decision one way or another." In other words, the CIA did define belief in "conspiracy" as a symptom of the mentally unstable and patriotically unreliable.
In fact, the doubts were fact-based. Skepticism about the Warren Commission's conclusions percolated among the Washington insiders (including Lyndon Johnson, Robert Kennedy, and Jackie Kennedy) and among foreign leaders (including Fidel Castro and Charles DeGaulle). All of them concluded privately that JFK had been killed by his enemies, not by a lone gunman.
Of course, there are other factors contributing to the vogue of QAnon that have nothing to do with JFK.
The echo chamber effects of social media encourage the credulous. So does a president enamored with "alternative facts" (aka bullshit). The exhaustion of the American economic system, which no longer provides the majority with affordable education or upward mobility, leaves young people grasping for explanation of their plight.
But the U.S. government's implausible account of JFK's assassination--and the CIA's self-serving defense--can always be cited by those who say "The government is lying." So if you want to trace the roots of QAnon in American society, look to the Warren Commission and Langley. Please leave us JFK researchers out of it.
The Origins of JFK Theories
As I wrote a few years ago in The Atlantic, the popular belief in a conspiracy was widespread within a week of Kennedy's murder. Between November 25 and 29, 1963, University of Chicago pollsters asked more than 1,000 Americans who they thought was responsible for the president's death. By then, the chief suspect, Lee Oswald--a leftist who had lived for a time in Soviet Union--had been shot dead while in police custody by Jack Ruby, a local strip club owner with organized crime connections who hated Bobby Kennedy.
While the White House, the FBI, and the Dallas Police Department all affirmed that Oswald had acted alone and no one should believe "rumors" to the contrary, 62 percent of respondents said they believed that more than one person was involved in JFK's assassination. Only 24 percent thought Oswald had acted alone. Another poll taken in Dallas during the same week found 66 percent of city respondents believed that there had been a plot.
The belief that Kennedy was killed by his enemies was not created by "conspiracy theorists" or Oliver Stone of the KGB. It was created by the circumstances of the crime and the assassination of Oswald.
The belief in conspiracy was nurtured the factual revelations that followed: The investigations of New Orleans District Attorney Jim Garrison in the late 1960s, the Church Committee investigation of 1975, the House Select Committee on Assassinations in 1978, and the Assassination Records Review Board in the 1990s. The vastly expanded historical record of JFK's murder undermines the Warren Commission's findings and destroys the CIA's cover stories. While we still don't have a good explanation of who killed Kennedy, we do know the available facts do not corroborate the official theory.
As long as the government and major media organizations deny the JFK facts, they give credibility to those who cultivate pernicious fantasies. They water the psychedelic mushroom now altering the American consciousness.
"To jaw-jaw is always better than to war-war," as Sir Winston Churchill put it at a White House luncheon on June 1954. The aphorism applies in spades today as the U.S., Russia and other key countries involved in troubles in Syria decide whether to jaw or to war.
Russia's recent military intervention in Syria could open up new possibilities for those working for a negotiated solution - or not. There does seem to be considerable overlap in U.S. and Russian interests and objectives.
"To jaw-jaw is always better than to war-war," as Sir Winston Churchill put it at a White House luncheon on June 1954. The aphorism applies in spades today as the U.S., Russia and other key countries involved in troubles in Syria decide whether to jaw or to war.
Russia's recent military intervention in Syria could open up new possibilities for those working for a negotiated solution - or not. There does seem to be considerable overlap in U.S. and Russian interests and objectives.
For instance, both sides say they want to suppress terrorism, including the Islamic State (also known as ISIL, ISIS or Daesh) and Al Qaeda's affiliate, the Nusra Front, and both the U.S. the Russia talk about the need for political reconciliation among Syria's disparate religious and ethnic groups. The chief disagreement is over the future of Syrian President Bashar al-Assad, whether he "must go," as U.S. officials insist, or whether that issue should be left to the ballots of the Syrian people, the view favored by Russia.
Yet, what happens in the next week or so - whether it turns out to be a belated "jaw-jaw" or an escalated "war-war" - will have a significant effect on bilateral U.S.-Russian relations, as well as developments in Syria, Iraq and the whole neighborhood, which now includes Europe because of the destabilizing flow of refugees.
So, I think it makes sense for me to undertake what we did at some of the best moments inside the CIA's analytical branch: view a crisis from where the other side stood and thus project how an adversary (or a friend) might react to a U.S. initiative. A common trap in intelligence analysis is mirror-imaging - assuming that others, whether adversaries or friends, look at facts and intentions the same way we do.
It can be helpful to step into the other side's shoes and consider how its leaders are likely to see us. I make a stab at that below.
In what follows, I imagine myself working within Russia's Foreign Intelligence Service (the SVR, Russia's CIA equivalent) in the analysis office responsible for preparing The President's Daily Brief for President Vladimir Putin. I further imagine that his daily brief resembles what the U.S. Intelligence Community prepares for the U.S. President. So, I pattern the item below after the (now declassified) PDB for President George W. Bush that - on Aug. 6, 2001 - famously warned him, "Bin Laden Determined to Strike in U.S." (In my paper, intelligence assessments are presented in italics.)
The President's Daily Brief
Oct. 28, 2015
Re Syria: Obama Trying to Fend Off US Hawks
President Obama is under severe pressure from senior military and intelligence officials and Congress to raise the ante in Syria.
Yesterday's Washington Post lead story, sourced to unnamed U.S. officials, reported that Obama is considering Pentagon proposals to "put U.S. troops closer to front lines" in Iraq and Syria.
Diplomats at our embassy in Washington note that this kind of story often reflects decisions already made and about to be formally announced. In this particular case, however, the embassy thinks it at least equally likely that the Post is being used by officials who favor more aggressive military action, in order to put pressure on the President. During Obama's first year in office, senior military leaders used the media to make it extremely difficult for Obama to turn down leaked Pentagon proposals to "surge" troops into Afghanistan.
Yesterday, Sen. John McCain, the Republican chair of the Senate Armed Services Committee, used a Senate hearing to ridicule administration policy on Syria and grill Defense Secretary Ashton Carter and Joint Chiefs Chairman Gen. Joseph Dunford on the policy's embarrassing failings. Carter said attacks against ISIL in Syria and Iraq would increase, including "direct action on the ground." But Dunford admitted, "The balance of forces now are in Assad's advantage."
Facing heavy criticism for indecisiveness, Obama still seems reluctant to put many more U.S. Army or "moderate rebel" boots into the "quagmire" that he warned us against when we began our airstrikes. He would also wish to avoid the kind of destructive attacks that would pour still more Syrian refugees into Europe.
We do not think occasional "direct action on the ground" will change much. Indeed, a White House spokesman reiterated yesterday that the administration has "no intention of long-term ground combat."
As for the "no-fly zone" advocated by McCain and presidential candidate Hillary Clinton, Secretary Carter said, "We have not made that recommendation to the President," adding the obligatory caveat, "He hasn't taken it off the table." Dunford added, "From a military perspective, we can impose a no-fly zone."
Diplomacy
We continue to believe that Obama prefers to regard this past month's events in Syria as an opportunity to bring the main players to the negotiating table rather than the battlefield.
Defense Secretary Carter called attention to talks later this week in Vienna, in which Secretary of State John Kerry will be engaged, that are "precisely aimed at the contours of [a] political settlement." The big news here is that Kerry has dropped the U.S. objection to having Iran, a supporter of the Assad regime, participate.
As for Kerry, unlike his behavior in late summer 2013 and in early 2014, he seems to be following the President's instructions to negotiate an end to the conflict and to the misery in Syria.
Emerging on Friday from contentious talks with the Saudi and Turkish foreign ministers, as well as Foreign Minister Lavrov, Kerry sounded a hopeful note: "Diplomacy has a way of working through very difficult issues that seem to be absolutely contradictory ... but if we can get into a political process, then sometimes these things have a way of resolving themselves."
At the Senate hearing, Defense Secretary Carter called for an early political transition in Syria, but was careful to add, "The structures of the Syrian state are going to be important to the future, and we don't want them to dissolve entirely. ... The U.S. approach to removing Assad has been mostly a political effort."
At which point, Sen. Lindsey Graham, R-South Carolina, a close ally of Sen. McCain, complained bitterly, "Assad is as secure as the day is long," adding, "you have turned Syria over to Russia and Iran."
The vitriol of McCain and Graham is no surprise. We want to make sure you know something about a relatively new player, JCS Chairman Joseph Dunford, who chose at his confirmation hearing on July 9, 2015, to let the world know that he is an unreconstructed Cold Warrior:
"If you want to talk about a nation that could pose an existential threat to the United States, I'd have to point to Russia," Dunford said. "If you look at their behavior, it's nothing short of alarming." Dunford added that he thought it reasonable to send heavy weapons to Ukraine.
Dunford took up his new duties at an inauspicious moment - the day after we began launching air strikes against terrorist targets in Syria. Suffice it to say that, for the U.S. military and CIA, October has been one of the most humiliating months since the inglorious U.S. departure from Vietnam. It is important to bear that in mind.
We think this serves to double the pressure on President Obama to let loose the military on Syria and Iraq, as pushed by most of the corporate media that are attacking Obama for weakness and indecision. You will recall that he faced the same challenge in August 2013, when he came very close to letting himself be mouse-trapped into a major attack on Syria with U.S. forces.
A Special Danger
This time there is a new, quite delicate element of which you need to be aware - the so-called "moderate" rebels whom the U.S. (primarily the CIA) trained, equipped, and inserted into Syria. This issue came up at the Senate Armed Services Committee meeting yesterday, when Chairman McCain expressed particular concern for pro-U.S. Syrian rebels he said are now being bombed by Russia and Syria.
Defense Secretary Carter replied that "no rebel group directly supported by the Defense Department under the law had been attacked." Casting a look of incredulity, McCain replied, "I promise you they have."
This is a particularly sore spot for McCain and his CIA friends. Ten days into our air-strike campaign, another Washington Post lead story with the headline, "Early signs of Russian intent ... Strikes seemed to catch White House flat-footed," claimed that Russian aircraft "pounded" CIA-sponsored "moderate rebel groups ... who appeared to get no warning that they were in Russian jets' crosshairs."
"U.S. officials" told the Post, "CIA Director John Brennan has voiced frustration with U.S. inaction as fighters trained and armed by the agency at camps in Jordan over the past two years face a Russia assault."
CIA officials do not like to be seen as leaving their own in the lurch - whether in the mountains of Syria or on the beaches of the Bay of Pigs in Cuba. Many serious scholars who have investigated the assassination of President John F. Kennedy conclude that Allen Dulles, who was fired by Kennedy after the Bay of Pigs fiasco, led a cabal that killed him - and then sat on the Warren Commission to cover it all up.
We doubt that John Brennan is up to playing that kind of role, or that Dunford, for example, could be persuaded to do what a Marine predecessor, Gen. Smedley Butler, refused to do, join a coup against the sitting U.S. President (in Butler's case he rejected a right-wing scheme to remove President Franklin Roosevelt from office).But there is reason to think that Obama believes he has more to fear than the fate of his policies. One report alleges that he privately told friends of his fear of ending up like Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr.
In sum, Obama has ample reason to be afraid that powerful people in Establishment Washington, convinced they know better than he how to protect the country, might succeed in pinning on his back a "too-soft-on-the-Russians" bulls-eye.
In the beginning, everyone was competent. At least the good guys were. The bad guy would always make some kind of mistake. He would not, say, tie the Lone Ranger's hands securely, enabling Tonto to untie the ropes with his teeth.
In the beginning, everyone was competent. At least the good guys were. The bad guy would always make some kind of mistake. He would not, say, tie the Lone Ranger's hands securely, enabling Tonto to untie the ropes with his teeth.
Then, when the bad guy would bring the kidnapped school marm into the cabin, the Lone Ranger would spring out of his chair, grab his gun and shoot him in the pinkie. Tonto, who could tie excellent Native American-type knots, would tie up the bad guy while the Lone Ranger gave the school marm one of his silver bullets. Then he'd head on down the trail.
The Army was competent, too, at least in John Wayne movies and Sgt. Rock comic books. No one faked his way into a 4-F deferment. No one profiteered on arms contracts. Everyone was brave. Not as brave as Sgt. Rock, of course, but who is?
Teachers were competent. Bankers were competent. Detroit was competent, shipping new models every fall for Dinah Shore to sing about. Dinah Shore was competent. Even the president and Congress, as far as I could tell, were competent.
The Strategic Air Command was competent, NASA was competent. America was competent.
Then President Kennedy was shot.
The Warren Commission said the Secret Service could have done more to investigate threats against the president and to secure buildings along the motorcade route in Dallas. The Secret Service reacted with grim chagrin. It turned itself into the most competent law enforcement agency in the country.
The competition had fallen on hard times. First there was J. Edgar Hoover's snooping and personal habits. Then there was the FBI's complicity in the Watergate coverup. The CIA came in for a grilling. More grilling would come.
Vietnam revealed that the Army had drug problems, discipline problems and command problems. Soon Japanese cars began eating Detroit's lunch, helped along by Detroit's insistence on producing things like the Plymouth Fury. NASA lost three astronauts in a fire but recovered to land 12 men on the moon and bring three of them back from almost certain death. Then there were two horrible space shuttle disasters that revealed NASA wasn't all that competent any more, either.
By then I had dealings with the Secret Service from time to time. The agents were totally competent, all business. Two nutballs had taken runs at President Ford. Agent Tim McCarthy had been wounded along with President Reagan. The agency cracked down.
I watched them seal manhole covers and make mail carriers open mailboxes along motorcade routes. They prepared for elaborate plots, which seemed odd. Historically presidents are always attacked by nuts with guns. Maybe, I figured, they've got that covered, so they have time to worry about guys popping out of manholes.
Then came the '90s. Wall Street was making money hand over fist and real estate prices were soaring. We all figured bankers must be competent; look how much money they were making.
In 1993, Clint Eastwood made a movie called "In the Line of Fire." Clint takes a bullet for the president, is hauled off as a hostage by assassin John Malkovich onto a glass elevator, where he tricks Malkovich into exposing himself to Secret Service snipers. Also Clint beds his boss, Rene Russo, all pretty good for an agent in his 60s.
All that plus the fact that Clint's character was named Frank Horrigan, which was my father's name, made me love this movie so much I overlooked a key point: Clint's supervisors had removed him from the protective detail because they thought he was obsessive.
This should have been a tip-off. Even in the movies, the Secret Service can be as incompetent as every other institution in America.
Here were are in 2014. Wall Street screwed up the economy. We sent troops off to Iraq and Afghanistan, but everything we touch in the Middle East turns sour. Now we're bombing the enemies of our enemies. The Supreme Court is a tool of the plutocracy, like Congress. Professional athletes spend as much time on the news pages as they do the sports pages. Intelligence agencies couldn't cooperate before 9/11 so now we have to allow ourselves to be spied on.
Gallup says that only 29 percent of the public have either a "great deal" or "quite a lot" of confidence in the president, 30 percent in the Supreme Court, 26 percent in public schools, 23 percent in the health care and criminal justice systems, 22 percent in newspapers and 7 percent in Congress.
However: 35 percent of this public can't name any of three branches of government. Only 47 percent of the public believes in evolution. Forty-two percent believe in ghosts, 36 percent in creationism and UFOs and 29 percent in astrology. So much of the public isn't competent, either.
Now people are upset that the Secret Service is sometimes incompetent. Yeah, it needs to get better. So do the rest of us.
It sounded like the intro to a bleat from some liberal professor or journalist. Not so. The writer was former President Harry S. Truman, who spearheaded the establishment of the CIA 66 years ago, right after World War II, to better coordinate U.S. intelligence gathering. But the spy agency had lurched off in what Truman thought were troubling directions.
Sadly, those concerns that Truman expressed in that op-ed -- that he had inadvertently helped create a Frankenstein monster -- are as valid today as they were 50 years ago, if not more so.
Truman began his article by underscoring "the original reason why I thought it necessary to organize this Agency ... and what I expected it to do." It would be "charged with the collection of all intelligence reports from every available source, and to have those reports reach me as President without Department 'treatment' or interpretations."
Truman then moved quickly to one of the main things bothering him. He wrote "the most important thing was to guard against the chance of intelligence being used to influence or to lead the President into unwise decisions."
It was not difficult to see this as a reference to how one of the agency's early directors, Allen Dulles, tried to trick President Kennedy into sending U.S. forces to rescue the group of invaders who had landed on the beach at the Bay of Pigs, Cuba, in April 1961 with no chance of success, absent the speedy commitment of U.S. air and ground support.
Wallowing in the Bay of Pigs
Arch-Establishment figure Allen Dulles had been offended when young President Kennedy had the temerity to ask questions about CIA plans before the Bay of Pigs debacle, which had been set in motion under President Dwight Eisenhower. When Kennedy made it clear he would NOT approve the use of U.S. combat forces, Dulles set out, with supreme confidence, to mousetrap the President.
Coffee-stained notes handwritten by Allen Dulles were discovered after his death and reported by historian Lucien S. Vandenbroucke. They show how Dulles drew Kennedy into a plan that was virtually certain to require the use of U.S. combat forces. In his notes, Dulles explained that, "when the chips were down," Kennedy would be forced by "the realities of the situation" to give whatever military support was necessary "rather than permit the enterprise to fail."
The "enterprise" which Dulles said could not fail was, of course, the overthrow of Fidel Castro. After mounting several failed operations to assassinate him, this time Dulles meant to get his man, with little or no attention to how the Russians might react. The reckless Joint Chiefs of Staff, whom then-Deputy Secretary of State George Ball later described as a "sewer of deceit," relished any chance to confront the Soviet Union and give it, at least, a black eye.
But Kennedy stuck to his guns, so to speak. He fired Dulles and his co-conspirators a few months after the abortive invasion, and told a friend that he wanted to "splinter the CIA into a thousand pieces and scatter it into the winds." The outrage was very obviously mutual.
When Kennedy himself was assassinated on Nov. 22, 1963, it must have occurred to Truman - as it did to many others - that the disgraced Dulles and his unrepentant associates might not be above conspiring to get rid of a president they felt was soft on Communism and get even for their Bay of Pigs fiasco.
'Cloak and Dagger'
While Truman saw CIA's attempted mousetrapping of President Kennedy as a particular outrage, his more general complaint is seen in his broader lament that the CIA had become "so removed from its intended role ... I never had any thought that when I set up the CIA that it would be injected into peacetime cloak and dagger operations. ... It has become an operational and at times a policy-making arm of the government." Not only shaping policy through its control of intelligence, but also "cloak and dagger" operations, presumably including assassinations.
Truman concluded the op-ed with an admonition that was as clear as the syntax was clumsy: "I would like to see the CIA restored to its original assignment as the intelligence arm of the President, and that whatever else it can properly perform in that special field - and that its operational duties be terminated or properly used elsewhere." The importance and prescient nature of that admonition are even clearer today, a half-century later.
But Truman's warning fell mostly on deaf ears, at least within Establishment circles. The Washington Post published the op-ed in its early edition on Dec. 22, 1963, but immediately excised it from later editions. Other media ignored it. The long hand of the CIA?
In Truman's view, misuse of the CIA began in February 1953, when his successor, Dwight Eisenhower, named Allen Dulles as CIA director. Dulles's forte was overthrowing governments (in current parlance, "regime change"), and he was quite good at it. With coups in Iran (1953) and Guatemala (1954) under his belt, Dulles was riding high by the late Fifties and moved Cuba to the top of his to-do list.
The Truman Papers
Documents in the Truman Library show that nine days after Kennedy was assassinated, Truman sketched out in handwritten notes what he wanted to say in the op-ed. He noted, among other things, that the CIA had worked as he intended only "when I had control."
Five days after the op-ed appeared, retired Admiral Sidney Souers, whom Truman had appointed to lead his first central intelligence group, sent a "Dear Boss" letter applauding Truman's outspokenness and blaming Dulles for making the CIA "a different animal than the one I tried to set up for you."
Souers specifically lambasted the attempt "to conduct a 'war' invading Cuba with a handful of men and without air cover." He also lamented the fact that the agency's "principal effort" had evolved into causing "revolutions in smaller countries around the globe," and added: "With so much emphasis on operations, it would not surprise me to find that the matter of collecting and processing intelligence has suffered some." (Again, as true today as it was 50 years ago.)
Clearly, the operational tail of the CIA was wagging its substantive dog -- a serious problem that persists to this day.
Fox Guarding Hen House
After Kennedy was murdered in Dallas, the patrician, well-connected Dulles got himself appointed to the Warren Commission and took the lead in shaping the investigation of JFK's assassination. Documents in the Truman Library show that Dulles also mounted a small domestic covert action of his own to neutralize any future airing of Truman's and Souers's warnings about covert action.
So important was this to Dulles that he invented a pretext to get himself invited to visit Truman in Independence, Missouri. On the afternoon of April 17, 1964, Dulles spent a half-hour one-on-one with the former president, trying to get him to retract what he had written in his op-ed. Hell No, said Harry.
Not a problem, Dulles decided. Four days later, in a formal memorandum of conversation for his old buddy Lawrence Houston, CIA general counsel from 1947 to 1973, Dulles fabricated a private retraction for Truman, claiming that Truman told him the Washington Post article was "all wrong," and that Truman "seemed quite astounded at it."
A fabricated retraction? It certainly seems so, because Truman did not change his tune. Far from it. In a June 10, 1964, letter to the managing editor of Look magazine, for example, Truman restated his critique of covert action, emphasizing that he never intended the CIA to get involved in "strange activities."
Dulles and Dallas
Dulles could hardly have expected to get Truman to recant publicly. So why was it so important for Dulles to place in CIA files a fabricated retraction? I believe the answer lies in the fact that in early 1964 Dulles was feeling a lot of heat from many who were suggesting the CIA might have been involved somehow in the Kennedy assassination. Columnists were asking how the truth could ever be reached, with Allen Dulles as de facto head of the Warren Commission.
Dulles had good reason to fear that Truman's limited-edition Washington Post op-ed of Dec. 22, 1963, might garner unwanted attention and raise troublesome questions about covert action, including assassination. He would have wanted to be in position to dig out of Larry Houston's files the Truman "retraction," in the hope that this would nip any serious questioning in the bud.
As the de facto head of the Warren Commission, Dulles was perfectly positioned to protect himself and his associates, were any commissioners or investigators -- or journalists -- tempted to question whether Dulles and the CIA played a role in killing Kennedy.
And so, the question: Did Allen Dulles and other "cloak-and-dagger" CIA operatives have a hand in John Kennedy's assassination and in then covering it up? In my view, the best dissection of the evidence pertaining to the murder appeared in James Douglass's 2008 book, JFK and the Unspeakable. After updating and arraying the abundant evidence, and conducting still more interviews, Douglass concludes that the answer is Yes.
Obama Intimidated?
The mainstream media had an allergic reaction to Douglass's book and gave it almost no reviews. It is, nevertheless, still selling well. And, more important, it seems a safe bet that President Barack Obama knows what it says and maybe has even read it. This may go some way toward explaining why Obama has been so deferential to the CIA, NSA, FBI and the Pentagon.
Could this be at least part of the reason he felt he had to leave the Cheney/Bush-anointed torturers, kidnappers and black-prison wardens in place, instructing his first CIA chief Leon Panetta to become, in effect, the agency's lawyer rather than leader.
Is this why the President feels he cannot fire his clumsily devious Director of National Intelligence James Clapper, who had to apologize to Congress for giving "clearly erroneous" testimony in March? Is this why he allows National Security Agency Director Keith Alexander and counterparts in the FBI to continue to mislead the American people, even though the intermittent snow showers from Snowden show our senior national security officials to have lied -- and to have been out of control?
This may be small solace to President Obama, but there is no sign that the NSA documents that Snowden's has released include the Senate Intelligence Committee's 6,300-page report on CIA torture. Rather, that report, at least, seems sure to be under Obama's and Senate Intelligence Committee chair Dianne Feinstein's tight control.
But the timorous President has a big problem. He is acutely aware that, if released, the Senate committee report would create a firestorm - almost certainly implicating Obama's CIA Director John Brennan and many other heavy-hitters of whom he appears to be afraid. And so Obama has allowed Brennan to play bureaucratic games, delaying release of the report for more than a year, even though its conclusions are said to closely resemble earlier findings of the CIA's own Inspector General and the Constitution Project (see below).
Testimony of Ex-CIA General Counsel
Hat tip to the New Yorker's Jane Mayer, who took the trouble to read the play-by-play of testimony to the Senate Intelligence Committee by former CIA General Counsel (2009-2013) Stephen W. Preston, nominated (and now confirmed) to be general counsel at the Department of Defense.
Under questioning by Sen. Mark Udall, D-Colorado, Preston admitted outright that, contrary to the CIA's insistence that it did not actively impede congressional oversight of its detention and interrogation program, "briefings to the committee included inaccurate information related to aspects of the program of express interest to Members."
That "inaccurate information" apparently is thoroughly documented in the Senate Intelligence Committee report which, largely because of the CIA's imaginative foot-dragging, cost taxpayers $40 million. Udall has revealed that the report (which includes 35,000 footnotes) contains a very long section titled "C.I.A. Representations on the C.I.A. Interrogation Program and the Effectiveness of the C.I.A.'s Enhanced Interrogation Techniques to Congress."
Preston also acknowledged that the CIA inadequately informed the Justice Department on interrogation and detention. He said, "CIA's efforts fell well short of our current practices when it comes to providing information relevant to [the Office of Legal Counsel]'s legal analysis."
As Katherine Hawkins, the senior investigator for last April's bipartisan, independent report by the Constitution Project's Task Force on Detainee Treatment, noted in an Oct. 18, 2013 posting, the memos from acting OLC chief, Steven Bradbury, relied very heavily on now-discredited CIA claims that "enhanced interrogation" saved lives, and that the sessions were carefully monitored by medical and psychological personnel to ensure that detainees' suffering would not rise to the level of torture.
According to Hawkins, Udall complained - and Preston admitted - that, in providing the materials requested by the committee, "the CIA removed several thousand CIA documents that the agency thought could be subjected to executive privilege claims by the President, without any decision by Obama to invoke the privilege."
Worse still for the CIA, the Senate Intelligence Committee report apparently destroys the agency's argument justifying torture on the grounds that there was no other way to acquire the needed information save through brutalization. In his answers to Udall, Preston concedes that, contrary to what the agency has argued, it can and has been established that legal methods of interrogation would have yielded the same intelligence.
Is anyone still wondering why our timid President is likely to sit on the Senate Intelligence Committee report for as long as he can? Or why he will let John Brennan redact it to a fare-thee-well, if he is eventually forced to release some of it by pressure from folks who care about things like torture?
It does appear that the newly taciturn CIA Director Brennan has inordinate influence over the President in such matters - not unlike the influence that both DNI Clapper and NSA Director Alexander seem able to exert. In this respect, Brennan joins the dubious company of the majority of his predecessor CIA directors, as they made abundantly clear when they went to inordinate lengths to prevent their torturer colleagues from being held accountable.
A version of this article also appeared at Consortium News.
The controversy over who killed President John F. Kennedy has now raged for half a century. Too much of the discussion about the 50th anniversary of Kennedy's death has been regurgitating the debate over who was responsible for his murder. It is a diversion and a waste of time.
It is more important to learn from the successes and mistakes of Kennedy's presidency, to reflect on the changes that have occurred since his death, and to restore the hope for a better society and a peaceful world that JFK -- despite his many contradictions -- inspired.
The question of who killed Kennedy will never be resolved. Assassination buffs, for whom the JFK murder is a cult-like obsession, are locked into their views. Proponents of different theories argue and make claims, but they don't really debate. They look at many of the same facts and come to very different conclusions.
Whether you believe the Warren Commission that Lee Harvey Oswald was a lone gunman acting on his own, or one of the many conspiracy theories that Oswald was part of a plot hatched by the CIA, the mafia or both, or some other speculation, the nation will never reach a consensus on the tragic killing of the young president.
But more importantly, it really doesn't matter.
I refuse to waste my time wading into the muck of the JFK assassination controversies. It is not that I lack curiosity about American history. But nothing that I uncover would surprise me or alter my view of my country. I already know that the Central Intelligence Agency was involved in the overthrow of governments and the murder of political leaders in Iran, Guatemala, Vietnam, and elsewhere. It is well established that the CIA bungled several efforts to kill and overthrow Cuba's Fidel Castro. I don't need more evidence to know that some politicians and government agencies collaborated with organized crime. I just have to read the news stories about the recent trial of Boston mobster, James "Whitey" Bulger.
Nothing I could learn from the Warren Commission, Oliver Stone's film JFK, or the hundreds of books about the assassination, would change how I think about the current problems facing the United States or what to do about them.
I know that since Kennedy was killed, the nation's economy has become increasingly dominated by a relatively small number of giant global corporations who have too much political influence. Some of the nation's corporate leaders are Republicans and some are Democrats but (with a few exceptions) they share a common outlook about business and government. They want lower taxes, fewer regulations and weaker unions.They seek to maximize profits and control, but they are not a conspiracy. Since Kennedy's time, the super-rich have expanded the tools they use to influence politics. In the past half century, the role of private wealth, corporate-backed think tanks and business-supported lobby groups in American politics has skyrocketed.
Kennedy was hated by the nation's right-wingers, including the KKK, the John Birch Society, some extremists within the military (such as General Edwin Walker) and anti-Catholics among Protestant fundamentalists. But the Republican Party still had a liberal wing. And the right-wing businessmen who later became the money behind Barry Goldwater's presidential campaign in 1964 were still just a faction within the GOP. Today, in contrast, the Tea Party and the religious right -- fueled by funders like the Koch Brothers, political operatives like Jim DeMint, and the right-wing echo chamber dominated by Fox News and Rush Limbaugh - has taken control of the Republican Party.
Just as President Kennedy was torn between his Democratic Party's segregationist wing and its liberal, pro-labor and civil rights wing, President Obama is often torn between the Democrats' corporate and Wall Street wing (think Tim Geithner and Larry Summers) and its liberal wing (think Elizabeth Warren, the labor movement, environmentalists, women's, civil rights, and gay rights, groups, and the majority of people under 40).
Kennedy was an ardent Cold Warrior, timid on civil rights and had few legislative triumphs as either a senator or as president. Because he was young, charismatic and murdered before he could even complete his first term in office, most Americans overestimate JFK's achievements during his thousand days in the White House. Even so, he rarely gets credit for some of his most important accomplishments, including creating a commission on women that helped jump-start the feminist movement, resisting his top military advisors who wanted to go to war with Russia over the Cuban missile crisis and initiating an effort to limit the nuclear arms race.
Similarly, many of my fellow liberals are quick to criticize Obama for drone strikes, keeping U.S. troops in Afghanistan too long and compromising on health care reform, but they and other Americans don't give him sufficient credit for his efforts to toughen environmental and fuel-efficiency standards, enact the Dodd-Frank bill tightening regulations of banks, support same-sex marriage, push for a higher minimum wage and overcome Republican and business opposition to any health care reform at all.
Regardless of who killed Kennedy, it won't change my view that we need much tougher campaign finance reform to rid the country of its legal bribery system that gives corporate America too much power.
No matter who pulled the trigger in Dallas that November day in 1963, it won't revise my thinking that we need tougher regulations on big business to protect consumers, the environment and workers from irresponsible business abuses, we need to tighten regulations on Wall Street so they can't repeat the damage they caused with their risky, reckless and often illegal practices, and we need to battle the National Rifle Association and win stronger gun control laws.
We'll never know whether JFK would have expanded or ended American involvement in Vietnam, but we do know that Obama can do more than he's done to reduce our country's military presence around the world, cut the defense budget and redirect tax dollars to strengthen our education system, our crumbling infrastructure and our shortage of affordable housing.
Whether Oswald acted on his own or was part of an organized plot, it won't have any bearing on my view that Obama's next Supreme Court appointments should be individuals who will overturn Citizens United, reverse the current court's pro-big business agenda, protect women's right to reproductive health and abortion and restore the Voting Rights Act.
Whether or not JFK was a great president, he did inspire a generation with his call to use their talents to improve our society and our world. The idealism that he helped unleash resulted in a revolution in values and institutional change, including civil rights, the environment, women's rights, gay and lesbian rights, consumer protections, workplace safety, and limits on American militarism. No matter who killed Kennedy, that is his most important legacy.
Friday afternoon in my upstate New York hometown, around 2 p.m. I was a drummer in the junior high school band and after lunch in the cafeteria went to a rehearsal of the entire percussion section.

Suddenly, the teacher waved for us to stop. The principal was making an announcement on the public address system, his voice booming from the speaker hanging at the back of the auditorium. The sound of our drums continued to echo as out of the darkness we heard him say, "John F. Kennedy, 35th president of the United States..."
He paused for what seemed an eternity but was probably only a second or two, and in that moment, I thought the next thing he would say was that Kennedy had declared war, that he or the Russians had pushed the button. We were still living in constant nuclear anxiety, newscasts and nightmares filled with mushroom clouds and horror stories about what radiation could do to us. A mockup of a fallout shelter had been built on the courthouse lawn, we constantly were given civil defense brochures and sent into school hallways for duck-and-cover drills. Just a little more than a year before, we had seen Kennedy tell us about missiles in Cuba and warn that even if we won an atomic war with the Soviets, "the fruits of victory would be ashes in our mouths."
Instead, the principal announced what in the moment seemed even more unimaginable: that Kennedy was dead. No other details. The echo from the loudspeaker moved through the empty auditorium and blended with the last reverberations from our drums. We stood there on the stage, shocked, not knowing what to say. A few weeks before, my Halloween costume for my last trick-or-treat had been my Sunday suit, tie and a Kennedy mask. My mother had kept scrapbooks on Jackie Kennedy and had let me stay up late to watch the inaugural parties in January 1961. These random thoughts flashed through my head but then here's the way one adolescent nerd's mind works. At breakfast, I had seen a tiny item in the morning paper: Kennedy would be giving a lunchtime speech at the Trade Mart in Dallas. Steak would be served as the main entree and one would be chosen at random for the president. Good grief, I thought for one befuddled moment, the president got a poison steak!
The bell rang to change classes. And as we walked we heard that Kennedy had been shot. One of the gym teachers was standing in the hall; she said she'd heard that Lyndon Johnson had been hit, too, and was on the operating table. As with any breaking news, it would take a while for the stories to sort themselves out.
I got to my next class - woodshop - but we weren't there very long. Soon an announcement came to go home early, which offended the shop teacher, a perpetually cranky right-winger who thought we should finish the normal school day.
My friends and I walked home, taking the shortcut over the railroad tracks, walking down a slope and past the elementary and primary schools, both of them bursting with baby boomer kids just a little younger than us. For the rest of that Friday and the next three days, I would be glued to the television. My mother tried to get me to go with my father down to his store but I was adamant and inconsolable, only leaving the TV for meals and sleep. And church on Sunday. Coming home from the service, I clicked the set back on and moments later saw Jack Ruby gun down Lee Harvey Oswald in the basement of the Dallas police headquarters. Live.
It was all, as the poet Robert Lowell wrote at the time, "a moment of terror and passionate chaos." Norman Mailer called it a "fissure in the national psyche." More simply, seeing such things, especially at my age then, messes with your head, each of us in different ways. On the tenth anniversary, I was covering an assassination conference at Georgetown University for that late, lamented newspaper, The Washington Star. Most of the participants were my age, some a bit older, some more reasonable in their theories than others (outside, one of them would have his minions pick out likely "conspirators" as they walked by, push them against the wall of his white van and snap a Polaroid picture). No matter what, none would accept that Kennedy, now in death the charismatic hero of a fantasy America, could have been killed by a lone gunman. "If John Kennedy had been John Doe," one of them insisted to me, "a coroner's jury would have demanded considerably better proof than the Warren Commission got."
By then, there had been other American assassinations: Bobby Kennedy, Martin Luther King, Jr., Malcolm X. But it was President Kennedy's, fifty years ago this month, which began what The New Yorker's Adam Gopnik describes as "the postmodern suspicion that the more we see, the less we know." The Warren Commission's 26-volume report and an estimated 40,000 books about Kennedy later, many still doubt.
Nevertheless, as with everyone old enough to have been alive and sentient then, what I saw and heard those four days in November remains irrefutable and indelible. Television made that possible. But while many will recall the sound of muffled drums as Kennedy's horse-drawn funeral caisson was moved through the streets of Washington, I'll remember Friday, 2 p.m., and the echo of drums in a dark and empty school auditorium.
Oliver Stone's 10-hour documentary series, "The Untold History of The United States," which first appeared on Showtime in 2012, is about to be rereleased this month on DVD with three new episodes and a post-series conversation between Stone and his frequent collaborator, author and activist Tariq Ali.
Oliver Stone's 10-hour documentary series, "The Untold History of The United States," which first appeared on Showtime in 2012, is about to be rereleased this month on DVD with three new episodes and a post-series conversation between Stone and his frequent collaborator, author and activist Tariq Ali.

The series, which is remarkably free of talking heads and offers a treasure trove of historical footage, kicks off with an alternative narrative of the Cold War. Like many historians, Stone believes that, had Franklin Roosevelt lived, he might have avoided the Cold War. If the Democrats had not dumped Vice President Henry Wallace in favor of Harry Truman in 1944, Stone contends, Wallace would have carried on FDR's policies and "there might have been no atomic bombings, no nuclear arms race and no Cold War."
"Untold History" is full of such tantalizing what-ifs. What if Kennedy had lived? Would there have been a Vietnam War? What if George W. Bush had taken the advice of U.S. intelligence operatives more seriously before the 9/11 attacks? Could the disasters in Afghanistan and Iraq have been avoided?
Most historians tend to avoid this "counterfactual" or "what if" history, but these alternative scenarios provide thought exercises that help us consider what might have happened if history had taken a radically different course. They make us more aware of the missed opportunities, the roads not taken. They challenge the prevailing orthodoxy and narrow consensus of our contemporary political debate. And they teach us about the past so that we can learn from it.
Stone has said that in high school and college he was taught a "Disneyfied" version of American history. He resolved to use his talents as a filmmaker to challenge that version. This he has done through popular fictionalized history and political films such as "Salvador," "Platoon," "Born on the Fourth of July," "Wall Street" and its sequel, "Wall Street: Money Never Sleeps."
As he and his collaborator Peter Kuznick wrote, "Historically-challenged students turn into historically-challenged adults who make for unqualified citizens. Our republican system requires a literate, educated, and knowledgeable public." Unfortunately, today's students "know very little history. Second, much of what they do learn is extremely partial or flat out wrong."
Stone is a historian who works in the medium of film, which has a particular appeal to young people with its power to bring the past alive through pictures. It challenges them to think about history and how it affects their lives today. And while Stone's history is unquestionably served with a strong point of view, it is honest about that view -- in contrast to many ostensibly "objective" history textbooks that carry a concealed ideology that uncritically endorses America's imperial role in the world and American exceptionalism.
Whatever one's views about Stone, there can be no argument that his previous and controversial challenges to the received wisdom have opened debate -- and have had an impact. His 1991 blockbuster, "JFK," about the Kennedy assassination, for example, prodded the government to open hitherto classified files on the assassination. The result was the President John F. Kennedy Assassination Records Collection Act, passed in 1992, which led to the declassification of millions of pages of documents and shed light on government attempts to keep what was known about Kennedy's murder from the public.
As Andrew Goldman pointed out in the New York Times Magazine, as a result of Stone's provocative film, "we did find out that L.B.J. thought preposterous the Warren Commission's 'magic bullet' explanation for how one bullet could have passed through the bodies of Kennedy and John Connally only to emerge pristine. And all the talk of forged autopsy records, which to many seemed like cloud-cuckoo land, didn't seem so crazy after documents revealed that the pathologist who performed the J.F.K. autopsy had burned his original notes and replaced them with an edited version."
This country is now engaged in a desperately needed debate about American exceptionalism and whether the United States should continue to play a quasi-imperial role as the world's policeman. The "Untold History" series offers a historical perspective directly relevant to this debate. It traces the rise of the U.S. national security state and shows how it metastasized into a global security state. As Stone and Kuznick wrote : "In January 2003, headlines such as 'American Empire: Get used to it' seemed commonplace. In the wake of 9/11, the United States had already invaded Afghanistan, was weeks away from invading Iraq and in the middle of a 'global war on terror.' Since then, many Americans have indeed gotten used to American Empire."
Today the country is at another crossroads, debating whether President Obama should continue on the path set by Bush's imperial strategy. As Stone shows so graphically in "Untold History," that strategy is actually the continuance of a road first taken after World War II. This compelling series counsels us to choose the alternative road of diplomacy -- with Syria, with Iran. It exhorts us to seize openings and define a new national security policy -- one rooted in democracy rather than empire.
Whatever one thinks of Stone's interpretations, his films have contributed questions and provocations to the national debate.In its new incarnation on DVD, "Untold History" should stimulate the current one.
The conflict between property rights and human rights has entered a new chapter. It is a debate that goes back to the challenge by landowners and merchants behind the American Revolution's war on British control over the colonial economy.
Only today, as those speaking in the name of the 99% challenge the super wealthy of the 1% (actually the .001 %) there is a new battleground in what's known as the housing market with as many as 14 million Americans in or facing foreclosure.
The conflict between property rights and human rights has entered a new chapter. It is a debate that goes back to the challenge by landowners and merchants behind the American Revolution's war on British control over the colonial economy.
Only today, as those speaking in the name of the 99% challenge the super wealthy of the 1% (actually the .001 %) there is a new battleground in what's known as the housing market with as many as 14 million Americans in or facing foreclosure.
The defense of property rights is the holy of the holies for the propertied classes with a whole industry set up to enforce their claims of ownership.
We have seen how this plays out with the courts, run by often bought off and complicit judges rubber-stamping claims by banks and realty interests even when laws are disregarded amidst fraudulent filings, biased contracts, and phony robot signings. They control the marshals who seize your property, and constantly denigrate the real victims as "irresponsible."
It's not surprising any more to read about banks foreclosing on properties they don't even own.

According to one scholarly presentation I read, "In order to clearly present Rousseau's views on property in the Social Contract, we must first define what he means by property. Property according to Rousseau is that which is obtained legally thereby purporting legitimate claim to ones holdings. Now we must consider what gives an individual the right to openly claim ownership.
Rousseau points out that right does not equal might. In other words, having a right can never derive from force. A right must be given legitimately which means it is attached to moral and legal code. This makes it contractual whereby the rights of one are applied to the rights of all. Once a right is established, it is beneficial and necessary for the individual to apply this right effectively for his best interests and those of the whole. This motivation is directed at the formation of community thereby creating a social contract between individuals that come together to act as a group.
Now a combination of rights is formed whereby each individual is protected by the whole group that stands together as a community. The concept is that man standing alone is more vulnerable than many men united each in defense of the other. This condition makes it impossible for one to hurt an individual without hurting the whole group or for one to hurt the group without affecting each individual.
There is now a social contract where individual rights are combined. In this case, it is in the best interest of the individual to give over his rights to the group since he has a more powerful protective base than standing alone."
And yet many of us today do "stand alone:" in the commercial marketplace where borrowers are seen as suckers by lenders and fraud is pervasive, abuse, lying, and theft is built into the equation.
Now President Obama says, four years after the markets melted down and the sub prime mortgages were exposed a sub-crime, which he will crack down on these abuses.
Hallelujah.
It sounds good, and you want to believe, especially because Obama has tapped New York State Attorney General Eric Schneiderman who has rejected settling with some banks engaged in massive frauds because it's a deceptive deal, as a top gun for the effort.
Now, the Justice Department has announced the details to the press, minus the official who will run the effort and who was "traveling" and couldn't make the press conference.
(Lanny Breuer is his name, and before joining the Department that calls itself Justice, was working for a law firm representing big banks, perhaps not a topic he wanted to answer questions about.)
Attorney General Holder was there to reveal that there will be 55 people working on this full time, 30 attorneys and support people, and 10 FBI agents who first blew the whistle on "pervasive real estate fraud" back in 2004.
Yves Smith of NakedCapitalism.com who follows details like this closely was underwhelmed, writing:
"During the Savings and Loan crisis, Bill Black reminds us that there were about a thousand FBI agents working on the various cases. That's one hundred times the number of people working on a scandal that is about forty times larger and far more complex.
To put it another way, let's say that this scandal cost the American public $5-7 trillion in lost home equity. That's about $100 billion of lost home equity per person assigned to this task force. If someone stole $100 billion a corporation, like say, if somehow Apple's entire cash hoard which is roughly that amount, suddenly disappeared, I'm guessing that the FBI would assign more than one person to the case."
Ok, these are tough times and the government is pressed and the President is running for reelection with his "bundlers" (i.e . the people who raise the big money) pressing the flesh on Wall Street to find more 1% donors. Will this fund raising effort stymie his hell raising effort?
Stay tuned.
Adds Smith: "For the last eight weeks, nearly 200 federal examiners have labored inside some of the nation's biggest banks to determine how those institutions would hold up if the recession deepened.
Yup, roughly four times as many people were assigned to conduct sham stress tests as are assigned to investigate the causes of the financial crisis and prosecute the people responsible. So we see that this is a not a serious deployment of government resources to unmask a complex economy-shaking financial scheme. It just isn't."
No surprise there.
And, as for the causes of the financial crisis, remember the Commission that was created by Congress and that found the while disaster "avoidable."
It offered plenty of analysis but quickly led to paralysis with partisan bickering fogging the issues and no agenda for change forthcoming.
Like the 911 Commission report years earlier or the Warren Commission's findings before that, it was read by many but believed by few.
Matt Stoller, a former aide to former Congressman Alan Grayson tries to unravel a massive contradiction that rises to the man at the top:
"There are two underlying structural problems with the new(ish) Federal task force on financial fraud," he writes:
"One, it is the policy of the administration to protect the banking system's basic architecture, which means the compensation structure and the existing personnel who run these large institutions. Any real investigation into the financial collapse will inevitably lead to the collapse of this architecture. Thus, any real investigation will be impeded when it begins to conflict the basic policy framework of the Obama administration. And this framework is set by Obama. It's what he believes in. He made this clear in his first State of the Union, when he said a priority of the administration was to ensure that "the major banks that Americans depend on have enough confidence and enough money to lend even in more difficult times."
Perhaps this is why so few bankers have spoken out loudly about this latest effort to target their financial frauds. They know it's not serious and recognize that political business like the news business is now a branch of show business.
And John-Jacques Rousseau is not talking either He has been dead for hundreds of years along with his social contract.