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Without organizing the working class under a shared vision and demand for a more fair and just society, we will remain largely powerless to stop the Trump-led takeover by the billionaire oligarchy.
Trump and Musk are stirring up a resistance movement among liberals and the left. The protests are a righteous struggle against the authoritarian usurpation of lawful power, the reckless, illegal attacks on government agencies, the stripping of DEI programs and language, and the trampling over the rights of immigrants and transgender people.
But what are the goals of this resistance? And do voters outside the liberal bubble support them?
It's time to face up to the harsh reality: Trump’s flurry of activity, at least so far, has made him more popular, not less so, with the American public. Here’s the latest CBS poll:
Progressives emphatically believe that Trump is destroying democracy, but doesn’t democracy have something to do with the will of the people? And what does it mean for democracy if Trump’s actions are broadening his base even beyond those who voted for him? It likely means that a majority of the public does not view Trump as the destroyer of democracy.
Rather than simply coming to the defense of USAID, progressives should organize protests aimed at stopping pharmaceutical price gouging and for promoting price controls on the food cartels.
Trump is broadening his base by doing what he said he would do and thinks he was elected to do. His support is growing because there is a hunger for action that is, at least symbolically, in the people’s interest. Will Trump’s approach improve the outcomes for the working class? That’s doubtful, but there is a desire for defiant action, and they are getting it.
There’s a lesson there. Broadening the base is precisely what progressives must do.
That starts with a recognition that protests alone don’t signal action on behalf of working people. And such displays may be helping Trump increase, not undermine, his support. He may even want to provoke them, because he understands what liberals don’t—that most of the protests will be seen as resistance to change, as support for established elite institutions, and as obstacles to creating a better life for voters.
Think for a second about USAID. Most Americans are not strong supporters of spending billions to aid other countries while needs at home go unmet. As David Axelrod, Obama’s former chief advisor, put it:
“My heart is with the people out on the street outside USAID, but my head tells me: ‘Man, Trump will be well satisfied to have this fight,’ When you talk about cuts, the first thing people say is: ‘Cut foreign aid.’”
What then are the tests to evaluate resistance tactics?
So far, probably not. That’s because progressive protests mostly, if not entirely, involve mobilizing and appealing to those who already agree with liberal positions. There are plenty of people who support these efforts, but not enough.
It will take real effort and imagination to figure out how to promote dialogue that expands the progressive base.
This is not to say that protests to protect the vulnerable are not important. Saving an immigrant child from being ripped out of the classroom and deported is both courageous and humanitarian. But by themselves, most protests only give Trump more ways expand his base.
If progressives want to halt Trump’s authoritarian actions, they will want the Democrats recapture at least one of the Congressional chambers. To do that the progressive base must expand in swing districts.
How should those battles be waged?
We know from the polling done by the Center for Working Class Politics that a strong populist economic message is far more effective than attacking Trump on democracy issues. We also know from the CBS poll that Trump is vulnerable on the high cost of living.
Saving an immigrant child from being ripped out of the classroom and deported is both courageous and humanitarian. But by themselves, most protests only give Trump more ways expand his base.
Rather than simply coming to the defense of USAID, progressives should organize protests aimed at stopping pharmaceutical price gouging and for promoting price controls on the food cartels. As I recently wrote, the Democrats also could put Trump on the defensive by demanding he implement an executive order that prevents government contractors (like Musk) from laying off workers involuntarily.
Progressive activists have the creativity to mobilize protests around price hikes and needless layoffs. But the move from defense to offense will only be possible if they are engaged in dialogue with Trump supporters about an economic platform that protects the livelihoods and economic well-being of working people.
In a fragmented society, this is a heavy lift. More affluent progressives and Trump working-class supporters do not often live in the same areas or share the same spaces. Inflation and job insecurity may not feel as pressing to them as they do to working people. It will take real effort and imagination to figure out how to promote dialogue that expands the progressive base.
The move from defense to offense will only be possible if they are engaged in dialogue with Trump supporters about an economic platform that protects the livelihoods and economic well-being of working people.
In our own small way, the Labor Institute has figured out how to build educational bridges between MAGA workers and others in our Reversing Runaway Inequality training for union members. The participants bring with them a wide range of political preferences, but after an 8-hour workshop they come together to design a common vision for what a society without runaway inequality should look like. It turns out workers from all across the red-blue spectrum have similar ideas about the key elements of a fair and just society.
Then what? That openness won’t translate into Democratic votes unless candidates are willing to put forth a powerful populist economic message that supports workers’ jobs and wages.
It turns out workers from all across the red-blue spectrum have similar ideas about the key elements of a fair and just society.
And there’s the rub: those candidates not only have to mouth the words, but also, they need to believe in the message. To build a bigger base, they must be willing to take on Wall Street and the billionaire class instead of trying to raise money from them.
The alternative? More marches, more chanting, and... more defeats.
Let the evidence show that what most people wanted was relief from unaffordable prices, economic hardship, and grotesque inequality—not an authoritarian takeover.
As President Donald Trump tests the limits of manufactured crisis and chaos, he claims a mandate from the American people. But his razor-thin electoral victory tells a different story. Voters didn’t ask for an illegal takeover of government offices, a freezing of funds for needed services, sending our immigrant neighbors to camps at Guantanamo, or aggression against our allies. Yes, we wanted change. But as multiple polls show, a clear majority were seeking relief from unaffordable prices, real economic hardship, and inequality, not an authoritarian takeover.
The Trump administration’s initial barrage of orders will make life worse for the most vulnerable — especially immigrants and transgender people — but soon enough for everyone else in the non-billionaire community. The rapid roll out of these policies is right out of the fascist playbook, designed to overwhelm and demobilize the public.
How can we regain our footing and our strength? We need to not only stop the roll out of policies that threaten to make life worse for ordinary people, but we need to keep focusing on the changes we the people are actually looking for. We need to demand the changes we voted for. If we do that, we can stay grounded during the turmoil, resist the chaos, and build the power to create an authentically populist future.
Does Trump have a mandate?
First, did the American people actually vote for the Trump/Musk actions? Clearly the answer is no. Trump won the vote of less than 1 in 3 eligible voters. 31 percent voted for Kamala Harris. This margin of victory was significantly lower than President Biden’s victory over Trump in 2020.
It was “none-of-the-above” that won a landslide in the 2024 election; 38 percent of eligible voters either cast a vote for a third-party candidate or they didn’t vote for president.
What Americans really want
Economic wellbeing, not chaos and threats, were the top of the list for Americans, including those who voted for Trump. Ninety percent of voters told Gallup the economy was a top influence in their 2024 vote. The rising cost of housing and everyday expenses was cited as the most critical issue by both Trump voters (79 percent) and the broader electorate (56 percent). Trump won four out of five voters who said they were worse off financially than four years ago.
The hardships are real. According to Federal Reserve data, more than one-third of American adults lack the resources to handle a $400 emergency. Families face crushing costs—median childcare runs $1,100 monthly, matching typical rent payments. Twenty-five percent of households with children carry medical debt. Nearly one in five adults has been financially impacted by natural disasters.
Democrats often tout improvements in inflation and unemployment under the Biden Administration. Yet the ALICE metric (Asset Limited, Income Constrained, Employed) reveals a hidden crisis: 42 percent of American households — often working multiple jobs — struggle to cover basic needs, a 23 percent increase since 2010.
Meanwhile, America's billionaire class has accumulated unprecedented wealth—$6.72 trillion among 813 individuals, growing by $1 trillion in just that last nine months of 2024, according to the Institute for Policy Studies. Seventy-two percent are dissatisfied with the size and influence of major corporations (and that number has grown by 14 points since the beginning of Trump’s first term).
It’s no surprise, then, that the economy remains the concern most noted by Americans in a Jan. 24-26, 2025 Reuters/Ipsos poll (21 percent), just behind is “political extremism or threats to democracy (20 percent). Immigration is third at 14 percent. Another poll shows 80 percent of Americans dissatisfied with the nation’s efforts to deal with poverty and homelessness, 69 percent dissatisfied with the availability of affordable healthcare, and 69 percent dissatisfied with the way income and wealth are distributed.
Trump focuses on tax cuts for the wealthy and safeguards
President Trump used populist talking points when he was running. Sure corporate CEOs are happy to have fewer environmental and health regulations, and yes, that would boost their profits. But he has done nothing to further the economic wellbeing of ordinary Americans. Tariffs will make prices climb for consumers. And increased drilling will make the climate crisis worse while accomplishing little in a nation already awash with fossil fuels.
Trump is a genius at distraction, especially when his policies are mostly aimed at improving the prospects of himself and other billionaires. He does that by channelling MAGA anger at the least powerful members of our society, beginning by bullying undocumented families and transgender people.
It is true that Americans of both parties are dissatisfied with the level of immigration into the country. Migration is a global challenge—war, climate-caused displacement, and economic dislocation have sent millions of people on desperate searches for safety and opportunities. Some of them have come to the United States.
But many Americans value the neighbors, family members, business owners, and workers who are part of our communities. Few want to see forced family separations, the deportations of hard-working neighbors, and federal agents stalking our communities. And those with a long view recognize that they, too, could be displaced by natural disasters and climate change, and might wish to be treated well in their new homes.
Mobilizing for real populism
Early signs are that Americans are not on board with many of the Trump administration’s barrage of executive orders. According to an early February Reuters/ Ipsos poll, 62 percent opposed the temporary freezing of domestic spending.
Other executive orders supported by MAGA are also unpopular. Abolishing DEI programs in the military was supported by 46 percent of respondents, but opposed by 49 percent. And 55 percent opposed Trump’s order barring transgender people from the military.
How can ordinary people build sufficient power to protect democratic principles and the wellbeing of our families?
We should reject bogus claims of a mandate and recognize that Trump’s policies are unpopular and his approval ratings are low, already underwater with 46 percent disapproval compared to 45 percent approval.
That should embolden us to speak out!
But public opinion won’t save us. We have to act. And Americans are mobilizing, shaking off the shock and overwhelm of the initial onslaught of Trump orders:
Elected officials in Washington, D.C., report thousands of phone calls and emails coming in from constituents, and Democrats are beginning to push back. Even Republicans might find the backbone to stand up for ordinary people if their constituents let them know.
State and local officials are taking steps to protect residents from the worst damage from Trump administration action.
Thousands of people came together in hastily organized protests at state capitols around the country under the hashtag 'Build the Resistance.' Plans are underway for more mobilization and grassroots organizing.
Public officials and civil society groups are mounting successful lawsuits to rein in the worst abuses—the legal challenges are already demonstrating that the co-equal judicial branch of government is still functioning, and that many independent judges are prepared to stand up to administration bullying.
The next few years will be difficult for all who value freedom and equity. And, like the hardships the Trump administration is inflicting on Americans, citizens of other countries will feel the pain.
Our best hope is to organize, mobilize, and create common ground around the demands for economic relief, not authoritarianism. Instead of being distracted, divided, and overwhelmed, we can set our own agenda for positive change and insist that our elected leaders act on our behalf, not for the billionaires.
We will need many, many leaders—no one will save us. But if we step up and work together on the issues that affect ordinary people, we may come through this difficult time with renewed clarity about America’s strengths and values, and with the collective power to create a better future and a more durable democracy.
"Does anyone really think that the oligarchs give a damn about ordinary Americans?" the senator asked. "Trust me, they don't."
As U.S. President Donald Trump and billionaire Elon Musk on Tuesday continued their effort to gut the federal government, Sen. Bernie Sanders warned that "the oligarchs, with their unlimited amounts of money, are waging a war on the working class of our country, and it is a war that they are intent on winning."
A week after delivering a speech that sounded the alarm about "America's dangerous movement toward oligarchy, authoritarianism, and kleptocracy," Sanders (I-Vt.) took the Senate floor again to target the world's three richest people—Musk, Jeff Bezos, and Mark Zuckerberg—and the politicians who serve them.
"We are living in an extremely dangerous time," the seantor said Tuesday. "Future generations will look back at this moment—what we do right now—and remember whether we had the courage to defend our democracy against the growing threats of oligarchy and authoritarianism."
As chair of Trump's so-called Department of Government Efficiency (DOGE), Musk's targets have included the U.S. Agency for International Development, Consumer Financial Protection Bureau, Department of Education, National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration, and a critical U.S. Treasury Department payment system. Reporting—and remarks from the billionaire—suggest that the agencies responsible for Medicaid, Medicare, and Social Security are next.
"As we speak, right now, Elon Musk, the wealthiest man on the planet, is attempting to dismantle major agencies of the federal government which are designed to protect the needs of working families and the disadvantaged," said Sanders. "These agencies were created by the U.S. Congress and it is Congress' responsibility to maintain them, to reform them, or to end them. It is not Mr. Musk’s responsibility. What Mr. Musk is doing is patently illegal and unconstitutional—and must be ended."
Sanders also detailed Trump and his allies' attacks on the federal judiciary, which has delivered a series of blows to the Republican president's agenda since he took office last month.
"Mr. Trump and his friends are not just trying to undermine two of the three pillars of our constitutional government—Congress and the courts—they are also going after the media, in a way that we have never seen in the modern history of this country," the senator said. While recognizing that the media "makes mistakes every day," he added that "I do hope that every member of Congress understands that you cannot have a functioning democracy, you cannot have a free flow of information, you cannot have the pursuit of truth, without an independent press."
The senator also how the top three billionaires impact what information reaches people by buying news outlets and social media platforms—as Musk did with Twitter, which he rebranded X, and Bezos did with The Washington Post and Twitch. Zuckerberg, meanwhile, has made his money through Meta, the parent company of Facebook and Instagram.
"They will use the enormous media operations they own to deflect attention away from the impact of their policies while they 'entertain us to death,'" Sanders warns. "They and their fellow oligarchs will continue within our corrupt campaign finance system to spend huge amounts of money to buy politicians in both major political parties."
"Does anyone really think that the oligarchs give a damn about ordinary Americans?" he asked. "Trust me, they don't."
Sanders warned that "if we do not stop them, they will soon be going after the healthcare, nutrition, housing, and educational programs that protect the most vulnerable people in our country—all so that they can raise they money they need to provide huge tax breaks for themselves and for others billionaires. As modern-day kings who believe they have the absolute right to rule, they will sacrifice, without hesitation, the well-being of working people in order to protect their power and their privileges."
However, he also stressed that "the worst fear of the ruling class of our country is that the American people—whether they are Black or white or Latino, whether they are urban or rural, whether they are young or old, gay or straight, whatever—the fear of the ruling class is that the American people come together to demand a government that represents all of us, not just the people on top."
"The oligarch's nightmare is that we will not allow ourselves to be divided up by race, religion, sexual orientation, or country of origin and will come together and have the courage to take them on," he declared. "If we stand together, we're gonna win this fight, and not only will we save American democracy, we're gonna create the kind of nation that I think most of us know we should become."