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The summit’s much ballyhooed commitment to nuclear disarmament and nonproliferation serves more to manufacture consent for preparations for nuclear war than to reduce nuclear dangers.
Meeting in a summit at Camp David on August 18, President Joe Biden, President Yoon Suk Yeol
of South Korea, and Prime Minister Fumio Kishida of Japan posed for photos that confirmed and broadcast a long-term trilateral alliance designed to reinforce containment of China, Russia, and North Korea.
The architect of this updated alliance structure was the coordinator for Indo-Pacific affairs in President Biden’s National Security Council, Kurt Campbell. In an earlier incarnation, he served as former President Barack Obama’s assistant secretary of state for East Asian and Pacific affairs who then led the greatest U.S. post-Cold War foreign and military transition: the pivot to Asia and the Pacific to contain and manage China’s rise. Now as he has nurtured the consolidation of the U.S.-Japan-South Korea military alliance to reinforce the pivot and to augment the AUKUS (Australia, British-U.S.) and QUAD (U.S., Japan, Australia, India) alliances in Washington’s long march to create a NATO-like Indo-Pacific alliance system. The New York Timesheadlined that the three-pact way will serve as a “bulwark” against China and North Korea.
Prior to the summit, Campbell announced that the August 18 summit would feature “a very ambitious set of initiatives that seek to lock in trilateral engagement, both now and into the future,” addressing “many sectors—in the security realm, in technology, and education.” In this regard, it should be recalled that the Biden National Security strategy recognizes that the U.S. cannot unilaterally maintain its global dominance, and that doing so requires alliances that integrate military, technological, and economic resources. And while there is anything but equality among the alliance partners, Japanese and South Korean elites enjoy influence and power they would not have on their own.
With these military systems in place and the almost daily provocative military “exercises” by all parties involved, an accident or miscalculation on the Korean Peninsula or in relation to Taiwan could easily escalate into a regional, even nuclear, war.
Little understood across the United States, there are two competing triangular military, economic, and technological pacts in Northeast Asia. These contending military systems, plus the Taiwan and Korean flash points, make the region, along with Ukraine, the most likely trigger for escalation to regional, and potentially nuclear, war. Each of these increasingly integrated triangular systems, the U.S.-Japan-Republic of Korea (ROK) alliance and the China-Russia-Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK) quasi alliance, has its fault lines. With Japan yet to fully face and apologize for its brutal history of colonial conquest and rule in Korea (think forced labor and systemic military prostitution in the first half of the 20th century), and with widespread resentment over unpopular ROK president Yoon’s kowtowing to Tokyo and Washington, not to mention Seoul being Beijing’s second largest national trade partner, South Korea is the weak link in the U.S.-led alliance. On the other side, as we see in the Ukraine War, Beijing’s commitment to Moscow is not “unlimited.”
As referenced above, with these military systems in place and the almost daily provocative military “exercises” by all parties involved, an accident or miscalculation on the Korean Peninsula or in relation to Taiwan could easily escalate into a regional, even nuclear, war.
Global and domestic political forces led to transforming what was long a hub (U.S.) and spokes (allied partners) alliance system to the more integrated system it is becoming. At its heart lies the Biden Administration’s National Security Strategy’s dictat that “the post-Cold War era is definitively over, and a competition is underway between the major powers to shape what comes next.” Second are fears that Russia’s invasion of Ukraine could signal an end to the post World War II/United Nations order in which national boundaries and sovereignty are for the most part respected. (The U.S. invasions of Indochina, Afghanistan, Iraq, and Panama being significant exceptions to the so-called “rules based order!”)
The alliance consolidation also takes place at a time when the Kishida government has opted to totally disregard Japan’s war-renouncing constitution. Being the world’s 10th largest military spender was not sufficient for those who fear China’s rise and North Korea’s missiles and wanted to restore Japan’s military grandeur. Kishida has committed to doubling the Self-Defense Forces budget. In harmony with U.S. alliance building, and to prepare for a time when the U.S. may reduce its Asia-Pacific commitments, Japan is deepening “security” cooperation with Australia, the Philippines, India, and Taiwan and is engaging in joint military operations as far afield as the South China Sea. That these commitments suggest the possible reprising of Tokyo’s early 20th century history as a major regional military power unsettles Beijing and some Asia-Pacific neighbors.
In Korea, the unpopular President Yoon is ruling in the tradition of Donald Trump, ignoring popular opinion, relying on his narrow but loyal right-wing base, and trading his threats to develop nuclear weapons and swallowing unresolved Japanese abuses to deepen U.S. and Japanese alliance commitments. With North Korea augmenting its nuclear arsenal and increasing the pace of its missile tests—even as the U.N. reports increased starvation in the DPRK—Seoul is hardly alone in accelerating the pace of Korean militarization. Add to this the joint Chinese-Russian naval exercises in the Sea of Japan and Asahi Shimbun’s reports that Beijing is tightening its military encirclement of Taiwan.
Among the trilateral agreements just secured at Camp David are the “commitment to consult” when “something that poses a threat to any one of us poses a threat” to the three nations—just short of NATO’s Article 5 commitment to mutual defense. Also agreed were greater intelligence sharing, annual military exercises, deepening cooperation and interdependence on missile defenses (which can provide defense but also serve as shields to reinforce first-strike nuclear swords), collaborative technological development, a framework to further integrate Southeast Asian nations into the trilateral military structure, a hotline, and annual trilateral meetings among national security advisors for “institutionalizing, deepening, and thickening the habits of cooperation” among the allies.
Decades ago, many of us sang, “When will they ever learn?” When indeed!
The summit’s much ballyhooed commitment to nuclear disarmament and nonproliferation serves more to manufacture consent for preparations for nuclear war than to reduce nuclear dangers. As we saw in the recent G7 summit, the U.S. and Japan remain committed to “nuclear deterrence.” And the nonproliferation commitment may have more to do with preventing South Korea’s and Japan’s military from becoming nuclear powers than a commitment to fulfilling their Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) commitments. (Article VI of the NPT requires the original nuclear powers to engage in good faith negotiations for the complete elimination of their nuclear arsenals, which they have refused to do for 50 years. And, for 60 years, Japan’s military has asserted its right to possess nuclear weapons, and South Korean polls indicate that a majority support Seoul developing nuclear weapons.)
Decades ago, many of us sang, “When will they ever learn?” When indeed! Former Australian Prime Minister, now ambassador to the United States, Kevin Rudd, warns that we are marching toward a catastrophic and avoidable war. At the height of the last Cold War, U.S., Soviet, and European elites opted for the paradigm of Common Security diplomacy to halt and reverse the spiraling and increasingly terrifying nuclear arms race. They ended the Cold War on the basis of the recognition that security cannot be achieved by taking increasingly militarized actions against their rival, that it can only be won through difficult diplomacy that acknowledges each side’s fears and resolves and addresses them with win-win, mutually beneficial compromises and agreements.
Earlier this summer Treasury Secretary Janet Yellen observed that the world is big enough for both the U.S. and China. Let’s build on that insight, press U.S. and other leaders to engage in Common Security diplomacy, and stop wasting trillions of dollars in preparation for apocalyptic war and devote our all too limited resources to meeting human needs, including reversing that other existential threat: the climate emergency.
An earlier version of this article said that Kurt Campbell served as assistant secretary of state for East Asian and Pacific affairs under former President Bill Clinton. He actually filled this role under former President Barack Obama, and the piece has been corrected to reflect this.
Marches from South Korea to Italy called for higher wages and targeted anti-worker policies.
Workers from Japan to France took to the street on Monday for the largest May Day demonstrations since Covid-19 restrictions pushed people inside three years ago.
Marchers expressed frustration with both their nations' policies—such as French President Emmanuel Macron's raising of the retirement age in March—and global issues like the rising cost of living and the climate crisis.
"The price of everything has increased except for our wages. Increase our minimum wages!" one activist speaking in Seoul told the crowd, as The Associated Pressreported. "Reduce our working hours!"
"The price of everything has increased except for our wages."
South Korea's protests were the largest in the nation since the pandemic, with organizers predicting 30,000 people each would attend the two biggest rallies planned for the nation's capital alone, Al Jazeerareported.
Activists there criticized right-wing President Yoon Suk Yeol, who has targeted some unions under the guise of reforming what he claims are irregularities. His government had also considered a plan to extend a cap on working hours to 69 a week, before backlash from younger Koreans forced it to reconsider in March, as CNNexplained at the time. Already, scores of people die of overworking every year, so much so that there's a special word for it: "gwarosa." Some marchers called for the president to resign, Dr. Simone Chun tweeted.
\u201cSouth Korea's May Day rally demands the far right and anti-worker President Yoon Suk-yeol who pushes for 60 +hours work week to step down. Step down Yoon.\u201d— Dr. Simone Chun (@Dr. Simone Chun) 1682944233
In Tokyo, meanwhile, thousands demonstrated against Japanese Prime Minister Fumio Kishida's plan to double the defense budget, money they argue should go toward meeting people's basic needs, the APreported.
Demonstrations also took place in the Philippines, where marchers demanded a higher minimum wage; Taiwan, where they wanted improved labor policies; and Indonesia, where they demanded the government repeal a job creation law they said favored business interests over environmental protections or workers' rights.
"Job Creation Law must be repealed," protester Sri Ajeng said, as the APreported. "It's only oriented to benefit employers, not workers."
\u201cMayday 2023\n\n#MeiLawanOligarki\u201d— Fraksi Rakyat Indonesia (@Fraksi Rakyat Indonesia) 1682918975
In Sri Lanka, protesters pushed back on plans to privatize state- or partially government-run businesses amidst the country's worst ever economic crisis. In Pakistan, demonstrations were prohibited in some cities due to security concerns, leading unions to hold indoor rallies in Peshawar, though an outdoor gathering in Lahore still drew large crowds.
\u201cMassive response from Lahore for our May Day rally - & this was at the start. Rally gaining even more momentum now. Let this be a warning to those who are thinking of defying SC & Constitution. Our ppl will not tolerate the mafia violating SC orders & Constitution by running\u201d— Imran Khan (@Imran Khan) 1682942349
Domestic migrant workers in Lebanon played a large role in Beirut's march, while around a dozen demonstrators in Turkey were detained by police while attempting to access Istanbul's Taksim Square, which President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan had closed to protests.
Marches also took place across Europe, with more than 70 in Spain alone, where unions called for higher wages and supported the push for a four-day work week. In Italy, protests came as Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni—the leader of the nation's most right-wing government since World War II—announced a plan to reduce anti-poverty funds and make it easier for businesses to offer short-term contracts to workers, as Al Jazeera reported further.
According to Reuters, Meloni said that "I am proud of the government choosing to celebrate May 1 [International Workers' Day] with facts instead of words."
However, leader of Italy's principal CGIL union Maurizio Landini criticized Meloni's plan and said that wages were too low in the country because of high taxes and an elevated "level of job insecurity."
In the Netherlands, it was the nation's largest union itself that faced protests from its employees, who said they would go on strike Tuesday for higher wages amidst rising inflation, which rose 10% in 2022 and is expected to rise 3% in 2023 and 2024 each. Employees of the union—FNV—want that entire jump to be covered, but the union has only offered raises of 3% to 7% this year, 5% next year, and a maximum of 5% each year after from 2025.
"FNV staff also has the right to an honest wage deal that is appropriate for these times."
"It is painful that we have to go on strike," FNV employee representative Judith Westhoek toldReuters. "But FNV staff also has the right to an honest wage deal that is appropriate for these times."
May Day in Germany began the night before with a "Take Back the Night" march to protest violence against women and LGBTQ+ people, which drew thousands, the APreported.
Finally, in France, marches channeled lingering rage over Macron's decision to raise the retirement age from 62 to 64. Unions hoped it would be the nation's largest May Day in years. And this seemed possible, since all of the major unions were working together for just the third time since 1945, The Washington Post noted. The last time this happened—in 2009—crowds reached 1.2 million.
"I think we'll see hundreds of thousands of demonstrators, perhaps 1 million or 1.5 million," Laurent Berger, who leads the nation's largest and more moderate union CFDT, said Sunday, as France 24reported.
Some protesters broke windows in stores and banks in Paris, the AP reported. Meanwhile, police sprayed tear gas in the capital and other French cities, while at least two journalists were caught in the crossfire, according to France 24. Videos shared on social media showed that one journalist's helmet was broken, and another was forced to the ground by tear gas.
A French court allowed police to deploy drones to monitor crowds, which NGOs and lawyers' unions said violated marchers' rights.
\u201cFRANCE - Lyon May Day Protests.\n\nIn response to the hundreds of police drones that Macron ordered to fly, the people bought black umbrellas to cover themselves, so they can\u2019t be identified as individuals. \n\nToday they are one people!\n\n\u201d— Bernie's Tweets (@Bernie's Tweets) 1682942503
Anger wasn't limited to Macron. Climate activists with Extinction Rebellion Paris targeted the Louis Vuitton museum—which they argued was a "tax tool" for the company to reduce what they paid to the state—with spray paint.
\u201c\ud83d\udd34 Les militants de Extinction R\u00e9bellion recouvrent de peinture la fondation Louis Vuitton. \n\nAction \u00ab\u00a0contre les riches\u00a0\u00bb en solidarit\u00e9 avec les travailleurs pour la journ\u00e9e du #1erMai.\u201d— Cl\u00e9ment Lanot (@Cl\u00e9ment Lanot) 1682928174
They pointed to an Oxfam France report finding that the companies in the nation's CAC 40 stock index would put the world on track for 3.5°C of warming by 2100.
"This is why we ask large companies to take their responsibility and act in the fight against global warming," the group tweeted.
Support for the May Day protests also came from the world's Indigenous peoples.
"The International Indigenous Peoples Movement for Self-Determination and Liberation greets the working peoples of the world, especially our fellow Indigenous peoples, in their valiant struggle for just wages, better working conditions, and human rights," the group said in a statement. "The struggle for self-determination and liberation is not possible without linkage between Indigenous Peoples and the working class in tearing down systems of oppression and exploitation."
Update: This piece has been updated with a statement from the International Indigenous Peoples Movement for Self-Determination and Liberation.
With the support of Washington, President Yoon has pursued extreme hawkish policies directly against South Korea's national interests.
South Korea's far-right President Yoon Suk Yeol, who was elected by a narrow margin of 0.7% last year, is in Washington, D.C. this week for a state visit at the invitation of President Biden.
According to the New England Korea Peace Campaign, Boston Candlelight Action Committee, and Massachusetts Peace Action, which are preparing to hold a protest on Friday, April 28th in Cambridge, Massachusetts, during Yoon's visit to Harvard, "Since entering office, Yoon's right-wing administration has expanded costly and provocative U.S.-ROK military exercises, heightened tensions with North Korea, rolled back workers' rights, threatened to abolish the ministry of gender equality, and has taken many other actions to undermine struggles for peace and justice in South Korea."
Indeed, backed by Washington, President Yoon has pursued extreme hawkish policies directly against South Korea's national interests.
Washington's endorsement of Yoon and its support for his new National Security State directly contravenes the majority of South Korean public opinion.
Yoon's state visit comes at a time when South Korea is experiencing unprecedented crises on the political, economic, and national security fronts as a consequence of the Biden Administration's unrelenting pressure on South Korea to join the U.S. anti-China bloc.
Moreover, domestically, Yoon has installed a new National Security State, which experts refer to as the "republic of prosecution."
His administration is engaging in a massive political witch hunt of his opponents, arresting key top officials of the previous Moon administration, and targeting the opposition Democratic Party and progressive political leaders.
Yoon is using South Korea's national-security laws and red-baiting rhetoric to crack down on unions and those who are working for peace and unification.
For example, on January 28 of this year, Jeong Yu-Jin, Director of Education of the Gyongnam Progressive Alliance and a mother of two, was arrested on charges of being a North Korean spy, an allegation she has steadfastly denied. Having been arrested, detained, and forced to make a false confession without access to an attorney, she engaged in a 40-day hunger strike in detention, which she only ended after 300 Koreans joined her hunger strike in solidarity. Although the hunger strike severely harmed her health, she remains steadfast and is preparing for her trial, with her greatest fear being that her two children remain without the care of their mother indefinitely.
Yoon's eagerness to prove his administration's worth as a linchpin in Washington's new Cold War in Asia means that there will be more repression and prosecution such as this. Washington is backing a repressive political regime under an extreme far-right president whose inexperience in foreign policy and disregard for political norms is ushering in a new era of domestic and international uncertainty and risk for South Korea.
Washington's policies run directly counter to the sentiments of the majority of South Koreans, who strongly support balanced foreign relations with Russia and China, meaningful reconciliation with Japan, and peace with North Korea.
According to recent polls, 80% of Koreans oppose the degree to which Yoon has capitulated to Washington's imposition of its anti-China policy on South Korea.
Washington's endorsement of Yoon and its support for his new National Security State directly contravenes the majority of South Korean public opinion.
According to recent figures, the Yoon administration has an abysmal 19% public approval rating.
While the purpose of Yoon's state visit is to prove his relevance to U.S. imperial ambitions in Asia, Washington's increasingly heavy-handed management of its one-sided relationship with South Korea is causing it to lose the battle for the hearts and minds of the South Korean public.