Aug 16, 2010
On May 12, 2009, I attended a briefing at the White House
as part of a group of grassroots activists and community artists. Mike
Strautmanis, Chief of Staff for the Office of Public Liaison and top
White House advisor Valerie Jarrett, made some remarks about how
community activists have a seat at the table as the Obama Administration
sets the agenda for change. I raised my hand. Sometimes, I said, the
role of advocates isn't to be inside at the table, but entirely outside
the room, "creating the political space needed for change".
Strautmanis bristled visibly. He criticized the "professional left"
(he didn't use this exact phrase, but it's what he meant) for
approaching the Obama Administration with an "outdated mindset", holding
protest signs outside the fence instead of realizing what it means to
be "inside the fence". At the same time, he not-so-subtly warned that
those who criticized the Administration, instead of cooperating, would
find themselves back on the outside.
Throughout early 2009, stories suggest Strautmanis' threat wasn't
hollow. The White House convened a weekly meeting called "Common
Purpose" at which DC progressive organizations were invited for what
many have called a "very one-way" conversation where the White House
dictated its agenda and appealed to the professional left for back-up.
In April, 2009, according to people who were at one Common Purpose
meeting, White House advisors told the "professional left" to tone down
rhetoric about huge bonuses paid to AIG executives. The left, in
general, toned it down.
In August 2009,
White House Chief of Staff Rahm Emmanuel made a rare appearance at a
Common Purpose meeting to scold progressive groups in Washington for
attacking conservative Democrats in Congress who were obstructing
progressive policies on Capitol Hill. Emmanuel called the strategy
"f*ing retarded" and ordered the professional left to cease and desist.
Much of the left did, in fact, stop the attacks on Blue Dog Democrats.
The under-reported scandal here is not that the White House tried to
control and muzzle the professional left. The scandal is that the left,
for the most part, complied.
Firedog Lake blogger Jane Hamsher has been almost singularly brave in covering this. Back in April 2009, Hamsher wrote:
"There's a big problem right now with the traditional liberal
interest groups sitting on the sidelines around major issues because
they don't want to buck the White House for fear of getting cut out of
the dialogue, or having their funding slashed."
I don't share White House Spokesperson Robert Gibbs' outrage that the
"professional left" is currently being too critical of President Obama.
What I am outraged about is that the professional left wasn't more
critical of Obama a year ago.
As I have written before,
President Obama's election was historic. Unfortunately, while
progressives arguably laid the ideological groundwork for his victory,
Obama pretty much won with his own charisma and field infrastructure.
The left, with the possible exception of MoveOn and SEIU, could take
little concrete credit for Obama's election. This, combined with an
overarching and persistent lack of ambition and bravery that plagues the
American left today, rendered Washington's non-profit liberal elite
more than grateful to be lap dogs on a short leash held by the White
House.
Throughout the fall of 2009, while progressives outside Washington
feared the chances for single-payer health care and humane immigration
reform were slipping away, professional progressive advocates in
Washington hung all their hopes on the White House. I was in several
meetings through the early fall of 2009 in which DC liberal leaders
tamped down on any plans that might "upset the White House", a phrase
used on at least on two occasions. It was not whispered with
embarrassment or secrecy. The professional left firmly believed that
President Obama would carry our agenda.
This belief started to fade as the fight for the public option was
not only lost but when it became clear that the President and his team
had sold the public option out early on in a bid to please the
pharmaceutical and health insurance industries. Right around then, in
early 2010, you could literally watch the professional left abandon its
doe-eyed rhetoric and find its teeth - and moral compass - again. Then
came disappointment around immigration and climate change, which the
White House initially pledged to take the lead on but then backed away
from, and the left's collective crush on Obama cracked faster than his
approval ratings. Whether on the topic of off-shore drilling or
deportation rates and border crackdowns, progressive advocates have been
much less shy lately in telling Obama what-for.
Yet all evidence suggest that, from early on, President Obama failed
to definitively side with ordinary Americans in the struggle against the
tyrannical interests of big business and Wall Street. John Judis
writes in his excellent analysis in The New Republic:
"Obama's policy followed the same swerving course as his rhetoric.
One week, he would favor harsh restrictions on bank and
insurance-company bonuses, but, the next week, he would waver; one week,
he would support legislation allowing bankruptcy judges to reduce the
amount that homeowners threatened with foreclosure owed the banks; the
next week, he would fail to protest when bank lobbyists pressured the
Senate to kill these provisions. But, more importantly, Obama-in sharp
contrast to Roosevelt in his first months-failed to push Congress to
immediately enact new financial regulations or even to set up a
commission to investigate fraud."
Perhaps if the "professional left" had been doing its job and holding
the President accountable early on - not in the spirit of destroying
his presidency but, rather, strengthening it - there would not have been
such a vacuum of public frustration into which Right wing critics could
easily step. The White House was naive to not distinguish between
constructive criticism and destructive criticism at a time when
listening to the former might have helped avoid much of the calamity in
which the Presidency now finds itself. Instead, by trying to be
superficial friends with both sides, Obama and his team have ostensibly
made enemies on all sides of the aisle. Except with big business and
Wall Street. They're still good friends with them.
The irony in all of this is that the left is now blaming the Obama
Administration for public discontent with liberal policies and
solutions. A year ago, the professional left ceded all responsibility
to the White House. And now they're ceding all the blame. And that's
where Mr. Gibbs' characterization is really wrong: There's nothing
professional about that!
An Unconstitutional Rampage
Trump and Musk are on an unconstitutional rampage, aiming for virtually every corner of the federal government. These two right-wing billionaires are targeting nurses, scientists, teachers, daycare providers, judges, veterans, air traffic controllers, and nuclear safety inspectors. No one is safe. The food stamps program, Social Security, Medicare, and Medicaid are next. It’s an unprecedented disaster and a five-alarm fire, but there will be a reckoning. The people did not vote for this. The American people do not want this dystopian hellscape that hides behind claims of “efficiency.” Still, in reality, it is all a giveaway to corporate interests and the libertarian dreams of far-right oligarchs like Musk. Common Dreams is playing a vital role by reporting day and night on this orgy of corruption and greed, as well as what everyday people can do to organize and fight back. As a people-powered nonprofit news outlet, we cover issues the corporate media never will, but we can only continue with our readers’ support. |
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Sally Kohn
Sally Kohn is an activist, political commentator, and community organizer. Follow her on Twitter: @sallykohn.
On May 12, 2009, I attended a briefing at the White House
as part of a group of grassroots activists and community artists. Mike
Strautmanis, Chief of Staff for the Office of Public Liaison and top
White House advisor Valerie Jarrett, made some remarks about how
community activists have a seat at the table as the Obama Administration
sets the agenda for change. I raised my hand. Sometimes, I said, the
role of advocates isn't to be inside at the table, but entirely outside
the room, "creating the political space needed for change".
Strautmanis bristled visibly. He criticized the "professional left"
(he didn't use this exact phrase, but it's what he meant) for
approaching the Obama Administration with an "outdated mindset", holding
protest signs outside the fence instead of realizing what it means to
be "inside the fence". At the same time, he not-so-subtly warned that
those who criticized the Administration, instead of cooperating, would
find themselves back on the outside.
Throughout early 2009, stories suggest Strautmanis' threat wasn't
hollow. The White House convened a weekly meeting called "Common
Purpose" at which DC progressive organizations were invited for what
many have called a "very one-way" conversation where the White House
dictated its agenda and appealed to the professional left for back-up.
In April, 2009, according to people who were at one Common Purpose
meeting, White House advisors told the "professional left" to tone down
rhetoric about huge bonuses paid to AIG executives. The left, in
general, toned it down.
In August 2009,
White House Chief of Staff Rahm Emmanuel made a rare appearance at a
Common Purpose meeting to scold progressive groups in Washington for
attacking conservative Democrats in Congress who were obstructing
progressive policies on Capitol Hill. Emmanuel called the strategy
"f*ing retarded" and ordered the professional left to cease and desist.
Much of the left did, in fact, stop the attacks on Blue Dog Democrats.
The under-reported scandal here is not that the White House tried to
control and muzzle the professional left. The scandal is that the left,
for the most part, complied.
Firedog Lake blogger Jane Hamsher has been almost singularly brave in covering this. Back in April 2009, Hamsher wrote:
"There's a big problem right now with the traditional liberal
interest groups sitting on the sidelines around major issues because
they don't want to buck the White House for fear of getting cut out of
the dialogue, or having their funding slashed."
I don't share White House Spokesperson Robert Gibbs' outrage that the
"professional left" is currently being too critical of President Obama.
What I am outraged about is that the professional left wasn't more
critical of Obama a year ago.
As I have written before,
President Obama's election was historic. Unfortunately, while
progressives arguably laid the ideological groundwork for his victory,
Obama pretty much won with his own charisma and field infrastructure.
The left, with the possible exception of MoveOn and SEIU, could take
little concrete credit for Obama's election. This, combined with an
overarching and persistent lack of ambition and bravery that plagues the
American left today, rendered Washington's non-profit liberal elite
more than grateful to be lap dogs on a short leash held by the White
House.
Throughout the fall of 2009, while progressives outside Washington
feared the chances for single-payer health care and humane immigration
reform were slipping away, professional progressive advocates in
Washington hung all their hopes on the White House. I was in several
meetings through the early fall of 2009 in which DC liberal leaders
tamped down on any plans that might "upset the White House", a phrase
used on at least on two occasions. It was not whispered with
embarrassment or secrecy. The professional left firmly believed that
President Obama would carry our agenda.
This belief started to fade as the fight for the public option was
not only lost but when it became clear that the President and his team
had sold the public option out early on in a bid to please the
pharmaceutical and health insurance industries. Right around then, in
early 2010, you could literally watch the professional left abandon its
doe-eyed rhetoric and find its teeth - and moral compass - again. Then
came disappointment around immigration and climate change, which the
White House initially pledged to take the lead on but then backed away
from, and the left's collective crush on Obama cracked faster than his
approval ratings. Whether on the topic of off-shore drilling or
deportation rates and border crackdowns, progressive advocates have been
much less shy lately in telling Obama what-for.
Yet all evidence suggest that, from early on, President Obama failed
to definitively side with ordinary Americans in the struggle against the
tyrannical interests of big business and Wall Street. John Judis
writes in his excellent analysis in The New Republic:
"Obama's policy followed the same swerving course as his rhetoric.
One week, he would favor harsh restrictions on bank and
insurance-company bonuses, but, the next week, he would waver; one week,
he would support legislation allowing bankruptcy judges to reduce the
amount that homeowners threatened with foreclosure owed the banks; the
next week, he would fail to protest when bank lobbyists pressured the
Senate to kill these provisions. But, more importantly, Obama-in sharp
contrast to Roosevelt in his first months-failed to push Congress to
immediately enact new financial regulations or even to set up a
commission to investigate fraud."
Perhaps if the "professional left" had been doing its job and holding
the President accountable early on - not in the spirit of destroying
his presidency but, rather, strengthening it - there would not have been
such a vacuum of public frustration into which Right wing critics could
easily step. The White House was naive to not distinguish between
constructive criticism and destructive criticism at a time when
listening to the former might have helped avoid much of the calamity in
which the Presidency now finds itself. Instead, by trying to be
superficial friends with both sides, Obama and his team have ostensibly
made enemies on all sides of the aisle. Except with big business and
Wall Street. They're still good friends with them.
The irony in all of this is that the left is now blaming the Obama
Administration for public discontent with liberal policies and
solutions. A year ago, the professional left ceded all responsibility
to the White House. And now they're ceding all the blame. And that's
where Mr. Gibbs' characterization is really wrong: There's nothing
professional about that!
Sally Kohn
Sally Kohn is an activist, political commentator, and community organizer. Follow her on Twitter: @sallykohn.
On May 12, 2009, I attended a briefing at the White House
as part of a group of grassroots activists and community artists. Mike
Strautmanis, Chief of Staff for the Office of Public Liaison and top
White House advisor Valerie Jarrett, made some remarks about how
community activists have a seat at the table as the Obama Administration
sets the agenda for change. I raised my hand. Sometimes, I said, the
role of advocates isn't to be inside at the table, but entirely outside
the room, "creating the political space needed for change".
Strautmanis bristled visibly. He criticized the "professional left"
(he didn't use this exact phrase, but it's what he meant) for
approaching the Obama Administration with an "outdated mindset", holding
protest signs outside the fence instead of realizing what it means to
be "inside the fence". At the same time, he not-so-subtly warned that
those who criticized the Administration, instead of cooperating, would
find themselves back on the outside.
Throughout early 2009, stories suggest Strautmanis' threat wasn't
hollow. The White House convened a weekly meeting called "Common
Purpose" at which DC progressive organizations were invited for what
many have called a "very one-way" conversation where the White House
dictated its agenda and appealed to the professional left for back-up.
In April, 2009, according to people who were at one Common Purpose
meeting, White House advisors told the "professional left" to tone down
rhetoric about huge bonuses paid to AIG executives. The left, in
general, toned it down.
In August 2009,
White House Chief of Staff Rahm Emmanuel made a rare appearance at a
Common Purpose meeting to scold progressive groups in Washington for
attacking conservative Democrats in Congress who were obstructing
progressive policies on Capitol Hill. Emmanuel called the strategy
"f*ing retarded" and ordered the professional left to cease and desist.
Much of the left did, in fact, stop the attacks on Blue Dog Democrats.
The under-reported scandal here is not that the White House tried to
control and muzzle the professional left. The scandal is that the left,
for the most part, complied.
Firedog Lake blogger Jane Hamsher has been almost singularly brave in covering this. Back in April 2009, Hamsher wrote:
"There's a big problem right now with the traditional liberal
interest groups sitting on the sidelines around major issues because
they don't want to buck the White House for fear of getting cut out of
the dialogue, or having their funding slashed."
I don't share White House Spokesperson Robert Gibbs' outrage that the
"professional left" is currently being too critical of President Obama.
What I am outraged about is that the professional left wasn't more
critical of Obama a year ago.
As I have written before,
President Obama's election was historic. Unfortunately, while
progressives arguably laid the ideological groundwork for his victory,
Obama pretty much won with his own charisma and field infrastructure.
The left, with the possible exception of MoveOn and SEIU, could take
little concrete credit for Obama's election. This, combined with an
overarching and persistent lack of ambition and bravery that plagues the
American left today, rendered Washington's non-profit liberal elite
more than grateful to be lap dogs on a short leash held by the White
House.
Throughout the fall of 2009, while progressives outside Washington
feared the chances for single-payer health care and humane immigration
reform were slipping away, professional progressive advocates in
Washington hung all their hopes on the White House. I was in several
meetings through the early fall of 2009 in which DC liberal leaders
tamped down on any plans that might "upset the White House", a phrase
used on at least on two occasions. It was not whispered with
embarrassment or secrecy. The professional left firmly believed that
President Obama would carry our agenda.
This belief started to fade as the fight for the public option was
not only lost but when it became clear that the President and his team
had sold the public option out early on in a bid to please the
pharmaceutical and health insurance industries. Right around then, in
early 2010, you could literally watch the professional left abandon its
doe-eyed rhetoric and find its teeth - and moral compass - again. Then
came disappointment around immigration and climate change, which the
White House initially pledged to take the lead on but then backed away
from, and the left's collective crush on Obama cracked faster than his
approval ratings. Whether on the topic of off-shore drilling or
deportation rates and border crackdowns, progressive advocates have been
much less shy lately in telling Obama what-for.
Yet all evidence suggest that, from early on, President Obama failed
to definitively side with ordinary Americans in the struggle against the
tyrannical interests of big business and Wall Street. John Judis
writes in his excellent analysis in The New Republic:
"Obama's policy followed the same swerving course as his rhetoric.
One week, he would favor harsh restrictions on bank and
insurance-company bonuses, but, the next week, he would waver; one week,
he would support legislation allowing bankruptcy judges to reduce the
amount that homeowners threatened with foreclosure owed the banks; the
next week, he would fail to protest when bank lobbyists pressured the
Senate to kill these provisions. But, more importantly, Obama-in sharp
contrast to Roosevelt in his first months-failed to push Congress to
immediately enact new financial regulations or even to set up a
commission to investigate fraud."
Perhaps if the "professional left" had been doing its job and holding
the President accountable early on - not in the spirit of destroying
his presidency but, rather, strengthening it - there would not have been
such a vacuum of public frustration into which Right wing critics could
easily step. The White House was naive to not distinguish between
constructive criticism and destructive criticism at a time when
listening to the former might have helped avoid much of the calamity in
which the Presidency now finds itself. Instead, by trying to be
superficial friends with both sides, Obama and his team have ostensibly
made enemies on all sides of the aisle. Except with big business and
Wall Street. They're still good friends with them.
The irony in all of this is that the left is now blaming the Obama
Administration for public discontent with liberal policies and
solutions. A year ago, the professional left ceded all responsibility
to the White House. And now they're ceding all the blame. And that's
where Mr. Gibbs' characterization is really wrong: There's nothing
professional about that!
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LATEST NEWS
Columbia Yanks Degrees From Pro-Palestine Protesters Amid Outrage Over Khalil Arrest
The impacted students and graduates are accused of participating in the occupation of a university building that protesters renamed in honor of a child killed by Israeli forces in Gaza.
Mar 13, 2025
As the Trump administration's effort to deport Mahmoud Khalil sparks legal battles and demonstrations, Columbia University announced Thursday that it has revoked degrees from some other pro-Palestinian campus protesters.
A campuswide email reported by The Associated Press and shared on social media by Drop Site News says that "the Columbia University Judicial Board determined findings and issued sanctions to students ranging from multiyear suspensions, temporary degree revocations, and expulsions related to the occupation of Hamilton Hall last spring."
According to both news outlets, the university's email did not say how many students and graduates were impacted by each action.
As part of nationwide protests over the U.S. government and educational institutions' complicity in Israel's assault on the Gaza Strip, Columbia students took over the building last April and renamed it Hind's Hall, in honor of a young Palestinian girl killed by Israeli forces. With support from the university's leadership, New York Police Department officers stormed the campus.
Columbia's new sanctions against protesters were widely condemned on social media. Iowa-based writer Gavin Aronsen quipped, "This is a great PR strategy, come to Columbia where you'll get a solid education as long as you never speak your mind."
News of the university's latest action on Thursday came after over 100 people were arrested outside Trump Tower in New York City during a Jewish-led protest over the government's attempt to deport Khalil, a green-card holder who finished his studies at Columbia in December.
"The Trump administration's outrageous detention of Mahmoud Khalil is designed to sow terror and stop people of conscience from calling for Palestinian freedom," said Ros Petchesky, an 82-year-old MacArthur fellow and Columbia alumna. "We are Jewish New Yorkers and we remain steadfast in our commitment to Palestinian freedom, to protecting free speech and the right to protest, and to defending immigrants and all under attack by the Trump regime."
Meanwhile, during a Thursday interview with NPR about Khalil's detention, Troy Edgar, deputy homeland security secretary, equated protesting and terrorism.
Judge Orders Trump Administration to Reverse 'Sham' Mass Firing of Federal Workers
"It is a sad day when our government would fire some good employee and say it was based on performance when they know good and well that's a lie."
Mar 13, 2025
A U.S. judge on Thursday ruled that the Trump administration must reinstate thousands of government workers fired from half a dozen federal agencies based on the "lie" that their performance warranted termination.
U.S. District Judge for the Northern District of California William Alsup—an appointee of former President Bill Clinton—granted a preliminary injunction supporting a temporary restraining order against the Office of Personnel Management (OPM) and acting Director Charles Ezell on the grounds that the mass firing of probationary federal employees is "unlawful" because the agency lacked the authority for the move.
Alsup—who last month also found the OPM firings illegal—ordered the Trump administration to immediately reinstate all probationary employees terminated from the departments of Agriculture, Defense, Energy, Interior, Treasury, and Veterans Affairs.
"The reason that OPM wanted to put this based on performance was at least in part in my judgment a gimmick to avoid the Reductions in Force (RIF) Act, because the law always allows you to fire somebody for performance," Alsup said, referring the process used by federal agencies reduce the size of their workforce during reorganizations or budget cuts.
Last month, Trump signed an executive order directing Elon Musk's Department of Government Efficiency to institute RIFs across federal agencies as part of a so-called "workforce optimization initiative."
"It is a sad day when our government would fire some good employee and say it was based on performance when they know good and well that's a lie," Alsup wrote. "That should not have been done in our country. It was a sham in order to try to avoid statutory requirements."
While the White House blasted Alsup's ruling as "absurd and unconstitutional" and lodged an appeal, advocates for government workers cheered the decision.
Everett Kelley, national president of the American Federation of Government Employees (AFGE), said in a statement that the union "is pleased with Judge Alsup's order to immediately reinstate tens of thousands of probationary federal employees who were illegally fired from their jobs by an administration hellbent on crippling federal agencies and their work on behalf of the American public."
"We are grateful for these employees and the critical work they do, and AFGE will keep fighting until all federal employees who were unjustly and illegally fired are given their jobs back," Kelley added.
Lee Saunders, president of the American Federation of State, County, and Municipal Employees (AFSCME), said: "Public service workers are the backbone of our communities in every way. Today, we are proud to celebrate the court's decision which orders that fired federal employees must be reinstated and reinforces they cannot be fired without reason."
"This is a big win for all workers, especially AFSCME members of the United Nurses Associations of California and Council 20, who will be able to continue their essential work at the Department of Agriculture, Veterans Affairs Department, and other agencies," Saunders added.
Violet Wulf-Saena, founder and executive director of Climate Resilient Communities—a California-based nonprofit that "brings people together to create local solutions for a healthy planet"—also welcomed Thursday's ruling.
"The mass firing of public service employees is a direct assault on the environmental justice movement and will harm people living in heavily polluted communities," she said. "Today's decision represents a key win for our movement because our lifesaving work cannot proceed without the vital infrastructure and support of our federal employees."
Congressman Raúl Grijalva, Defender of Working People and Planet, Dead at 77
"Rep. Grijalva fought a long and brave battle," his staff said. "He passed away this morning due to complications of his cancer treatments."
Mar 13, 2025
Condolences and remembrances swiftly mounted on Thursday after the staff of U.S. Congressman Raúl Grijalva announced that the Arizona Democrat died at the age of 77, following a fight with lung cancer.
"Rep. Grijalva fought a long and brave battle. He passed away this morning due to complications of his cancer treatments," according to the office of the late congressman, who announced his diagnosis last April.
Grijalva, who represented Arizona's 7th District, was first elected to Congress in 2002. While on Capitol Hill, he rose to leadership roles, including co-chair of the Congressional Progressive Caucus and chair of the House Natural Resources Committee.
"From permanently protecting the Grand Canyon for future generations to strengthening the Affordable Care Act, his proudest moments in Congress have always been guided by community voices," Grijalva's staff said. "He led the charge for historic investments in climate action, port of entry modernization, permanent funding for land and water conservation programs, access to healthcare for tribal communities and the uninsured, fairness for immigrant families and Dreamers, student loan forgiveness, stronger protections for farmers and workers exposed to extreme heat, early childhood education expansion, higher standards for tribal consultation, and so much more."
"From Tucson to Nogales and beyond, he worked tirelessly for transformational improvements. Rep. Grijalva pushed for new public parks, childcare centers, healthcare clinics, local businesses, and affordable housing [that] breathed new life into neighborhoods across Southern Arizona. Improvements to our roads, bridges, and streetcar system have improved our daily lives and attracted new businesses and industries to the area," the office added. "Rep. Grijalva's passion was not only for his community, but for preservation of the planet."
Grijalva's colleagues also highlighted key parts of his legacy. Sen. Ed Markey (D-Mass.), a former House member, said that "I am heartbroken by the news of Congressman Raúl Grijalva's passing. For climate justice, economic justice, health justice—Raúl fought fearlessly for change. We served a decade together on the Natural Resources Committee, and I will forever be grateful for his leadership and partnership."
Sen. Bernie Sanders (I-Vt.), who also previously served in the lower chamber, said that "I mourn the death of Rep. Raúl Grijalva, a former colleague of mine and one of the most progressive members of the U.S. House. Raúl was a fighter for working families throughout his entire life. He will be sorely missed."
Congresswoman Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez (D-N.Y.) called his death "a genuinely devastating loss," adding: "Raúl Grijalva stood as one of the biggest champions for working people in all of Congress. His leadership was singular. He mentored generously and was an incredible friend. I will always be grateful for his lifelong courage and commitment."
Rep. Delia Ramirez (D-Ill.) said that "today we lost a dedicated progressive leader in Raúl Grijalva. The son of a bracero, Rep. Grijalva's 12-term commitment to our environment, to immigrant communities, and to his constituents in Tucson enriched this country. His passing is a monumental loss for our caucus and communities."
Congressman Maxwell Alejandro Frost (D-Fla.) wrote: "Wow. This is such a loss for Arizona and our country. Chair Raúl Grijalva has been a champion for progressive change his entire life. From the school board to Congress, his leadership and voice inspired so many. Myself included. Rest in power, Chairman Grijalva."
Rep. Yassamin Ansari (D-Ariz.), elected to Congress in November, said that "I'm devastated to hear of the passing of my colleague Raúl Grijalva. He was a fighter for Arizonans and a champion for Indigenous communities and our planet. We will all miss him dearly. My thoughts are with his family, friends, loved ones, and constituents."
Sen. Ruben Gallego (D-Ariz.), who switched chambers after the last election, said that "Congressman Grijalva was not just my colleague, but my friend. As another Latino working in public service, I can say from experience that he served as a role model to many young people across the Grand Canyon State. He spent his life as a voice for equality."
"In Congress, I was proud to see firsthand his leadership as chairman of the House Natural Resources Committee as he stood up for Arizona's water rights, natural beauty, and tribes," Gallego added. "I am praying for his family during this time of grief, and I hope that they find comfort knowing his legacy is one that will stand tall for generations."
Advocacy group leaders also weighed in, with Kierán Suckling, executive director and founder of the Center for Biological Diversity, calling his death "a heartbreaking, devastating loss for the people of Southern Arizona and everyone around this nation who loves the natural world."
"Raúl was a great friend and partner in our fight for clean air and water, our beautiful public lands, and wildlife great and small," Suckling said. "We can all look to him as the model of what every member of Congress and every person of dignity and hope should aspire to be."
"From Mexican wolves to spotted owls to the New Mexico meadow jumping mouse, every creature in this country had a friend in Raúl," Suckling added. "He was as fierce as a jaguar, and that's why we called him our Macho G. I'll miss him dearly."
According to KVOA, the NBC affiliate in Tucson, Grijalva's office "will continue providing constituent services during the special election" to fill his seat.
Grijalva's death follows that of Congressman Sylvester Turner (D-Texas), who died on March 5. His seat will also need to be filled by a special election.
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