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Politicians love to invoke the "family farmer" when it's politically useful. (Photo: TumblingRun/flickr/cc)
The mystique of the family farmer in this country goes all the way back to Thomas Jefferson's model for democracy. Jefferson centered his vision on the yeoman farmer, who, with family labor, worked a small farm and embodied the virtues of honest and hard work. It was an important idea to a new nation that was supposed to be built on independence and fairness -- not aristocracy and privilege.
The idea of the yeoman farmer has evolved into the present-day notion of the family farm, a life few Americans understand but one that they seem to hold dear and want to preserve: The family farmer cares for the land, the animals and the local community because that is their heritage.
It's no wonder that food packaging depicts that image of the family farm, with little red barns, cows and chickens in the grass and the farm family working together -- it sells. This image has nothing to do with how the vast majority of food that fills supermarket shelves is produced, but that hasn't stopped politicians from invoking the family farm when selling the public on policies that have little to do with those of us who still do the work of family farming.
As Republicans push ahead with their tax reform plan, the small farmer is again invoked. This time it's about the estate tax. During a speech in North Dakota, President Trump declared, "We'll also protect small businesses and family farmers here in North Dakota and across the country by ending the death tax." He added: "Tremendous burden for the family farmer, tremendous burden. We are not going to allow the death tax or the inheritance tax or the whatever-you-want-to-call-it to crush the American Dream."
But few farmers put the elimination of this tax on the top of their wish lists. Only about 20 farms a year are subject to any inheritance tax, and in almost all cases, those farms have adequate liquid assets to cover the taxes without having to sell any part of the business to do so. After searching for 35 years for one example of a family farm that was lost due to the estate tax Iowa State professor Neil Harl stated simply, "It's a myth."
It is a sales pitch, nothing more, again capitalizing on that mystique of the family farm that people hold so dear. Getting rid of the estate tax is a gift to the very rich, not to farmers. As the old saying goes, ask a farmer what they would do if they won a million dollars: Keep farming till it ran out.
While estate taxes are not a threat to the family farm, we face plenty of other challenges. But you'll never see politicians tackle the greatest threat to the family farmer: unfairly low prices for our products.
Farmers, no matter what they produce, are always encouraged to produce more, with no question how much might be too much. Agricultural research focuses on increased yield, be it milk, corn, soy, poultry or any other agricultural commodity.
Current government policies encourage increased agricultural production as a means of economic growth because a growing gross domestic product supposedly means a healthy economy. The days of government supply management policies that kept supply in balance with demand, thus helping maintain fair farm prices while adequately supplying market needs, ended during the Reagan administration. It's all about feeding agribusiness and the global economy. Local economies and rural communities? Not so much.
Small farmers, ranchers and fishers are caught in an increasingly consolidated food system. Increasing market concentration through corporate mergers gives us little choice but to buy from a limited group of input suppliers and sell to a limited number of buyers.
And again, small farms are impacted most severely. Often, I can't find things I need for my farm in the local stores. Small farmers aren't worth the bother, I guess. Mega-organic dairies have saturated the market and cornered the supermarket trade. My milk price has dropped by 30 percent in the past year, while the average retail price for a gallon of organic milk has gone up 25 percent, according to USDA figures.
If you are marketing hogs by the semi-load, you will have better market access. If you are selling 60,000 pounds of milk a day (I sell 1,500 pounds), you'll probably get paid a sizable volume premium. Farms got bigger to gain the advantage of economy of scale. They still may be family owned, but there are few red barns or animals on pasture.
Corn and soy are in such oversupply that farmers, even on the largest farms, are lucky to recoup their production costs. So taxpayers are helping prop up low grain commodity prices through the government subsidy programs: Farmers get a government deficiency payment when prices are low. This works well for the international grain companies. They can purchase cheap grain, knowing that next year, farmers will keep planting because subsidies will keep the farms afloat.
While subsidy programs are at best a very poor solution to a very big problem (low farm income), the real beneficiary of the subsidy program has always been the corporate grain buyers and the dairy and livestock processors. Farmers only want a fair price for what they produce, not government programs that encourage overproduction of low-priced commodities.
The U.S. agricultural economy has and always will be designed to ensure corporate agribusiness profits at the expense of farmers and consumers. We, the farmers, will of course, be expected to remain silent, work harder and avoid dissent in a nation ruled by an administration that will not tolerate dissent.
The nostalgia and fascination with the family farm is gratifying for those of us who still run a family farm, but sadly that doesn't help pay the bills. In time, the family farm will exist only in nostalgic illustrations on milk cartons at the supermarket, and in the false promises of politicians.
Trump and Musk are on an unconstitutional rampage, aiming for virtually every corner of the federal government. These two right-wing billionaires are targeting nurses, scientists, teachers, daycare providers, judges, veterans, air traffic controllers, and nuclear safety inspectors. No one is safe. The food stamps program, Social Security, Medicare, and Medicaid are next. It’s an unprecedented disaster and a five-alarm fire, but there will be a reckoning. The people did not vote for this. The American people do not want this dystopian hellscape that hides behind claims of “efficiency.” Still, in reality, it is all a giveaway to corporate interests and the libertarian dreams of far-right oligarchs like Musk. Common Dreams is playing a vital role by reporting day and night on this orgy of corruption and greed, as well as what everyday people can do to organize and fight back. As a people-powered nonprofit news outlet, we cover issues the corporate media never will, but we can only continue with our readers’ support. |
The mystique of the family farmer in this country goes all the way back to Thomas Jefferson's model for democracy. Jefferson centered his vision on the yeoman farmer, who, with family labor, worked a small farm and embodied the virtues of honest and hard work. It was an important idea to a new nation that was supposed to be built on independence and fairness -- not aristocracy and privilege.
The idea of the yeoman farmer has evolved into the present-day notion of the family farm, a life few Americans understand but one that they seem to hold dear and want to preserve: The family farmer cares for the land, the animals and the local community because that is their heritage.
It's no wonder that food packaging depicts that image of the family farm, with little red barns, cows and chickens in the grass and the farm family working together -- it sells. This image has nothing to do with how the vast majority of food that fills supermarket shelves is produced, but that hasn't stopped politicians from invoking the family farm when selling the public on policies that have little to do with those of us who still do the work of family farming.
As Republicans push ahead with their tax reform plan, the small farmer is again invoked. This time it's about the estate tax. During a speech in North Dakota, President Trump declared, "We'll also protect small businesses and family farmers here in North Dakota and across the country by ending the death tax." He added: "Tremendous burden for the family farmer, tremendous burden. We are not going to allow the death tax or the inheritance tax or the whatever-you-want-to-call-it to crush the American Dream."
But few farmers put the elimination of this tax on the top of their wish lists. Only about 20 farms a year are subject to any inheritance tax, and in almost all cases, those farms have adequate liquid assets to cover the taxes without having to sell any part of the business to do so. After searching for 35 years for one example of a family farm that was lost due to the estate tax Iowa State professor Neil Harl stated simply, "It's a myth."
It is a sales pitch, nothing more, again capitalizing on that mystique of the family farm that people hold so dear. Getting rid of the estate tax is a gift to the very rich, not to farmers. As the old saying goes, ask a farmer what they would do if they won a million dollars: Keep farming till it ran out.
While estate taxes are not a threat to the family farm, we face plenty of other challenges. But you'll never see politicians tackle the greatest threat to the family farmer: unfairly low prices for our products.
Farmers, no matter what they produce, are always encouraged to produce more, with no question how much might be too much. Agricultural research focuses on increased yield, be it milk, corn, soy, poultry or any other agricultural commodity.
Current government policies encourage increased agricultural production as a means of economic growth because a growing gross domestic product supposedly means a healthy economy. The days of government supply management policies that kept supply in balance with demand, thus helping maintain fair farm prices while adequately supplying market needs, ended during the Reagan administration. It's all about feeding agribusiness and the global economy. Local economies and rural communities? Not so much.
Small farmers, ranchers and fishers are caught in an increasingly consolidated food system. Increasing market concentration through corporate mergers gives us little choice but to buy from a limited group of input suppliers and sell to a limited number of buyers.
And again, small farms are impacted most severely. Often, I can't find things I need for my farm in the local stores. Small farmers aren't worth the bother, I guess. Mega-organic dairies have saturated the market and cornered the supermarket trade. My milk price has dropped by 30 percent in the past year, while the average retail price for a gallon of organic milk has gone up 25 percent, according to USDA figures.
If you are marketing hogs by the semi-load, you will have better market access. If you are selling 60,000 pounds of milk a day (I sell 1,500 pounds), you'll probably get paid a sizable volume premium. Farms got bigger to gain the advantage of economy of scale. They still may be family owned, but there are few red barns or animals on pasture.
Corn and soy are in such oversupply that farmers, even on the largest farms, are lucky to recoup their production costs. So taxpayers are helping prop up low grain commodity prices through the government subsidy programs: Farmers get a government deficiency payment when prices are low. This works well for the international grain companies. They can purchase cheap grain, knowing that next year, farmers will keep planting because subsidies will keep the farms afloat.
While subsidy programs are at best a very poor solution to a very big problem (low farm income), the real beneficiary of the subsidy program has always been the corporate grain buyers and the dairy and livestock processors. Farmers only want a fair price for what they produce, not government programs that encourage overproduction of low-priced commodities.
The U.S. agricultural economy has and always will be designed to ensure corporate agribusiness profits at the expense of farmers and consumers. We, the farmers, will of course, be expected to remain silent, work harder and avoid dissent in a nation ruled by an administration that will not tolerate dissent.
The nostalgia and fascination with the family farm is gratifying for those of us who still run a family farm, but sadly that doesn't help pay the bills. In time, the family farm will exist only in nostalgic illustrations on milk cartons at the supermarket, and in the false promises of politicians.
The mystique of the family farmer in this country goes all the way back to Thomas Jefferson's model for democracy. Jefferson centered his vision on the yeoman farmer, who, with family labor, worked a small farm and embodied the virtues of honest and hard work. It was an important idea to a new nation that was supposed to be built on independence and fairness -- not aristocracy and privilege.
The idea of the yeoman farmer has evolved into the present-day notion of the family farm, a life few Americans understand but one that they seem to hold dear and want to preserve: The family farmer cares for the land, the animals and the local community because that is their heritage.
It's no wonder that food packaging depicts that image of the family farm, with little red barns, cows and chickens in the grass and the farm family working together -- it sells. This image has nothing to do with how the vast majority of food that fills supermarket shelves is produced, but that hasn't stopped politicians from invoking the family farm when selling the public on policies that have little to do with those of us who still do the work of family farming.
As Republicans push ahead with their tax reform plan, the small farmer is again invoked. This time it's about the estate tax. During a speech in North Dakota, President Trump declared, "We'll also protect small businesses and family farmers here in North Dakota and across the country by ending the death tax." He added: "Tremendous burden for the family farmer, tremendous burden. We are not going to allow the death tax or the inheritance tax or the whatever-you-want-to-call-it to crush the American Dream."
But few farmers put the elimination of this tax on the top of their wish lists. Only about 20 farms a year are subject to any inheritance tax, and in almost all cases, those farms have adequate liquid assets to cover the taxes without having to sell any part of the business to do so. After searching for 35 years for one example of a family farm that was lost due to the estate tax Iowa State professor Neil Harl stated simply, "It's a myth."
It is a sales pitch, nothing more, again capitalizing on that mystique of the family farm that people hold so dear. Getting rid of the estate tax is a gift to the very rich, not to farmers. As the old saying goes, ask a farmer what they would do if they won a million dollars: Keep farming till it ran out.
While estate taxes are not a threat to the family farm, we face plenty of other challenges. But you'll never see politicians tackle the greatest threat to the family farmer: unfairly low prices for our products.
Farmers, no matter what they produce, are always encouraged to produce more, with no question how much might be too much. Agricultural research focuses on increased yield, be it milk, corn, soy, poultry or any other agricultural commodity.
Current government policies encourage increased agricultural production as a means of economic growth because a growing gross domestic product supposedly means a healthy economy. The days of government supply management policies that kept supply in balance with demand, thus helping maintain fair farm prices while adequately supplying market needs, ended during the Reagan administration. It's all about feeding agribusiness and the global economy. Local economies and rural communities? Not so much.
Small farmers, ranchers and fishers are caught in an increasingly consolidated food system. Increasing market concentration through corporate mergers gives us little choice but to buy from a limited group of input suppliers and sell to a limited number of buyers.
And again, small farms are impacted most severely. Often, I can't find things I need for my farm in the local stores. Small farmers aren't worth the bother, I guess. Mega-organic dairies have saturated the market and cornered the supermarket trade. My milk price has dropped by 30 percent in the past year, while the average retail price for a gallon of organic milk has gone up 25 percent, according to USDA figures.
If you are marketing hogs by the semi-load, you will have better market access. If you are selling 60,000 pounds of milk a day (I sell 1,500 pounds), you'll probably get paid a sizable volume premium. Farms got bigger to gain the advantage of economy of scale. They still may be family owned, but there are few red barns or animals on pasture.
Corn and soy are in such oversupply that farmers, even on the largest farms, are lucky to recoup their production costs. So taxpayers are helping prop up low grain commodity prices through the government subsidy programs: Farmers get a government deficiency payment when prices are low. This works well for the international grain companies. They can purchase cheap grain, knowing that next year, farmers will keep planting because subsidies will keep the farms afloat.
While subsidy programs are at best a very poor solution to a very big problem (low farm income), the real beneficiary of the subsidy program has always been the corporate grain buyers and the dairy and livestock processors. Farmers only want a fair price for what they produce, not government programs that encourage overproduction of low-priced commodities.
The U.S. agricultural economy has and always will be designed to ensure corporate agribusiness profits at the expense of farmers and consumers. We, the farmers, will of course, be expected to remain silent, work harder and avoid dissent in a nation ruled by an administration that will not tolerate dissent.
The nostalgia and fascination with the family farm is gratifying for those of us who still run a family farm, but sadly that doesn't help pay the bills. In time, the family farm will exist only in nostalgic illustrations on milk cartons at the supermarket, and in the false promises of politicians.
"I hope American law firms—Paul Weiss and Skadden—are proud of the cowardice they are instilling and inspiring among the legal profession," wrote one former state senator.
Skadden, Arps, Slate, Meagher & Flom on Friday became the latest white-shoe law firm to acquiesce to the Trump administration as the White House ramps up attacks on the legal profession. The news prompted a wave of outrage at the law firm, which was accused of being "pathetic."
The firm has agreed to provide at least $100 million in pro bono legal services to the federal government during his administration "and beyond," according to a Truth Social post from U.S. President Donald Trump. Also, the "firm will not engage in illegal" diversity, equity, and inclusion (DEI) "discrimination and preferences," according to the post, which also noted that the firm proactively reached out to the administration about an agreement.
Speaking at the White House on Friday, Trump called the deal "essentially a settlement," according to Reuters.
"Pathetic when the richest and most powerful lawyers in America won't stand up for the profession that made them rich and powerful," wrote U.S. Sen. Sheldon Whitehouse (D-R.I.) on X on Friday, reacting to earlier reporting that the firm was in discussions with the White House over a deal.
Author and commentator Wajahat Ali wrote that the move was "shameful" on Bluesky on Friday. "Pathetic and selfish," wrote Pod Save America podcast co-host Jon Favreau.
Former New York state Sen. Alessandra Biaggi (D-34) wrote: "I hope American law firms—Paul Weiss and Skadden—are proud of the cowardice they are instilling and inspiring among the legal profession."
The news comes on the heels of news that another top law firm, Paul, Weiss, Rifkind, Wharton & Garrison LLP, last week brokered a deal with the White House in order to spare the firm from an executive order that suspended security clearances for lawyers and staff.
As part of that deal, the firm will dedicate $40 million in pro bono legal services during Trump's administration "to support the administration's initiatives."
Meanwhile, also last week, Trump issued a memo directing U.S. Attorney General Pam Bondi to "seek sanctions" against firms and lawyers that, according to him, "engage in frivolous, unreasonable, and vexatious litigation against the United States."
With the agreement, Skadden Arps has likely avoided joining a list of elite law firms that have been singled out via executive order from Trump, targeting them with various punishments. Three of the firms that have been targeted with an executive order, WilmerHale, Jenner & Block, and Perkins Coie, have sued the Trump administration in response.
Last week, prior to the deal between Skadden Arps and the Trump administration and in response to the deal struck between the White House and Paul Weiss, an associate at Skadden Arps sent an all-staff email saying she would resign if the firm did not do more to stand up to Trump.
"This is not what I saw for my career or for my evening, but Paul Weiss' decision to cave to the Trump administration on DEI, representation, and staffing has forced my hand," she wrote. "We do not have time. It is either now or never, and if it's never, I will not continue to work here."
"Democratic voters are sending a clear message," said the head of Data for Progress. "The base is tired of weak opposition and business-as-usual politics."
A large majority of registered Democrats and Independent voters who lean Democratic are frustrated with the party, see no clear leader of it, and want to see elected officials fight harder for working people and against Republican President Donald Trump, according to a pair of polls released Friday.
"Democratic voters are sending a clear message: They want leaders who will fight Trump and put working people first," said Danielle Deiseroth, executive director of Data for Progress, the progressive think tank behind the surveys. "The base is tired of weak opposition and business-as-usual politics."
"This level of discontent is unsustainable for a party looking to build back in the wake of major losses—at a certain point, Democratic leaders will need to show voters that they are taking a stronger stance against Trump, or step aside for someone who will," Deiseroth added.
"This level of discontent is unsustainable for a party looking to build back in the wake of major losses."
The polling—released nearly five months after the election in which Democrats lost the White House and both chambers of Congress—shows that when asked how they would grade the Democratic Party on its response to Trump, who returned to power in January, 70% of voters said C or below, and 21% said F.
Voters were also divided in terms of who they see as the current leader of the Democratic Party. Former Vice President Kamala Harris, who lost the race for the White House in November, was at the top, but with only 17%. She was followed by former President Barack Obama and Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer (D-N.Y.), who tied at 15%.
House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries (D-N.Y.) tied with "no one" at 11%, followed by Sen. Bernie Sanders (I-Vt.) at 9% and Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez (D-N.Y.) at 6%.
Sanders, who sought the Democratic Party's presidential nomination in 2016 and 2020, announced Friday that Ocasio-Cortez will join the Los Angeles stop of his "Fighting Oligarchy: Where We Go From Here" tour on Saturday—as she did across the U.S. West last week, drawing the biggest crowd of either of their careers at a rally in Denver, Colorado.
"Today, the oligarchs and the billionaire class are getting richer and richer and have more and more power," Sanders said Friday. "Meanwhile, 60% of Americans live paycheck to paycheck, and most of our people are struggling to pay for healthcare, childcare, and housing. This country belongs to all of us, not just the few. We must fight back."
The new polling makes clear that voters want elected officials to fight back in a variety of ways, including legal challenges, media appearances, voter registration drives, letter-writing and phone-banking campaigns, procedural tactics like the filibuster, supporting worker walkouts, consumer boycotts, mass protests—including at government buildings—and disrupting Trump campaign events.
Voters are specifically disappointed with Schumer: 61% said he isn't doing enough to fight Trump. After being told about the Senate majority leader's decision earlier this month to lead a group of 10 caucus members who helped Republicans pass a stopgap spending bill, 51% said Democrats in the chamber should choose a new leader—and if they did, 66% of voters would want "someone who fights harder against Trump and the Republican agenda."
A large majority of voters of all ages want elderly Democratic Party leaders "to retire and pass the torch to the younger generation." Big majorities also want party leadership to be diverse in race and gender, and to prioritize funding for programs addressing issues such as healthcare and housing, even if it increases the national deficit.
As the party battles Trump and rebuilds after November's devastating losses, voters are stressing that Democrats must emphasize how they will fight for the working class. Large majorities urged them to focus on taking on corporate interests and the Democratic establishment, taxing the wealthy, lowering prices, and "laying out a bold, progressive agenda for economic and political reform."
The Data for Progress polling follows an internal survey conducted earlier this month by Our Revolution, the progressive political organizing group launched as a continuation of Sanders' 2016 presidential campaign. That survey of 9,024 members found that nearly 90% of respondents believe Schumer should step aside as Senate minority leader and 86% would support a primary challenger for his Senate seat, should he refuse to step aside. Calls for Ocasio-Cortez to primary him have mounted throughout the month.
"These survey results point to an undeniable crisis of confidence in Chuck Schumer and Democratic leadership at a time of unprecedented executive overreach and corporate takeover of the American federal government," Joseph Geevarghese, the executive director of Our Revolution, said at the time. "It's time to step up or step down."
The appeal to the Supreme Court is the latest move in an unfolding battle between the judiciary and the White House.
The U.S. Department of Justice on Friday appealed to the U.S. Supreme Court to lift a lower court restriction on the Trump administration's ability to continue to carrying out deportations using the 1798 Alien Enemies Act, a wartime authority U.S. President Donald Trump invoked in mid-March to deport Venezuelan immigrants he alleged, without evidence, were criminal gang members but who legal experts say are the victims of authoritarian overreach and still entitled to due process.
The deportees are currently being held at a megaprison in El Salvador, which U.S. Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem toured on Wednesday, in part to film a video in front of the incarcerated men—a move that was widely decried as sadistic and fascist behavior by a senior administration official.
On March 15, the same day that Trump published an executive order stating its intention to use the Alien Enemies Act to carry out deportations, U.S. District Judge James Boasberg issued a nationwide temporary restraining order, halting furthering removals of noncitizens under The Alien Enemies Act. The rarely used provision, never before invoked when the U.S. was not engaged in a war authorized by Congress, gives the president the ability to detain or deport noncitizens without first appearing before an immigration judge or federal court judge.
On Wednesday, a federal appeals court panel kept in place Boasberg's order while the court decides on the underlying legal issues in the case—prompting the Trump administration to appeal to the Supreme Court.
The administration is asking the court to overturn Boasberg's block, arguing that—in the words of Acting Solicitor General Sarah Harris—the "case presents fundamental questions about who decides how to conduct sensitive national-security-related operations in this country—the president, through Article II, or the judiciary, through [temporary restraining orders]."
As with other recent appeals from the Trump administration, according to CNN, the White House's argument before the Supreme Court leaned on complaints that the lower courts are standing in Trump's way.
"Only this court can stop rule-by-[temporary restraining order] from further upending the separation of powers—the sooner, the better," Harris told the Supreme Court. "Here, the district court's orders have rebuffed the president's judgments as to how to protect the nation against foreign terrorist organizations and risk debilitating effects for delicate foreign negotiations."
On March 18, Trump called Boasberg a “Radical Left Lunatic of a Judge, a troublemaker and agitator," and also said that "this judge, like many of the Crooked Judges' I am forced to appear before, should be IMPEACHED!!!" Rep. Brandon Gill (R-Texas) said a few days prior that he would be would "be filing articles of impeachment against activist Judge James Boasberg."
Days later, John Roberts, the conservative chief justice of the U.S. Supreme Court, issued a rare statement rebuking calls from Trump and members of his orbit for the impeachment of federal judges who have ruled against the administration.