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A child born in the U.S. is 76 percent more likely to die before reaching adulthood than a child born elsewhere in the developed world. (Photo: Fibonacci Blue/Flickr/cc)
A new report concludes 600,000 children have died in the United States for no reason over a 50-year period. Thousands more will die this year, and next year, and the year after that. 600,000 is a lot of people. it's more than the population of Tulsa, Oklahoma. Or Oakland, California. Or Minneapolis, Minnesota. Or Omaha, Miami, Atlanta, and Milwaukee.
An entire city of children has been lost.
This is the real "death tax." It's a tax on poverty, a tax on race, a tax on political powerlessness. And it's paid with the lives of the innocent.
These deaths should have led every news broadcast and been a banner headline in every newspaper in the country. They would have been, if terrorists had killed these kids. After all, we changed our way of life after 3,000 people died on 9/11. But after the deaths of 600,000 children, nothing's changed at all.
The report, published in the journal Health Affairs, compared child mortality in the United States with that of 19 other comparably developed nations. Here's what the authors found:
A child born in the U.S. is 76 percent more likely to die before reaching adulthood than a child born elsewhere in the developed world.
"From 2001 to 2010 the risk of death in the U.S. was 76 percent greater for infants and 57 percent greater for children ages 1-19."
"During this decade, children ages 15-19 were eighty-two times more likely to die from gun homicide in the U.S.. Over the fifty-year study period, the lagging U.S. performance amounted to over 600,000 excess deaths."
The leading cause of infant death was extreme immaturity, which was three times higher for American infants, followed by sudden infant death syndrome (SIDS).
For children aged 15 to 19, motor vehicle accidents were the leading cause of death. Significantly, these accidents were twice as likely to result in death in the U.S. The second-leading cause of death was gunfire. American teens were 82 times more likely to die by gun than their peers in the comparison countries.
"There is not a single category for which the (comparison countries) had higher mortality rates than the U.S. over the last three decades of our analysis."
The United States spends more on health care than the other countries, but has worse outcomes.
Although it spent more on health care, the U.S. "spent significantly less of its gross domestic product per capital on child health and welfare programs, compared to other wealthy nations." These programs also affect child health.
The U.S., say the report's authors, is "the most dangerous of wealthy nations for a child to be born into."
As the Los Angeles Times notes, "The study authors said their findings support the conclusions of the Institute of Medicine, which blamed a fragmented health system, poverty, a weak social safety net and other factors for 'poor health outcomes' in the U.S."
The authors reached the following conclusions:
"The care of children is a basic moral responsibility of our society. The U.S. outspends every other nation on health care per capital for children, yet outcomes remain poor."
"All U.S. policy makers, pediatric health professionals, child health advocates, and families should be troubled by these findings."
They also warn that Donald Trump's proposed budget cuts will make the situation even worse. And, as of this writing, Republicans in Congress have not renewed funding for the children's health insurance program known as CHIP. Parents are already being warned that their children's coverage could lapse as soon as next month if Congress doesn't act.
The Health Affairs report is new, but we've known about the systemic injustices in our healthcare system for a long time. African-American infant mortality rates are 2.2 times higher than those of non-Hispanic whites. They were 3.2 times more likely to die from complications due to low birthweight, and experienced more than twice the rate of Sudden Infant Death Syndrome (SIDS).
Racial disparities are even more pronounced when they are combined with geographic differences. The infant mortality rate in Mississippi is the highest in the country. At 9.4 deaths per thousand, that state is closer to Costa Rica, Botswana, and Sri Lanka than it is to the overall United States.
A 2015 study found that infants born Washington D.C.'s poorest neighborhood were ten times more likely to die than its richest infants. That neighborhood, Ward 8, was 93.5 percent black at the time. It also found that the nation's capital has a higher infant mortality rate than any other capital in the developed world.
Another recent infant mortality report found something else significant: The white, non-Hispanic infant mortality rate ranged from a low of 2.52 deaths per 1,000 in the Washington, DC to a high of 7.04 in Arkansas. That difference is, of itself, an injustice.
The mortality rate for black infants ranged from a low of 8.27 per 1,000 in Massachusetts to a high of 14.28 in Wisconsin. That means a black infant born in Wisconsin faces the same likelihood of death as an infant born in the West Bank of Palestine. She or he is more likely to die than an infant born in Colombia, or Jamaica, or Venezuela, or Tunisia.
Something else is striking about these race-based statistics: The country's worst white infant mortality rate is better than its best black rate. That is apartheid, and it is a moral crime.
A 2011 study compared World Health Organization data from the U.S. and 19 countries and found that the U.S. had the worst child mortality rates. Using a UNICEF standard of measurement, it concluded that "the USA health care system appears the least efficient and effective in 'meeting the needs of its children'."
Meeting the needs of our children: why can't we do it?
Many parents can't afford adequate healthcare for either expectant mothers or children. Many of the same parents also face barriers of entrenched racism. A news brief from the University of California, San Francisco offers the striking anecdote of "an ER physician who had lost a document and was searching frantically for it in the garbage bins behind ... San Francisco General Hospital and Trauma Center. What he found instead in the mountain of rubbish were crumpled prescription slips that patients had tossed in hospital trash cans throughout the week."
They had been tossed, not because parents didn't care, but because they couldn't afford to pay for the medications their children needed.
The brief goes on to describe physicians' efforts to provide care in the face of poverty, including "the nurse trying to help a mom living in a single-room-occupancy hotel find refrigeration for her son's antibiotic before an infection ruptures his second eardrum."
A 2017 survey conducted by NPR, the Robert Wood Johnson Foundation, and the Harvard School of Public Health found that 22 percent of African Americans reported that they avoided needed medical care because of fear of discrimination, and more than half did not go to the doctor when they needed care because of cost.
A similar survey of Hispanic Americans found that 17 percent avoiding medical care out of fear of discrimination, while 58 percent reported that they did not seek medical care because of the cost.
Insurance matters, too. A 2002 report from the Institute of Medicine (U.S.) Committee on the Consequences of Uninsurance concluded that "Uninsured women receive fewer prenatal care services than their insured counterparts and report greater difficulty in obtaining the care that they believe they need."
That report also found, unsurprisingly, that "Health insurance status affects the care received by women giving birth and their newborns. Uninsured women and their newborns receive, on average, less prenatal care and fewer expensive perinatal services."
It concluded, "Uninsured newborns are more likely to have adverse outcomes, including low birth weight and death, than are insured newborns."
Poverty itself makes people sick.
Environmental problems plague lower-income communities and communities of color. Jasmine Bell listed five of the environmental injustices faced by communities of color, including higher exposure to air pollution; greater proximity to landfills, toxic waste sites, and industrial facilities; higher rates of lead poisoning; water contamination; and greater vulnerability to the effects of climate change.
Each of these factors can directly affect the health of children. An in-depth report in Scientific American, "Pollution, Poverty and People of Color: Children at Risk," detailed the harmful health effects of environmental pollution and chronic stress. The complex relationship between poverty and health was explored further in a journal article entitled "Epigenetics and Understanding the Impact of Social Determinants of Health."
Low-income housing can make you sick, too. A report for the Philadelphia Department of Health outlined the harmful impact of inadequate housing on children's health. Housing can cause or exacerbate asthma, lead poisoning, and physical injury, and can inflict emotional harm on both parents and children.
Childhood obesity is singled out in the Health Affairs study. It's worse among poor children, and its effects are more severe. Other factors affecting child health include nutrition for both mothers and children.
The 2018 World Inequality Report (by Alvarado, Chancel, Piketty, Saez, and Zucman) found that "the divergence in inequality levels has been particularly extreme between Western Europe and the United States, which had similar levels of inequality in 1980 but today are in radically different situations."
Today, according to a related paper, the top percent earn more than 20 percent of the nation's income, up from 10 percent in the 1970s. The share going to the bottom 50 percent of earners fell from 20 percent of national income to 12 percent.
Why do we spend more on health care than other countries, and get less in return? There are many answers to that question. One of them is inequality of care. Some people can afford all the medical treatment they need. Others, even those with health insurance, may struggle to get needed care. Others have no way of affording it. And our system permits financial exploitation by pharmaceutical companies and other for-profit players, leaving less money for actual care.
The UN Special Rapporteur for Extreme Poverty and Human Rights, Phillip Alston, recently visited the United States. In an eloquent and comprehensive statement at the end of that visit, Alston noted the erosion of democracy in the U.S. and said:
"My visit coincides with a dramatic change of direction in U.S. policies relating to inequality and extreme poverty... The dramatic cuts in welfare, foreshadowed by the President and Speaker Ryan, and already beginning to be implemented by the administration, will essentially shred crucial dimensions of a safety net that is already full of holes."
To be clear, the problems with U.S. child mortality began well before the 1980s, when inequality began to soar. But inequality makes the problem worse, and the growing political power of the wealthy makes it more difficult to find solutions. Healthcare remains inaccessible to millions of Americans, with that number about to increase dramatically. 40 million Americans are still impoverished, including more than one child in five.
Antipoverty programs reduced the national poverty rate from 26 percent in 1967 to 15 percent in 2015 but, as the Center for Budget Policies and Priorities has documented, that figure would return to its 1967 levels if those programs were eliminated.
That's why authors of the Health Affairs report are so concerned about Trump's budget and its impact on child mortality in this country. It's why we should all be concerned about the Republicans' refusal to renew the CHIP program, at least so far.
Sure, House Speaker Paul Ryan talks a good game about this critical program. But, as Dylan Matthews points out, he's had more than enough time to protect it. Worse, Ryan's lifelong ideology of stripping the poor of even minimal government support stands in opposition to programs like CHIP - and his ideology is shared by many members of his party.
The Republicans may pass some version of it eventually, if only out of fear of the political consequences. But for now, unfortunately, they're holding it - and the 9 million American children who depend on it - hostage, as part of their budget gamesmanship.
We're willing to keep tens of millions of Americans in perpetual poverty, and to sacrifice the children of poor and working Americans, to perpetuate a system that gives us growing inequality and the loss of political and economic power. Why are we so indifferent to these children?
In part, it's a problem of white indifference. Contrary to popular white assumptions, 31 percent of poor children are white, and 24 percent are black. 36 percent are Hispanic, and 1 percent are indigenous. But most white people probably don't know that. Their racial stereotypes allow them to assume that the poor are "other." For some, that results in a lack of empathy.
Nevertheless, people of color are hardest hit by poverty. Although they are not the largest group of the poor, they are disproportionately affected because they are minorities. Overall, only 14 percent of white toddlers and infants in this country is poor. By contrast, 42 percent of all black children in this group are poor. So are one-third of all Hispanic children, and 37 percent of Native American children.
But most white people don't know that, and many don't care.
Sexism is also a major source of the problem. Child health depends heavily on a mother's health, both during pregnancy and afterwards. Our culture, political and otherwise, has been notoriously indifferent - if not downright hostile - to the health needs of American women.
The needs of working women are also a subject of political neglect. Wage theft, unplanned shift changes, low wages, hostile work environments, lack of family leave: all these factors make life hard for working mothers to provide for their children, give them a healthy environment, and get them the medical care they need.
Even the subject of children's health itself is often treated as a "women's issue," as if men don't care about their kids. In our sick political life, it's not helpful when something is labeled a "women's issue."
Then there's greed. In our oligarchical political system, neither child health nor income inequality can be addressed without mildly inconveniencing the very wealthy.
Democratic politicians aren't talking enough about this issue, either. That's partially because they need donors, too. And they, like others, follow the media's lead more than they guide it.
Perhaps they, and the well-intentioned voters who support them, could spend less time mocking the personal qualities of Republicans they don't like and more time talking about the deaths of American children.
Breaking the Circle
The child mortality study begins in 1961. The youngest child to die needlessly that year would be 56 years old today, and the oldest would in her seventies. Many of them would have had children, and grandchildren, of their own. Theirs are the faces we don't see, the voices we don't hear. Their thoughts and ideas and deeds, which might have enriched our lives in so many ways, will never be expressed.
Poverty and inequality not the only cause of child death, of course. But they are leading factors. The policies being pursued today will lead to more poor people, and fewer services to care for their children's health and well-being.
We can't address poverty or inadequate health care without addressing inequality. And we can't do that without paying more attention to the deaths of America's children.
If terrorists had taken their lives, we'd hear about it night and day. But these children were killed instead by bigotry, political cynicism, and greed. Politicians and the press will keep looking the other way, and the deaths will continue.
Unless the public demands that they stop.
Trump and Musk are on an unconstitutional rampage, aiming for virtually every corner of the federal government. These two right-wing billionaires are targeting nurses, scientists, teachers, daycare providers, judges, veterans, air traffic controllers, and nuclear safety inspectors. No one is safe. The food stamps program, Social Security, Medicare, and Medicaid are next. It’s an unprecedented disaster and a five-alarm fire, but there will be a reckoning. The people did not vote for this. The American people do not want this dystopian hellscape that hides behind claims of “efficiency.” Still, in reality, it is all a giveaway to corporate interests and the libertarian dreams of far-right oligarchs like Musk. Common Dreams is playing a vital role by reporting day and night on this orgy of corruption and greed, as well as what everyday people can do to organize and fight back. As a people-powered nonprofit news outlet, we cover issues the corporate media never will, but we can only continue with our readers’ support. |
Richard (RJ) Eskow is a journalist who has written for a number of major publications. His weekly program, The Zero Hour, can be found on cable television, radio, Spotify, and podcast media.
A new report concludes 600,000 children have died in the United States for no reason over a 50-year period. Thousands more will die this year, and next year, and the year after that. 600,000 is a lot of people. it's more than the population of Tulsa, Oklahoma. Or Oakland, California. Or Minneapolis, Minnesota. Or Omaha, Miami, Atlanta, and Milwaukee.
An entire city of children has been lost.
This is the real "death tax." It's a tax on poverty, a tax on race, a tax on political powerlessness. And it's paid with the lives of the innocent.
These deaths should have led every news broadcast and been a banner headline in every newspaper in the country. They would have been, if terrorists had killed these kids. After all, we changed our way of life after 3,000 people died on 9/11. But after the deaths of 600,000 children, nothing's changed at all.
The report, published in the journal Health Affairs, compared child mortality in the United States with that of 19 other comparably developed nations. Here's what the authors found:
A child born in the U.S. is 76 percent more likely to die before reaching adulthood than a child born elsewhere in the developed world.
"From 2001 to 2010 the risk of death in the U.S. was 76 percent greater for infants and 57 percent greater for children ages 1-19."
"During this decade, children ages 15-19 were eighty-two times more likely to die from gun homicide in the U.S.. Over the fifty-year study period, the lagging U.S. performance amounted to over 600,000 excess deaths."
The leading cause of infant death was extreme immaturity, which was three times higher for American infants, followed by sudden infant death syndrome (SIDS).
For children aged 15 to 19, motor vehicle accidents were the leading cause of death. Significantly, these accidents were twice as likely to result in death in the U.S. The second-leading cause of death was gunfire. American teens were 82 times more likely to die by gun than their peers in the comparison countries.
"There is not a single category for which the (comparison countries) had higher mortality rates than the U.S. over the last three decades of our analysis."
The United States spends more on health care than the other countries, but has worse outcomes.
Although it spent more on health care, the U.S. "spent significantly less of its gross domestic product per capital on child health and welfare programs, compared to other wealthy nations." These programs also affect child health.
The U.S., say the report's authors, is "the most dangerous of wealthy nations for a child to be born into."
As the Los Angeles Times notes, "The study authors said their findings support the conclusions of the Institute of Medicine, which blamed a fragmented health system, poverty, a weak social safety net and other factors for 'poor health outcomes' in the U.S."
The authors reached the following conclusions:
"The care of children is a basic moral responsibility of our society. The U.S. outspends every other nation on health care per capital for children, yet outcomes remain poor."
"All U.S. policy makers, pediatric health professionals, child health advocates, and families should be troubled by these findings."
They also warn that Donald Trump's proposed budget cuts will make the situation even worse. And, as of this writing, Republicans in Congress have not renewed funding for the children's health insurance program known as CHIP. Parents are already being warned that their children's coverage could lapse as soon as next month if Congress doesn't act.
The Health Affairs report is new, but we've known about the systemic injustices in our healthcare system for a long time. African-American infant mortality rates are 2.2 times higher than those of non-Hispanic whites. They were 3.2 times more likely to die from complications due to low birthweight, and experienced more than twice the rate of Sudden Infant Death Syndrome (SIDS).
Racial disparities are even more pronounced when they are combined with geographic differences. The infant mortality rate in Mississippi is the highest in the country. At 9.4 deaths per thousand, that state is closer to Costa Rica, Botswana, and Sri Lanka than it is to the overall United States.
A 2015 study found that infants born Washington D.C.'s poorest neighborhood were ten times more likely to die than its richest infants. That neighborhood, Ward 8, was 93.5 percent black at the time. It also found that the nation's capital has a higher infant mortality rate than any other capital in the developed world.
Another recent infant mortality report found something else significant: The white, non-Hispanic infant mortality rate ranged from a low of 2.52 deaths per 1,000 in the Washington, DC to a high of 7.04 in Arkansas. That difference is, of itself, an injustice.
The mortality rate for black infants ranged from a low of 8.27 per 1,000 in Massachusetts to a high of 14.28 in Wisconsin. That means a black infant born in Wisconsin faces the same likelihood of death as an infant born in the West Bank of Palestine. She or he is more likely to die than an infant born in Colombia, or Jamaica, or Venezuela, or Tunisia.
Something else is striking about these race-based statistics: The country's worst white infant mortality rate is better than its best black rate. That is apartheid, and it is a moral crime.
A 2011 study compared World Health Organization data from the U.S. and 19 countries and found that the U.S. had the worst child mortality rates. Using a UNICEF standard of measurement, it concluded that "the USA health care system appears the least efficient and effective in 'meeting the needs of its children'."
Meeting the needs of our children: why can't we do it?
Many parents can't afford adequate healthcare for either expectant mothers or children. Many of the same parents also face barriers of entrenched racism. A news brief from the University of California, San Francisco offers the striking anecdote of "an ER physician who had lost a document and was searching frantically for it in the garbage bins behind ... San Francisco General Hospital and Trauma Center. What he found instead in the mountain of rubbish were crumpled prescription slips that patients had tossed in hospital trash cans throughout the week."
They had been tossed, not because parents didn't care, but because they couldn't afford to pay for the medications their children needed.
The brief goes on to describe physicians' efforts to provide care in the face of poverty, including "the nurse trying to help a mom living in a single-room-occupancy hotel find refrigeration for her son's antibiotic before an infection ruptures his second eardrum."
A 2017 survey conducted by NPR, the Robert Wood Johnson Foundation, and the Harvard School of Public Health found that 22 percent of African Americans reported that they avoided needed medical care because of fear of discrimination, and more than half did not go to the doctor when they needed care because of cost.
A similar survey of Hispanic Americans found that 17 percent avoiding medical care out of fear of discrimination, while 58 percent reported that they did not seek medical care because of the cost.
Insurance matters, too. A 2002 report from the Institute of Medicine (U.S.) Committee on the Consequences of Uninsurance concluded that "Uninsured women receive fewer prenatal care services than their insured counterparts and report greater difficulty in obtaining the care that they believe they need."
That report also found, unsurprisingly, that "Health insurance status affects the care received by women giving birth and their newborns. Uninsured women and their newborns receive, on average, less prenatal care and fewer expensive perinatal services."
It concluded, "Uninsured newborns are more likely to have adverse outcomes, including low birth weight and death, than are insured newborns."
Poverty itself makes people sick.
Environmental problems plague lower-income communities and communities of color. Jasmine Bell listed five of the environmental injustices faced by communities of color, including higher exposure to air pollution; greater proximity to landfills, toxic waste sites, and industrial facilities; higher rates of lead poisoning; water contamination; and greater vulnerability to the effects of climate change.
Each of these factors can directly affect the health of children. An in-depth report in Scientific American, "Pollution, Poverty and People of Color: Children at Risk," detailed the harmful health effects of environmental pollution and chronic stress. The complex relationship between poverty and health was explored further in a journal article entitled "Epigenetics and Understanding the Impact of Social Determinants of Health."
Low-income housing can make you sick, too. A report for the Philadelphia Department of Health outlined the harmful impact of inadequate housing on children's health. Housing can cause or exacerbate asthma, lead poisoning, and physical injury, and can inflict emotional harm on both parents and children.
Childhood obesity is singled out in the Health Affairs study. It's worse among poor children, and its effects are more severe. Other factors affecting child health include nutrition for both mothers and children.
The 2018 World Inequality Report (by Alvarado, Chancel, Piketty, Saez, and Zucman) found that "the divergence in inequality levels has been particularly extreme between Western Europe and the United States, which had similar levels of inequality in 1980 but today are in radically different situations."
Today, according to a related paper, the top percent earn more than 20 percent of the nation's income, up from 10 percent in the 1970s. The share going to the bottom 50 percent of earners fell from 20 percent of national income to 12 percent.
Why do we spend more on health care than other countries, and get less in return? There are many answers to that question. One of them is inequality of care. Some people can afford all the medical treatment they need. Others, even those with health insurance, may struggle to get needed care. Others have no way of affording it. And our system permits financial exploitation by pharmaceutical companies and other for-profit players, leaving less money for actual care.
The UN Special Rapporteur for Extreme Poverty and Human Rights, Phillip Alston, recently visited the United States. In an eloquent and comprehensive statement at the end of that visit, Alston noted the erosion of democracy in the U.S. and said:
"My visit coincides with a dramatic change of direction in U.S. policies relating to inequality and extreme poverty... The dramatic cuts in welfare, foreshadowed by the President and Speaker Ryan, and already beginning to be implemented by the administration, will essentially shred crucial dimensions of a safety net that is already full of holes."
To be clear, the problems with U.S. child mortality began well before the 1980s, when inequality began to soar. But inequality makes the problem worse, and the growing political power of the wealthy makes it more difficult to find solutions. Healthcare remains inaccessible to millions of Americans, with that number about to increase dramatically. 40 million Americans are still impoverished, including more than one child in five.
Antipoverty programs reduced the national poverty rate from 26 percent in 1967 to 15 percent in 2015 but, as the Center for Budget Policies and Priorities has documented, that figure would return to its 1967 levels if those programs were eliminated.
That's why authors of the Health Affairs report are so concerned about Trump's budget and its impact on child mortality in this country. It's why we should all be concerned about the Republicans' refusal to renew the CHIP program, at least so far.
Sure, House Speaker Paul Ryan talks a good game about this critical program. But, as Dylan Matthews points out, he's had more than enough time to protect it. Worse, Ryan's lifelong ideology of stripping the poor of even minimal government support stands in opposition to programs like CHIP - and his ideology is shared by many members of his party.
The Republicans may pass some version of it eventually, if only out of fear of the political consequences. But for now, unfortunately, they're holding it - and the 9 million American children who depend on it - hostage, as part of their budget gamesmanship.
We're willing to keep tens of millions of Americans in perpetual poverty, and to sacrifice the children of poor and working Americans, to perpetuate a system that gives us growing inequality and the loss of political and economic power. Why are we so indifferent to these children?
In part, it's a problem of white indifference. Contrary to popular white assumptions, 31 percent of poor children are white, and 24 percent are black. 36 percent are Hispanic, and 1 percent are indigenous. But most white people probably don't know that. Their racial stereotypes allow them to assume that the poor are "other." For some, that results in a lack of empathy.
Nevertheless, people of color are hardest hit by poverty. Although they are not the largest group of the poor, they are disproportionately affected because they are minorities. Overall, only 14 percent of white toddlers and infants in this country is poor. By contrast, 42 percent of all black children in this group are poor. So are one-third of all Hispanic children, and 37 percent of Native American children.
But most white people don't know that, and many don't care.
Sexism is also a major source of the problem. Child health depends heavily on a mother's health, both during pregnancy and afterwards. Our culture, political and otherwise, has been notoriously indifferent - if not downright hostile - to the health needs of American women.
The needs of working women are also a subject of political neglect. Wage theft, unplanned shift changes, low wages, hostile work environments, lack of family leave: all these factors make life hard for working mothers to provide for their children, give them a healthy environment, and get them the medical care they need.
Even the subject of children's health itself is often treated as a "women's issue," as if men don't care about their kids. In our sick political life, it's not helpful when something is labeled a "women's issue."
Then there's greed. In our oligarchical political system, neither child health nor income inequality can be addressed without mildly inconveniencing the very wealthy.
Democratic politicians aren't talking enough about this issue, either. That's partially because they need donors, too. And they, like others, follow the media's lead more than they guide it.
Perhaps they, and the well-intentioned voters who support them, could spend less time mocking the personal qualities of Republicans they don't like and more time talking about the deaths of American children.
Breaking the Circle
The child mortality study begins in 1961. The youngest child to die needlessly that year would be 56 years old today, and the oldest would in her seventies. Many of them would have had children, and grandchildren, of their own. Theirs are the faces we don't see, the voices we don't hear. Their thoughts and ideas and deeds, which might have enriched our lives in so many ways, will never be expressed.
Poverty and inequality not the only cause of child death, of course. But they are leading factors. The policies being pursued today will lead to more poor people, and fewer services to care for their children's health and well-being.
We can't address poverty or inadequate health care without addressing inequality. And we can't do that without paying more attention to the deaths of America's children.
If terrorists had taken their lives, we'd hear about it night and day. But these children were killed instead by bigotry, political cynicism, and greed. Politicians and the press will keep looking the other way, and the deaths will continue.
Unless the public demands that they stop.
Richard (RJ) Eskow is a journalist who has written for a number of major publications. His weekly program, The Zero Hour, can be found on cable television, radio, Spotify, and podcast media.
A new report concludes 600,000 children have died in the United States for no reason over a 50-year period. Thousands more will die this year, and next year, and the year after that. 600,000 is a lot of people. it's more than the population of Tulsa, Oklahoma. Or Oakland, California. Or Minneapolis, Minnesota. Or Omaha, Miami, Atlanta, and Milwaukee.
An entire city of children has been lost.
This is the real "death tax." It's a tax on poverty, a tax on race, a tax on political powerlessness. And it's paid with the lives of the innocent.
These deaths should have led every news broadcast and been a banner headline in every newspaper in the country. They would have been, if terrorists had killed these kids. After all, we changed our way of life after 3,000 people died on 9/11. But after the deaths of 600,000 children, nothing's changed at all.
The report, published in the journal Health Affairs, compared child mortality in the United States with that of 19 other comparably developed nations. Here's what the authors found:
A child born in the U.S. is 76 percent more likely to die before reaching adulthood than a child born elsewhere in the developed world.
"From 2001 to 2010 the risk of death in the U.S. was 76 percent greater for infants and 57 percent greater for children ages 1-19."
"During this decade, children ages 15-19 were eighty-two times more likely to die from gun homicide in the U.S.. Over the fifty-year study period, the lagging U.S. performance amounted to over 600,000 excess deaths."
The leading cause of infant death was extreme immaturity, which was three times higher for American infants, followed by sudden infant death syndrome (SIDS).
For children aged 15 to 19, motor vehicle accidents were the leading cause of death. Significantly, these accidents were twice as likely to result in death in the U.S. The second-leading cause of death was gunfire. American teens were 82 times more likely to die by gun than their peers in the comparison countries.
"There is not a single category for which the (comparison countries) had higher mortality rates than the U.S. over the last three decades of our analysis."
The United States spends more on health care than the other countries, but has worse outcomes.
Although it spent more on health care, the U.S. "spent significantly less of its gross domestic product per capital on child health and welfare programs, compared to other wealthy nations." These programs also affect child health.
The U.S., say the report's authors, is "the most dangerous of wealthy nations for a child to be born into."
As the Los Angeles Times notes, "The study authors said their findings support the conclusions of the Institute of Medicine, which blamed a fragmented health system, poverty, a weak social safety net and other factors for 'poor health outcomes' in the U.S."
The authors reached the following conclusions:
"The care of children is a basic moral responsibility of our society. The U.S. outspends every other nation on health care per capital for children, yet outcomes remain poor."
"All U.S. policy makers, pediatric health professionals, child health advocates, and families should be troubled by these findings."
They also warn that Donald Trump's proposed budget cuts will make the situation even worse. And, as of this writing, Republicans in Congress have not renewed funding for the children's health insurance program known as CHIP. Parents are already being warned that their children's coverage could lapse as soon as next month if Congress doesn't act.
The Health Affairs report is new, but we've known about the systemic injustices in our healthcare system for a long time. African-American infant mortality rates are 2.2 times higher than those of non-Hispanic whites. They were 3.2 times more likely to die from complications due to low birthweight, and experienced more than twice the rate of Sudden Infant Death Syndrome (SIDS).
Racial disparities are even more pronounced when they are combined with geographic differences. The infant mortality rate in Mississippi is the highest in the country. At 9.4 deaths per thousand, that state is closer to Costa Rica, Botswana, and Sri Lanka than it is to the overall United States.
A 2015 study found that infants born Washington D.C.'s poorest neighborhood were ten times more likely to die than its richest infants. That neighborhood, Ward 8, was 93.5 percent black at the time. It also found that the nation's capital has a higher infant mortality rate than any other capital in the developed world.
Another recent infant mortality report found something else significant: The white, non-Hispanic infant mortality rate ranged from a low of 2.52 deaths per 1,000 in the Washington, DC to a high of 7.04 in Arkansas. That difference is, of itself, an injustice.
The mortality rate for black infants ranged from a low of 8.27 per 1,000 in Massachusetts to a high of 14.28 in Wisconsin. That means a black infant born in Wisconsin faces the same likelihood of death as an infant born in the West Bank of Palestine. She or he is more likely to die than an infant born in Colombia, or Jamaica, or Venezuela, or Tunisia.
Something else is striking about these race-based statistics: The country's worst white infant mortality rate is better than its best black rate. That is apartheid, and it is a moral crime.
A 2011 study compared World Health Organization data from the U.S. and 19 countries and found that the U.S. had the worst child mortality rates. Using a UNICEF standard of measurement, it concluded that "the USA health care system appears the least efficient and effective in 'meeting the needs of its children'."
Meeting the needs of our children: why can't we do it?
Many parents can't afford adequate healthcare for either expectant mothers or children. Many of the same parents also face barriers of entrenched racism. A news brief from the University of California, San Francisco offers the striking anecdote of "an ER physician who had lost a document and was searching frantically for it in the garbage bins behind ... San Francisco General Hospital and Trauma Center. What he found instead in the mountain of rubbish were crumpled prescription slips that patients had tossed in hospital trash cans throughout the week."
They had been tossed, not because parents didn't care, but because they couldn't afford to pay for the medications their children needed.
The brief goes on to describe physicians' efforts to provide care in the face of poverty, including "the nurse trying to help a mom living in a single-room-occupancy hotel find refrigeration for her son's antibiotic before an infection ruptures his second eardrum."
A 2017 survey conducted by NPR, the Robert Wood Johnson Foundation, and the Harvard School of Public Health found that 22 percent of African Americans reported that they avoided needed medical care because of fear of discrimination, and more than half did not go to the doctor when they needed care because of cost.
A similar survey of Hispanic Americans found that 17 percent avoiding medical care out of fear of discrimination, while 58 percent reported that they did not seek medical care because of the cost.
Insurance matters, too. A 2002 report from the Institute of Medicine (U.S.) Committee on the Consequences of Uninsurance concluded that "Uninsured women receive fewer prenatal care services than their insured counterparts and report greater difficulty in obtaining the care that they believe they need."
That report also found, unsurprisingly, that "Health insurance status affects the care received by women giving birth and their newborns. Uninsured women and their newborns receive, on average, less prenatal care and fewer expensive perinatal services."
It concluded, "Uninsured newborns are more likely to have adverse outcomes, including low birth weight and death, than are insured newborns."
Poverty itself makes people sick.
Environmental problems plague lower-income communities and communities of color. Jasmine Bell listed five of the environmental injustices faced by communities of color, including higher exposure to air pollution; greater proximity to landfills, toxic waste sites, and industrial facilities; higher rates of lead poisoning; water contamination; and greater vulnerability to the effects of climate change.
Each of these factors can directly affect the health of children. An in-depth report in Scientific American, "Pollution, Poverty and People of Color: Children at Risk," detailed the harmful health effects of environmental pollution and chronic stress. The complex relationship between poverty and health was explored further in a journal article entitled "Epigenetics and Understanding the Impact of Social Determinants of Health."
Low-income housing can make you sick, too. A report for the Philadelphia Department of Health outlined the harmful impact of inadequate housing on children's health. Housing can cause or exacerbate asthma, lead poisoning, and physical injury, and can inflict emotional harm on both parents and children.
Childhood obesity is singled out in the Health Affairs study. It's worse among poor children, and its effects are more severe. Other factors affecting child health include nutrition for both mothers and children.
The 2018 World Inequality Report (by Alvarado, Chancel, Piketty, Saez, and Zucman) found that "the divergence in inequality levels has been particularly extreme between Western Europe and the United States, which had similar levels of inequality in 1980 but today are in radically different situations."
Today, according to a related paper, the top percent earn more than 20 percent of the nation's income, up from 10 percent in the 1970s. The share going to the bottom 50 percent of earners fell from 20 percent of national income to 12 percent.
Why do we spend more on health care than other countries, and get less in return? There are many answers to that question. One of them is inequality of care. Some people can afford all the medical treatment they need. Others, even those with health insurance, may struggle to get needed care. Others have no way of affording it. And our system permits financial exploitation by pharmaceutical companies and other for-profit players, leaving less money for actual care.
The UN Special Rapporteur for Extreme Poverty and Human Rights, Phillip Alston, recently visited the United States. In an eloquent and comprehensive statement at the end of that visit, Alston noted the erosion of democracy in the U.S. and said:
"My visit coincides with a dramatic change of direction in U.S. policies relating to inequality and extreme poverty... The dramatic cuts in welfare, foreshadowed by the President and Speaker Ryan, and already beginning to be implemented by the administration, will essentially shred crucial dimensions of a safety net that is already full of holes."
To be clear, the problems with U.S. child mortality began well before the 1980s, when inequality began to soar. But inequality makes the problem worse, and the growing political power of the wealthy makes it more difficult to find solutions. Healthcare remains inaccessible to millions of Americans, with that number about to increase dramatically. 40 million Americans are still impoverished, including more than one child in five.
Antipoverty programs reduced the national poverty rate from 26 percent in 1967 to 15 percent in 2015 but, as the Center for Budget Policies and Priorities has documented, that figure would return to its 1967 levels if those programs were eliminated.
That's why authors of the Health Affairs report are so concerned about Trump's budget and its impact on child mortality in this country. It's why we should all be concerned about the Republicans' refusal to renew the CHIP program, at least so far.
Sure, House Speaker Paul Ryan talks a good game about this critical program. But, as Dylan Matthews points out, he's had more than enough time to protect it. Worse, Ryan's lifelong ideology of stripping the poor of even minimal government support stands in opposition to programs like CHIP - and his ideology is shared by many members of his party.
The Republicans may pass some version of it eventually, if only out of fear of the political consequences. But for now, unfortunately, they're holding it - and the 9 million American children who depend on it - hostage, as part of their budget gamesmanship.
We're willing to keep tens of millions of Americans in perpetual poverty, and to sacrifice the children of poor and working Americans, to perpetuate a system that gives us growing inequality and the loss of political and economic power. Why are we so indifferent to these children?
In part, it's a problem of white indifference. Contrary to popular white assumptions, 31 percent of poor children are white, and 24 percent are black. 36 percent are Hispanic, and 1 percent are indigenous. But most white people probably don't know that. Their racial stereotypes allow them to assume that the poor are "other." For some, that results in a lack of empathy.
Nevertheless, people of color are hardest hit by poverty. Although they are not the largest group of the poor, they are disproportionately affected because they are minorities. Overall, only 14 percent of white toddlers and infants in this country is poor. By contrast, 42 percent of all black children in this group are poor. So are one-third of all Hispanic children, and 37 percent of Native American children.
But most white people don't know that, and many don't care.
Sexism is also a major source of the problem. Child health depends heavily on a mother's health, both during pregnancy and afterwards. Our culture, political and otherwise, has been notoriously indifferent - if not downright hostile - to the health needs of American women.
The needs of working women are also a subject of political neglect. Wage theft, unplanned shift changes, low wages, hostile work environments, lack of family leave: all these factors make life hard for working mothers to provide for their children, give them a healthy environment, and get them the medical care they need.
Even the subject of children's health itself is often treated as a "women's issue," as if men don't care about their kids. In our sick political life, it's not helpful when something is labeled a "women's issue."
Then there's greed. In our oligarchical political system, neither child health nor income inequality can be addressed without mildly inconveniencing the very wealthy.
Democratic politicians aren't talking enough about this issue, either. That's partially because they need donors, too. And they, like others, follow the media's lead more than they guide it.
Perhaps they, and the well-intentioned voters who support them, could spend less time mocking the personal qualities of Republicans they don't like and more time talking about the deaths of American children.
Breaking the Circle
The child mortality study begins in 1961. The youngest child to die needlessly that year would be 56 years old today, and the oldest would in her seventies. Many of them would have had children, and grandchildren, of their own. Theirs are the faces we don't see, the voices we don't hear. Their thoughts and ideas and deeds, which might have enriched our lives in so many ways, will never be expressed.
Poverty and inequality not the only cause of child death, of course. But they are leading factors. The policies being pursued today will lead to more poor people, and fewer services to care for their children's health and well-being.
We can't address poverty or inadequate health care without addressing inequality. And we can't do that without paying more attention to the deaths of America's children.
If terrorists had taken their lives, we'd hear about it night and day. But these children were killed instead by bigotry, political cynicism, and greed. Politicians and the press will keep looking the other way, and the deaths will continue.
Unless the public demands that they stop.
"The Delaware lawmakers that enacted S.B. 21 are lapdogs for corporations and Musk," said one expert at the Open Markets Institute.
While Democratic Gov. Matt Meyer declared that "Delaware is the best place in the world to incorporate your business, and Senate Bill 21 will help keep it that way," critics reiterated concerns about the corporate-friendly state legislation he signed this week.
The Delaware House of Representatives sent the Senate-approved S.B. 21 to Meyer's desk on Tuesday in a 32-7 vote, with two members absent. The Delaware Business Times reported that the governor "arrived in Dover to sign the measure into law less than two hours after it passed," and "the bill signing was closed to the press."
The bill sailed through the Delaware General Assembly despite anti-monopoly, economic, and legal experts blasting it as a "corporate insider power grab" and accusing state legislators of choosing "billionaire insiders—like Elon Musk and Mark Zuckerberg—over pension funds, retirement savers, and other investors."
Delaware Working Families Party (WFP) political director Karl Stomberg said in a Wednesday statement that "at a time when rank-and-file Democrats across the country are begging their leaders to stand up to" President Donald Trump and Musk, his billionaire adviser, Democratic lawmakers in the state "just gave Musk a $56 billion handout."
That's a reference to Musk's 2018 compensation package for his electric vehicle maker, Tesla, which a Delaware judge ruled against, prompting the richest billionaire on Earth to ditch the state and encourage other business leaders to do the same. Fears of a potential "Dexit" led to lawmakers' frantic effort to pass S.B. 21.
"The Working Families Party has been standing up against this proposed bill for weeks now, and we recognize the need to fight back against corporate overreach in our government," said Stomberg. "WFP electeds proposed serious amendments to address our concerns with the bill that would protect the people of Delaware, but the Democrats chose to side with Musk and vote them down."
"This bill is an indictment of the failed Delaware Way, which continues to allow big corporations and the ultrawealthy like Elon Musk and Mark Zuckerberg to enrich themselves at the expense of working people," added Stomberg.
Zuckerberg is the CEO of Meta, Facebook and Instagram's parent company. CNBC recently revealed that "a day after The Wall Street Journal published its story on Meta considering a Delaware departure, Meyer, who was brand new to the job, convened an online meeting with attorneys from law firms that have represented Meta, Musk, Tesla, and others in shareholder disputes in the state, according to public records obtained by CNBC. Other attendees included members of the Delaware Legislature."
"The following day, records show, Meyer invited a second group to meet with him and new Secretary of State Charuni Patibanda-Sanchez. That invitation went to Kate Kelly, Meta's corporate secretary, and to Dan Sachs, the company's senior national director of state and local policy," according to CNBC. "The invite also went to James Honaker, an attorney with Morris Nichols, a firm that's represented Meta in federal court in Delaware, and to William Chandler, former chancellor of the Delaware Court of Chancery, who is now part of Wilson Sonsini's Delaware litigation practice."
Just weeks after those meetings, the governor urged state lawmakers to swiftly pass S.B. 21. The Lever's Luke Goldstein wrote Wednesday that "the timing of the emails obtained by CNBC reveals clear motivations driving the current law which was rushed before the Legislature last month by the new governor: to let top executives off the hook for legal liabilities."
In earlier reporting, Goldstein highlighted that "Delaware, which has long been perceived as a billionaire playground and corporate tax haven, is the incorporation home to more than 60% of all Fortune 500 companies. That means, if enacted, the wide-ranging regulatory handouts in the bill will have sweeping consequences for corporate behavior across the country."
The Lever's founder, David Sirota, on Wednesday lamented the limited attention the Delaware law is receiving, compared with a major national security breach involving several top Trump officials' unsecure group chat about war plans. As he put it, "Cannot overstate how significant this is—while the national media is focused on the D.C. drama, a group of Democrats off the radar in a tiny state just radically shifted more power to the planet's largest corporations via world-changing legislation."
Daniel Hanley, senior legal analyst at the Open Markets Institute, said Wednesday that "the Delaware lawmakers that enacted S.B. 21 are lapdogs for corporations and Musk. How this one state came to control practically all of American corporate law is a long story, but regardless, Congress can and should take the power away."
"These are not people who want to make America healthy," said one advocate for people with disabilities. "They want to make the sick disappear."
The U.S. Department of Health and Human Services canceled more than $12 billion in federal funding for state health departments across the nation, money that is used to track infectious diseases and provide mental health services, addiction treatment, and other critical care.
NBC News reported Wednesday that $11.4 billion of the canceled grants were earmarked by the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) for state and community health departments, nongovernmental organizations, and international recipients following the Covid-19 pandemic. Around $1 billion worth of grants are being pulled from the Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration.
"The Covid-19 pandemic is over, and HHS will no longer waste billions of taxpayer dollars responding to a nonexistent pandemic that Americans moved on from years ago," Andrew Nixon, a spokesperson for the Department of Health and Human Services said in a statement. "HHS is prioritizing funding projects that will deliver on President [Donald] Trump's mandate to address our chronic disease epidemic and Make America Healthy Again."
This is just stunning. HHS has abruptly canceled more than $12 billion in federal grants to states that were being used for tracking infectious diseases, mental health services, addiction treatment and other urgent health issues.
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— Charles Ornstein ( @charlesornstein.bsky.social) March 26, 2025 at 1:36 PM
However, experts point to the certainty of future pandemics—like an avian flu strain that mutates to pass between humans—in urging public health policy planners to maintain or even increase preparedness and response funding.
NBC News reported that the 13 agencies overseen by HHS were sent notices starting Monday, which informed them that they have 30 days to reconcile their expenditures.
For some state and community healthcare providers, the effects of the cuts were immediate.
There was an abrupt $11B cut to local/state public health (PH) infrastructure yesterday. I don't think people realize what this means: -Want an updated system to check your immunizations instead of digging through docs? PH no longer able to carry out upgrades to immunization information systems
— Katelyn Jetelina ( @kkjetelina.bsky.social) March 26, 2025 at 11:34 AM
As The New York Times reported:
In Lubbock, Texas, public health officials have received orders to stop work supported by three grants that helped fund the response to the widening measles outbreak there, according to Katherine Wells, the city's director of public health.
On Tuesday, some state health departments were preparing to lay off dozens of epidemiologists and data scientists. Others, including Texas, Maine, and Rhode Island, were still scrambling to understand the impact of the cuts before taking any action.
In interviews, state health officials predicted that thousands of health department employees and contract workers could lose their jobs nationwide. Some predicted the loss of as much as 90% of staff from some infectious disease teams.
"We learned yesterday that the federal government has unilaterally terminated approximately $226 million in grants to Minnesota Department of Health related to the Covid-19 pandemic," Minnesota Commissioner of Health Dr. Brooke Cunningham said in a statement. "This termination is effective immediately and impacts ongoing work and contracts. This action was sudden and unexpected."
Lori Freeman, CEO of the National Association of County and City Health Officials, told CBS News that much of the funding would have expired soon anyway.
"It's ending in the next six months," she said. "There's no reason—why rescind it now? It's just cruel and unusual behavior."
Colorado Department of Public Health and Environment communications director Kristina Iodice told NBC News, "We are concerned that this sudden loss of federal funding threatens Colorado's ability to track Covid-19 trends and other emerging diseases, modernize disease data systems, respond to outbreaks, and provide critical immunization access, outreach, and education—leaving communities more vulnerable to future public health crises."
The first Trump administration was widely criticized for shortcomings in these fields. A congressional panel issued a 2022 report accusing top administration officials of "failed stewardship" and a "persistent pattern of political interference" that undermined the nation's response to Covid-19, which to date has killed more than 1.2 million people in the United States and is still claiming hundreds of lives each week, according to CDC figures.
Wednesday's reportingd came as HHS, CDC, and other critical agencies braced for more cuts and layoffs ordered by Elon Musk's Department of Government Efficiency, or DOGE. HHS Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr. and his aides are also "nearing their final decisions on a sweeping restructuring of the department," CBS News reported last week.
Last month, Senate Democrats demanded answers from Kennedy regarding the purge of more than 5,000 HHS workers after the agency "blindly followed" a "baseless directive" by Trump and DOGE that the lawmakers said is "blatantly undermining Americans' health and safety."
As Common Dreams reported Wednesday, public health experts have also condemned the administration's decision to terminate funding for Gavi, the global vaccine alliance—a move critics warned could result in the deaths of over 1 million children in the Global South.
"Investing in Gavi brings other benefits for our world and the American people," the alliance said. "Here's why: By maintaining global stockpiles of vaccines against deadly diseases like Ebola, mpox, and yellow fever, we help keep America safe. These diseases do not respect borders, they can cross continents in hours and cost billions of dollars."
"Elon Musk and Marjorie Taylor Greene are trying to defund Sesame Street and dismantle PBS and NPR," said one Democratic congressman. "Not on our watch. Fire Elon Musk, and save Elmo."
Progressives roundly ridiculed U.S. Congresswoman Marjorie Taylor Greene on Wednesday after the serial conspiracy theorist made baseless claims that National Public Radio and Public Broadcasting Service are "radical left-wing echo chambers" with a "communist agenda" and called for their defunding.
"Is Elmo now, or has he ever been, a member of the Communist Party?"
Greene (R-Ga.)—who chairs the House Oversight Committee's Subcommittee on Delivering Government Efficiency (DOGE, but not part of Elon Musk's Department of Government Efficiency)—convened the hearing, titled "Anti-American Airwaves: Holding the Heads of NPR and PBS Accountable," to examine alleged "biased news" and whether American taxpayers "will continue funding these leftist media outlets."
"After listening to what we've heard today, we will be calling for the complete and total defund and dismantling of the Corporation for Public Broadcasting," the congresswoman told
NPR CEO Katherine Maher and the PBS CEO Paula Kerger during her closing remarks, referring to the nonprofit that helps fund PBS and NPR.
"Here's how it works: In America, every single day—every single day—private businesses operate on their own, without government funding," she added. "We believe you all can hate us on your own dime."
PBS gets about 16% of its funding from federal sources. For NPR, the figure is around just 1%.
Greene—who has amplified conspiracy theories including QAnon, Pizzagate, the 9/11 "hoax," government involvement in mass shootings, "Jewish space lasers" causing wildfires, the U.S. government controlling the weather, and the "stolen" 2020 presidential election—made more blatantly false claims during Wednesday's hearing, including that PBS used "taxpayer funds to push some of the most radical left positions like featuring a drag queen" on one of its children's programs. This never happened.
Nevertheless, Greene used props including a blown-up photo of drag queen Lil' Miss Hot Mess, a children's book author and Drag Queen Story Hour board member, whom the congresswoman called a "monster," while baselessly accusing Maher and Kerger of "grooming and sexualizing" children.
Another Republican member of the panel, House Oversight Committee Chair James Comer of Kentucky, appeared to not understand the difference between an editorial—an opinion article—and the the work and standards of media editors:
oh my god -- Comer thinks "editorial standards" literally refers to standards for editorials and is corrected by the NPR head
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— Aaron Rupar ( @atrupar.com) March 26, 2025 at 8:12 AM
Democrats on the DOGE subcommittee pushed back against the attacks by Greene and other Republicans on the panel. Mocking Greene's assertion that PBS and NPR have a "communist agenda" and referring to one of the most beloved characters on the long-running children's show Sesame Street, Rep. Robert Garcia (D-Calif.) asked Kerger a McCarthyesque question: "Is Elmo now, or has he ever been, a member of the Communist Party? A yes or no."
Kerger answered "no," prompting Garcia to retort: "Now, are you sure, Ms. Kerger? Because he's obviously red... He also has a very dangerous message about sharing. And helping each other; he's indoctrinating our kids that sharing is caring. Now maybe he's part of a major socialist plot and maybe that's why the chairwoman is having this hearing today."
Rep. Greg Casar (D-Texas) responded to a false assertion by hearing guest Mike Gonzalez, a senior fellow at the Heritage Foundation—the main force behind Project 2025, the plan for a far-right overhaul of the federal government that includes defunding public broadcasters—as well Musk's glaring conflicts of interest by referring to a popular porcine protagonist of Muppets fame.
"To your knowledge, has Miss Piggy ever been caught trying to funnel billions of dollars in government contracts to herself and to her companies?" Casar said.
At the end of his remarks, the progressive lawmaker implored Greene to "leave Elmo alone" and instead bring in Musk, the de facto head of the other DOGE, for questioning. Musk, the world's richest person, and President Donald Trump support defunding public broadcasters.
In typically fiery fashion, Rep. Jasmine Crockett (D-Texas) told Greene and Republicans that "free speech is not about what y'all want somebody to say, and the idea that you want to shut down everybody that is not Fox News is bullshit!"
Tim Karr, the senior director of strategy and communications at the media reform group Free Press, told Common Dreams after the hearing that Greene's "bogus attack against public media is a blatant attempt to further weaken the sort of journalism that questions the corruption and cruelty of the Trump administration."
"This is not about saving taxpayer dollars or based on any genuine concern about whether there's too much bias on public media. It's a blatant attempt to undermine independent, rigorous reporting on the Trump administration," Karr argued.
"Greene may not like public media—and that's no surprise given that she's no fan of journalism that holds public officials and billionaires accountable," he continued. "But she and her Republican colleagues are far out of step with the American people and their needs. Communities all across the country rely on their local public radio and TV stations to provide trustworthy news reporting and a diversity of opinions."
"In every survey, the American public indicates it wants more support for public and community media, not less," Karr added. "Unfortunately, President Trump and his cronies in Congress have instead tried to zero out funding for public media. They have repeatedly failed because millions of viewers and listeners oppose them and instead believe that support for public media is taxpayer money well spent."
On Tuesday, the Committee to Protect Journalists, Freedom of the Press Foundation, and Reporters Without Borders sent a joint letter urging Greene's committee "to approach its examination of public broadcasting with the understanding that press freedom is not a partisan issue, rather a vital part of American democracy."
The attack on @pbs.org and @npr.org is an attack on journalism. The administration is just going after them first because public funding makes them the low-hanging fruit. We're proud to partner on this letter with CPJ and @rsf.org. cpj.org/2025/03/cpj-...
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— Freedom of the Press Foundation ( @freedom.press) March 25, 2025 at 9:07 AM
"The tone and conduct of the proceedings matter," the groups' letter asserts. "The American public deserves access to quality, independent journalism, regardless of geography, income, creed, or political views. Public broadcasting delivers on this vital need by providing high-quality, fact-based reporting to the American public, including underserved communities across the nation."
"Congressional scrutiny of public broadcasting must not undermine the ability of journalists to report the news safely and without fear of reprisal," the groups stressed. "Otherwise, a dangerous precedent will be set that could further erode trust in the media and undermine press freedom more broadly."
The Communications Workers of America (CWA) union is sharing a petition telling Congress to protect public broadcasting.
"Republican leaders in Congress and the Trump administration are following the Project 2025 playbook and trying to shut down funding for independent public television and radio stations," the petition states. "Many CWA members work at these locally owned stations and play a crucial role in keeping our communities informed. Without public television and radio stations, we will lose access to critical local news and programming."