SUBSCRIBE TO OUR FREE NEWSLETTER
Daily news & progressive opinion—funded by the people, not the corporations—delivered straight to your inbox.
5
#000000
#FFFFFF
To donate by check, phone, or other method, see our More Ways to Give page.
Daily news & progressive opinion—funded by the people, not the corporations—delivered straight to your inbox.
Bolsonaro announced that "not one centimeter of land will be demarcated for indigenous reserves or quilombolas (descendants of those people who freed themselves from slavery)." (Valdemir Cunha / Greenpeace)
In Memory of Chico Mendes (1944-1988)
Fishing with Testosterone
In January 2012, Jair Bolsonaro was arrested for fishing inside the Tamoios Ecological Station. This station is an ecological preserve where fishing is an environmental crime. He was indicted by IBAMA--Brazil's Institute of Environment and Renewable Natural Resources--and charged with a fine of R$10,000. Bolsonaro was angry. He claimed that he was a victim of political persecution.
Months later, Bolsonaro applied for a license to go back to the Tamoios Ecological Station to fish. He claimed that as an amateur fisherman he had rights laid down by the Fisheries Development Commission (Sudepe) to fish in any waters. This was the right, he claimed, of a Brazilian. But he was informed that the Ecological Station is not under the jurisdiction of the Ministry of Fisheries--and so of Sudepe--but of the Ministry of the Environment.
Bolsonaro knew what he was doing. His appeal for a license was not in good faith. He was using the appeal to make a point: Brazilians can't do to their environment what they please because of regulations. Hunting and fishing had been curtailed by the State. Machismo laced with testosterone seeks its natural habitat when it kills animals. Bolsonaro, with his military background and his love for guns, made a point with this exercise. The environmentalists had encaged Brazilian manhood. He was going to liberate it.
Bolsonaro has promised to eradicate the Ministry of Environment. He will fold it into the Ministry of Agriculture. The environment must be subordinate to the dominion of machismo and monopoly capitalism.
Beef Not Trees
Jair Bolsonaro is now slated to be the next president of Brazil. He won the election decisively and--a few weeks ago--his fledgling party made a dent inside the Brazilian legislature. It is clear that the three right-wing blocks in the National Congress will side with Bolsonaro--the blocks of the Beef, Bible and Bullet (Bancadas do Boi, do Biblia e da Bala). He will easily be able to pass damaging legislation.
The Bullet block comprises the former military and security officials whose links to Bolsonaro, a former military man, are organic. They are pleased with his nostalgia for the military dictatorship (1964-1985) and with his harsh rhetoric.
The Bible block--or the Evangelical Parliamentary Front--came to Bolsonaro for his sharp positions against abortion and gender equality as well as his acidic comments about homosexuality and same-sex marriage. Edir Macedo of the Universal Church of the Kingdom of God blessed Bolsonaro's candidacy and promoted him on his television network RecordTV, the second-largest in Brazil.
The third block--the Beef Block--is more properly the parliamentary group that attacks environmental regulations and laws that defend indigenous sovereignty. This block stands for the beef and soy manufacturers, the logging and mining industries and others who find that Brazil's laws are an impediment to money-making. Beef is more important to them than trees.
Bolsonaro is their man. He will do what he must to undermine laws that restrict gun ownership and that restrict the destruction of nature. Bolsonaro sees these laws as instruments of the United Nations, which he thinks--bizarrely--is the bastion of communism.
Guns Pointed at the Amazon
The 1.6-billion-acre Amazon rainforest is a fragile sink for carbon. Scientists who have been observing the Amazon over the past few decades say that it has already begun to show signs of wear and tear due to climate change. The drought from 2005 showed the impact on this biome of warming sea temperatures in the North Atlantic Ocean--a casualty of global climate change. Those on the ground have seen what they call the "die-back" or the erosion of the forest into a savanna. If logging and mining and farming increase in the Amazon, scientists--including those at Brazil's National Institute for Space Research (INPE)--predict that about 55 percent of the Amazon rainforest could be destroyed by 2030.
In August, Bolsonaro said that he would join the United States in exiting the Paris Climate Agreement. When pushed on this a week before the second round of the presidential election, Bolsonaro said, "Brazil stays in the Paris Agreement." But then, upon his election, Bolsonaro said, "We will liberate Brazil and the Foreign Ministry from the ideology of its international relations that it has subjected Brazil to in recent years." What he refers to is the Foreign Ministry's consensus position on multilateralism--to build global frameworks, such as the Paris Agreement, that will help to mitigate global problems. Bolsonaro is against all that. He wants to push an agenda of economic growth that will include policies that will certainly imperil the Amazon rainforest and Brazil's other ecological treasures.
The destination for the world's largest mining firms is the Amazon. Last year, Bolsonaro carried two pieces of metal to Brasilia from the Amazon--graphene (for solar cells) and niobium (for steel). He wanted to use this stunt to promote mining. Giant mining firms already have their grip on Brazil. These firms are from Australia (Mirabela Nickel, BHP), Canada (Belo Sun, Kinross Gold, Yamana Gold), Switzerland (Glencore), the United Kingdom (Anglo-American, Rio Tinto) and the United States (Alcoa). They either already have operations in Brazil or are eager to develop operations. What they have long wanted is to cut regulations that protect the environment and indigenous communities. All this is irrelevant to these firms. They want to clear-cut the Amazon. That is their ambition.
Ecological fragility is irrelevant. So too are scientific studies to assess damage. All that is important is the profits that will accrue not to the Brazilian people but to monopoly mining firms based in such distant shores as Canada and Switzerland. When people like Bolsonaro talk of sovereignty, they do not mean the sovereignty of their fellow citizens. They mean the sovereignty of the monopoly corporations.
Not One Centimeter
During his campaign, Bolsonaro announced that "not one centimeter of land will be demarcated for indigenous reserves or quilombolas (descendants of those people who freed themselves from slavery)." Even more harshly, Bolsonaro said, "Let's make Brazil for the majorities. Minorities have to bow to the majorities. Minorities will fit in or just disappear." This is the language of genocide. He gives Brazil's indigenous people--about a million people out of 210 million--an impossible choice: either abandon your independence and culture (protected by Article 231 of Brazil's 1988 Constitution) or die.
Violence has become commonplace in the Amazon. Last year, 110 indigenous people were murdered, while the year before the count was 118 (numbers from Conselho Indigenista Missionario). Activists believe that the numbers will now rise.
One agency of the Ministry of Environment is called the Chico Mendes Institute for Biodiversity Conservation (ICMBio). The name Chico Mendes is essential here. Mendes, a trade union leader and environmentalist, was shot to death on December 22, 1988, by the son of a rancher. The conspiracy to kill Mendes included the Rural Democratic Union--the ranchers' organization--and the local police. The ranchers wanted the land without regulations and the workers without a union. Bullets brought down Chico Mendes, but around him fire and chainsaws cut down his beloved Amazon. "At first I thought I was fighting to save rubber trees," Chico Mendes said before he died, "then I thought that I was fighting to save the Amazon rainforest. Now I realize that I am fighting for humanity."
In 1975, when the ranchers began to cut the forest with the full support of the military dictatorship, Chico Mendes taught his fellow rubber tappers about the empate. This empate was a blockade. As the ranchers and the dictatorship brought their bulldozers and chainsaws to cut the forest, Chico and his fellow workers would form a cordon, blocking access to the Amazon's treasures. "Don't be afraid," he would say to them, "nothing is going to happen." Bravely, they stood up to the madness and protected their forests.
We are in the age of madness again, on the edge of the destruction of the Amazon, an age that calls for the empate.
This article was produced by Globetrotter, a project of the Independent Media Institute.
Trump and Musk are on an unconstitutional rampage, aiming for virtually every corner of the federal government. These two right-wing billionaires are targeting nurses, scientists, teachers, daycare providers, judges, veterans, air traffic controllers, and nuclear safety inspectors. No one is safe. The food stamps program, Social Security, Medicare, and Medicaid are next. It’s an unprecedented disaster and a five-alarm fire, but there will be a reckoning. The people did not vote for this. The American people do not want this dystopian hellscape that hides behind claims of “efficiency.” Still, in reality, it is all a giveaway to corporate interests and the libertarian dreams of far-right oligarchs like Musk. Common Dreams is playing a vital role by reporting day and night on this orgy of corruption and greed, as well as what everyday people can do to organize and fight back. As a people-powered nonprofit news outlet, we cover issues the corporate media never will, but we can only continue with our readers’ support. |
In Memory of Chico Mendes (1944-1988)
Fishing with Testosterone
In January 2012, Jair Bolsonaro was arrested for fishing inside the Tamoios Ecological Station. This station is an ecological preserve where fishing is an environmental crime. He was indicted by IBAMA--Brazil's Institute of Environment and Renewable Natural Resources--and charged with a fine of R$10,000. Bolsonaro was angry. He claimed that he was a victim of political persecution.
Months later, Bolsonaro applied for a license to go back to the Tamoios Ecological Station to fish. He claimed that as an amateur fisherman he had rights laid down by the Fisheries Development Commission (Sudepe) to fish in any waters. This was the right, he claimed, of a Brazilian. But he was informed that the Ecological Station is not under the jurisdiction of the Ministry of Fisheries--and so of Sudepe--but of the Ministry of the Environment.
Bolsonaro knew what he was doing. His appeal for a license was not in good faith. He was using the appeal to make a point: Brazilians can't do to their environment what they please because of regulations. Hunting and fishing had been curtailed by the State. Machismo laced with testosterone seeks its natural habitat when it kills animals. Bolsonaro, with his military background and his love for guns, made a point with this exercise. The environmentalists had encaged Brazilian manhood. He was going to liberate it.
Bolsonaro has promised to eradicate the Ministry of Environment. He will fold it into the Ministry of Agriculture. The environment must be subordinate to the dominion of machismo and monopoly capitalism.
Beef Not Trees
Jair Bolsonaro is now slated to be the next president of Brazil. He won the election decisively and--a few weeks ago--his fledgling party made a dent inside the Brazilian legislature. It is clear that the three right-wing blocks in the National Congress will side with Bolsonaro--the blocks of the Beef, Bible and Bullet (Bancadas do Boi, do Biblia e da Bala). He will easily be able to pass damaging legislation.
The Bullet block comprises the former military and security officials whose links to Bolsonaro, a former military man, are organic. They are pleased with his nostalgia for the military dictatorship (1964-1985) and with his harsh rhetoric.
The Bible block--or the Evangelical Parliamentary Front--came to Bolsonaro for his sharp positions against abortion and gender equality as well as his acidic comments about homosexuality and same-sex marriage. Edir Macedo of the Universal Church of the Kingdom of God blessed Bolsonaro's candidacy and promoted him on his television network RecordTV, the second-largest in Brazil.
The third block--the Beef Block--is more properly the parliamentary group that attacks environmental regulations and laws that defend indigenous sovereignty. This block stands for the beef and soy manufacturers, the logging and mining industries and others who find that Brazil's laws are an impediment to money-making. Beef is more important to them than trees.
Bolsonaro is their man. He will do what he must to undermine laws that restrict gun ownership and that restrict the destruction of nature. Bolsonaro sees these laws as instruments of the United Nations, which he thinks--bizarrely--is the bastion of communism.
Guns Pointed at the Amazon
The 1.6-billion-acre Amazon rainforest is a fragile sink for carbon. Scientists who have been observing the Amazon over the past few decades say that it has already begun to show signs of wear and tear due to climate change. The drought from 2005 showed the impact on this biome of warming sea temperatures in the North Atlantic Ocean--a casualty of global climate change. Those on the ground have seen what they call the "die-back" or the erosion of the forest into a savanna. If logging and mining and farming increase in the Amazon, scientists--including those at Brazil's National Institute for Space Research (INPE)--predict that about 55 percent of the Amazon rainforest could be destroyed by 2030.
In August, Bolsonaro said that he would join the United States in exiting the Paris Climate Agreement. When pushed on this a week before the second round of the presidential election, Bolsonaro said, "Brazil stays in the Paris Agreement." But then, upon his election, Bolsonaro said, "We will liberate Brazil and the Foreign Ministry from the ideology of its international relations that it has subjected Brazil to in recent years." What he refers to is the Foreign Ministry's consensus position on multilateralism--to build global frameworks, such as the Paris Agreement, that will help to mitigate global problems. Bolsonaro is against all that. He wants to push an agenda of economic growth that will include policies that will certainly imperil the Amazon rainforest and Brazil's other ecological treasures.
The destination for the world's largest mining firms is the Amazon. Last year, Bolsonaro carried two pieces of metal to Brasilia from the Amazon--graphene (for solar cells) and niobium (for steel). He wanted to use this stunt to promote mining. Giant mining firms already have their grip on Brazil. These firms are from Australia (Mirabela Nickel, BHP), Canada (Belo Sun, Kinross Gold, Yamana Gold), Switzerland (Glencore), the United Kingdom (Anglo-American, Rio Tinto) and the United States (Alcoa). They either already have operations in Brazil or are eager to develop operations. What they have long wanted is to cut regulations that protect the environment and indigenous communities. All this is irrelevant to these firms. They want to clear-cut the Amazon. That is their ambition.
Ecological fragility is irrelevant. So too are scientific studies to assess damage. All that is important is the profits that will accrue not to the Brazilian people but to monopoly mining firms based in such distant shores as Canada and Switzerland. When people like Bolsonaro talk of sovereignty, they do not mean the sovereignty of their fellow citizens. They mean the sovereignty of the monopoly corporations.
Not One Centimeter
During his campaign, Bolsonaro announced that "not one centimeter of land will be demarcated for indigenous reserves or quilombolas (descendants of those people who freed themselves from slavery)." Even more harshly, Bolsonaro said, "Let's make Brazil for the majorities. Minorities have to bow to the majorities. Minorities will fit in or just disappear." This is the language of genocide. He gives Brazil's indigenous people--about a million people out of 210 million--an impossible choice: either abandon your independence and culture (protected by Article 231 of Brazil's 1988 Constitution) or die.
Violence has become commonplace in the Amazon. Last year, 110 indigenous people were murdered, while the year before the count was 118 (numbers from Conselho Indigenista Missionario). Activists believe that the numbers will now rise.
One agency of the Ministry of Environment is called the Chico Mendes Institute for Biodiversity Conservation (ICMBio). The name Chico Mendes is essential here. Mendes, a trade union leader and environmentalist, was shot to death on December 22, 1988, by the son of a rancher. The conspiracy to kill Mendes included the Rural Democratic Union--the ranchers' organization--and the local police. The ranchers wanted the land without regulations and the workers without a union. Bullets brought down Chico Mendes, but around him fire and chainsaws cut down his beloved Amazon. "At first I thought I was fighting to save rubber trees," Chico Mendes said before he died, "then I thought that I was fighting to save the Amazon rainforest. Now I realize that I am fighting for humanity."
In 1975, when the ranchers began to cut the forest with the full support of the military dictatorship, Chico Mendes taught his fellow rubber tappers about the empate. This empate was a blockade. As the ranchers and the dictatorship brought their bulldozers and chainsaws to cut the forest, Chico and his fellow workers would form a cordon, blocking access to the Amazon's treasures. "Don't be afraid," he would say to them, "nothing is going to happen." Bravely, they stood up to the madness and protected their forests.
We are in the age of madness again, on the edge of the destruction of the Amazon, an age that calls for the empate.
This article was produced by Globetrotter, a project of the Independent Media Institute.
In Memory of Chico Mendes (1944-1988)
Fishing with Testosterone
In January 2012, Jair Bolsonaro was arrested for fishing inside the Tamoios Ecological Station. This station is an ecological preserve where fishing is an environmental crime. He was indicted by IBAMA--Brazil's Institute of Environment and Renewable Natural Resources--and charged with a fine of R$10,000. Bolsonaro was angry. He claimed that he was a victim of political persecution.
Months later, Bolsonaro applied for a license to go back to the Tamoios Ecological Station to fish. He claimed that as an amateur fisherman he had rights laid down by the Fisheries Development Commission (Sudepe) to fish in any waters. This was the right, he claimed, of a Brazilian. But he was informed that the Ecological Station is not under the jurisdiction of the Ministry of Fisheries--and so of Sudepe--but of the Ministry of the Environment.
Bolsonaro knew what he was doing. His appeal for a license was not in good faith. He was using the appeal to make a point: Brazilians can't do to their environment what they please because of regulations. Hunting and fishing had been curtailed by the State. Machismo laced with testosterone seeks its natural habitat when it kills animals. Bolsonaro, with his military background and his love for guns, made a point with this exercise. The environmentalists had encaged Brazilian manhood. He was going to liberate it.
Bolsonaro has promised to eradicate the Ministry of Environment. He will fold it into the Ministry of Agriculture. The environment must be subordinate to the dominion of machismo and monopoly capitalism.
Beef Not Trees
Jair Bolsonaro is now slated to be the next president of Brazil. He won the election decisively and--a few weeks ago--his fledgling party made a dent inside the Brazilian legislature. It is clear that the three right-wing blocks in the National Congress will side with Bolsonaro--the blocks of the Beef, Bible and Bullet (Bancadas do Boi, do Biblia e da Bala). He will easily be able to pass damaging legislation.
The Bullet block comprises the former military and security officials whose links to Bolsonaro, a former military man, are organic. They are pleased with his nostalgia for the military dictatorship (1964-1985) and with his harsh rhetoric.
The Bible block--or the Evangelical Parliamentary Front--came to Bolsonaro for his sharp positions against abortion and gender equality as well as his acidic comments about homosexuality and same-sex marriage. Edir Macedo of the Universal Church of the Kingdom of God blessed Bolsonaro's candidacy and promoted him on his television network RecordTV, the second-largest in Brazil.
The third block--the Beef Block--is more properly the parliamentary group that attacks environmental regulations and laws that defend indigenous sovereignty. This block stands for the beef and soy manufacturers, the logging and mining industries and others who find that Brazil's laws are an impediment to money-making. Beef is more important to them than trees.
Bolsonaro is their man. He will do what he must to undermine laws that restrict gun ownership and that restrict the destruction of nature. Bolsonaro sees these laws as instruments of the United Nations, which he thinks--bizarrely--is the bastion of communism.
Guns Pointed at the Amazon
The 1.6-billion-acre Amazon rainforest is a fragile sink for carbon. Scientists who have been observing the Amazon over the past few decades say that it has already begun to show signs of wear and tear due to climate change. The drought from 2005 showed the impact on this biome of warming sea temperatures in the North Atlantic Ocean--a casualty of global climate change. Those on the ground have seen what they call the "die-back" or the erosion of the forest into a savanna. If logging and mining and farming increase in the Amazon, scientists--including those at Brazil's National Institute for Space Research (INPE)--predict that about 55 percent of the Amazon rainforest could be destroyed by 2030.
In August, Bolsonaro said that he would join the United States in exiting the Paris Climate Agreement. When pushed on this a week before the second round of the presidential election, Bolsonaro said, "Brazil stays in the Paris Agreement." But then, upon his election, Bolsonaro said, "We will liberate Brazil and the Foreign Ministry from the ideology of its international relations that it has subjected Brazil to in recent years." What he refers to is the Foreign Ministry's consensus position on multilateralism--to build global frameworks, such as the Paris Agreement, that will help to mitigate global problems. Bolsonaro is against all that. He wants to push an agenda of economic growth that will include policies that will certainly imperil the Amazon rainforest and Brazil's other ecological treasures.
The destination for the world's largest mining firms is the Amazon. Last year, Bolsonaro carried two pieces of metal to Brasilia from the Amazon--graphene (for solar cells) and niobium (for steel). He wanted to use this stunt to promote mining. Giant mining firms already have their grip on Brazil. These firms are from Australia (Mirabela Nickel, BHP), Canada (Belo Sun, Kinross Gold, Yamana Gold), Switzerland (Glencore), the United Kingdom (Anglo-American, Rio Tinto) and the United States (Alcoa). They either already have operations in Brazil or are eager to develop operations. What they have long wanted is to cut regulations that protect the environment and indigenous communities. All this is irrelevant to these firms. They want to clear-cut the Amazon. That is their ambition.
Ecological fragility is irrelevant. So too are scientific studies to assess damage. All that is important is the profits that will accrue not to the Brazilian people but to monopoly mining firms based in such distant shores as Canada and Switzerland. When people like Bolsonaro talk of sovereignty, they do not mean the sovereignty of their fellow citizens. They mean the sovereignty of the monopoly corporations.
Not One Centimeter
During his campaign, Bolsonaro announced that "not one centimeter of land will be demarcated for indigenous reserves or quilombolas (descendants of those people who freed themselves from slavery)." Even more harshly, Bolsonaro said, "Let's make Brazil for the majorities. Minorities have to bow to the majorities. Minorities will fit in or just disappear." This is the language of genocide. He gives Brazil's indigenous people--about a million people out of 210 million--an impossible choice: either abandon your independence and culture (protected by Article 231 of Brazil's 1988 Constitution) or die.
Violence has become commonplace in the Amazon. Last year, 110 indigenous people were murdered, while the year before the count was 118 (numbers from Conselho Indigenista Missionario). Activists believe that the numbers will now rise.
One agency of the Ministry of Environment is called the Chico Mendes Institute for Biodiversity Conservation (ICMBio). The name Chico Mendes is essential here. Mendes, a trade union leader and environmentalist, was shot to death on December 22, 1988, by the son of a rancher. The conspiracy to kill Mendes included the Rural Democratic Union--the ranchers' organization--and the local police. The ranchers wanted the land without regulations and the workers without a union. Bullets brought down Chico Mendes, but around him fire and chainsaws cut down his beloved Amazon. "At first I thought I was fighting to save rubber trees," Chico Mendes said before he died, "then I thought that I was fighting to save the Amazon rainforest. Now I realize that I am fighting for humanity."
In 1975, when the ranchers began to cut the forest with the full support of the military dictatorship, Chico Mendes taught his fellow rubber tappers about the empate. This empate was a blockade. As the ranchers and the dictatorship brought their bulldozers and chainsaws to cut the forest, Chico and his fellow workers would form a cordon, blocking access to the Amazon's treasures. "Don't be afraid," he would say to them, "nothing is going to happen." Bravely, they stood up to the madness and protected their forests.
We are in the age of madness again, on the edge of the destruction of the Amazon, an age that calls for the empate.
This article was produced by Globetrotter, a project of the Independent Media Institute.
"As Jews of conscience, we remain steadfast in our commitment to Palestinian freedom... and to defending immigrants, trans people, and all those under attack by the Trump regime," said one organizer.
Continuing the Jewish left's tradition of adapting the Passover Seder to promote liberation, Jewish Voice for Peace led protesters at a New York City rally demanding an end to the Trump administration's targeting of Palestine defenders for deportation and U.S. support for Israel's genocidal war on Gaza.
JVP's Liberation Seder drew hundreds of rallygoers to Federal Plaza in Manhattan, where U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement's (ICE) New York headquarters are located.
"We are outside Federal Plaza to say: Stop arming Israel. End Israel's genocide in Gaza. Free political prisoners held by ICE. Stop the attacks on immigrants, trans people, and students," JVP
said on social media during the event.
Days after a Louisiana judge ruled to allow the deportation of Mahmoud Khalil to proceed, and just hours after ICE abducted Columbia student and green card holder Mohsen Mahdawi, thousands held an emergency Passover Seder outside the ICE headquarters in New York City last night.
[image or embed]
— Jewish Voice for Peace ( @jvp.bsky.social) April 15, 2025 at 6:54 AM
Since President Donald Trump took office in January, ICE has been arresting foreign nationals—including people with permanent residency like Mahmoud Khalil and Mohsen Mahdawi—who took part in nonviolent campus protests for Palestine.
Protesters chanted slogans including "Free Mahmoud, Free Them All!" and "Come for One, Face Us All!" and held banners with messages like "Deposing Fascism Is a Jewish Tradition," "Jews Say Exodus From Zionism," "None of Us Are Free Until All of Us Are Free," and "Jews Say Stop Arming Israel."
"This Passover, the Jewish festival of liberation, we cannot celebrate as usual while Palestinians in Gaza face famine and the U.S.-backed Israeli government uses starvation as a weapon of war," said JVP organizer Jay Saper, whose whose great-uncle was kidnapped by police when he was an immigrant student in Paris during the Holocaust and deported to the Auschwitz death camp.
"The Seder ritual cannot be theoretical: It calls us to strengthen our commitment to the liberation of the Palestinian people," Saper added. "We commend the courageous students and all people of conscience raising their voices in dissent to Israel's genocide in Gaza and call for the immediate release of Mahmoud Khalil and all political prisoners."
Israel's U.S.-backed 557-day war on Gaza has left more than 180,000 Palestinians dead, injured, or missing. Israeli troops have forcibly displaced nearly all of the coastal enclave's more than 2 million inhabitants as the far-right government of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu—a fugitive from the International Criminal Court—prepares to permanently seize and recolonize large parts of the strip. Widespread and sometimes deadly starvation and sickness have also ravaged Gaza as a result of Israel's "complete siege"—one of the policies under review by the International Court of Justice in an ongoing South Africa-led genocide case against Israel.
Through it all, the Biden and Trump administrations have given Israel unconditional support including billions of dollars in armed aid and diplomatic cover.
Rabbi Abby Stein, who presided over the Seder, accused Trump—whose Cabinet has been called the "most antisemitic in decades" and who has a history of purveying antisemitic tropes—of feigning concern for Jewish safety in order to persecute Palestine defenders.
"We refuse to allow the president to use our people as cover for its racist, anti-Palestinian, fascist agenda," she said.
Addressing the rally, Ramzi Kassem—an attorney representing Khalil and other targeted foreign nationals including Rümeysa Öztürk, a Turkish doctoral student at Tufts University in Massachusetts—said: "My client Rümeysa shared with me and my fellow lawyers representing her that when she was taken by ICE from her campus at Tufts, in the video that I'm sure you've all seen, and she was whisked across state lines by men in plain clothes in an unmarked van, one of these men turned to her, and he said, 'We are not monsters.' He said, 'We're just doing as we're told."
Öztürk—who was snatched off the street by masked plainclothes agents—was arrested despite a State Department determination that there were no grounds for revoking her visa. However, under the the Immigration and Nationality Act of 1952, the secretary of state can order the expulsion of noncitizens whose presence in the United States is deemed detrimental to U.S. foreign policy interests. Secretary of State Marco Rubio—who lied about Öztürk supporting Hamas—has used such determinations to target people for engaging in constitutionally protected speech and protest.
Inside Higher Ed reported that as of Tuesday, more than 1,200 students and recent graduates have had their legal status changed by the State Department, for various reasons.
In addition to moving to deport pro-Palestine students, the Trump administration is sending Latin American immigrants—including wrongfully expelled Maryland man Kilmar Abrego Garcia—to a notorious prison in El Salvador, and the president has repeatedly threatened to send natural-born U.S. citizens there.
"The people demand that ICE stop its reign of terror, and for the Trump administration to cease the predatory targeting of organizers and immigrants," Rami Abdelkarim, a San Francisco Bay Area-based organizer with the Palestinian Youth Movement, said in solidarity with Monday's rally.
"We are ready to face this moment with courage and solidarity, together," Abdelkarim added. "Mahmoud's case and all other cases show us that our just cause to stop the genocide in Gaza stands at the center of the fight against fascism and for migrant and democratic rights."
In addition to JVP, members of groups including Jews for Racial and Economic Justice, IfNotNow NYC, Rabbis for Cease-fire, and Shoresh turned out for the rally. The event was inspired by the 1969 Freedom Seder organized by Rabbi Arthur Waskow on the anniversary of Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King Jr.'s assassination and connected the Jewish exodus story with the U.S. fight for civil rights and against the war on Vietnam, Laos, and Cambodia.
Last year, JVP co-led a Passover Seder protest outside the home of Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer (D-N.Y.) at which more than 300 demonstrators were arrested.
Monday's rallygoers embodied the ancient Jewish tenets of tzedek, mishpat, and din—righteousness, judgment, and abiding by the law.
"As Jews of conscience, we remain steadfast in our commitment to Palestinian freedom, to protecting the right to protest, and to defending immigrants, trans people, and all those under attack by the Trump regime," said JVP political director Beth Miller.
"The Trump administration cannot legally enact these changes on its own—Congress must take a stand against these dangerous cuts to foreign aid and reject this proposal," said the president of Oxfam America.
A newly reported Trump administration plan to cut U.S. State Department funding in half next fiscal year and axe foreign assistance by nearly 75% drew dire warnings from humanitarian organizations that have seen firsthand the chaos sown by the administration's dismantling of life-saving aid operations.
"The administration's cuts, along with the proposed withdrawal of funding from key institutions like the United Nations, will plunge millions into hunger, disease, and increase other threats, making the world more dangerous and unstable for us all," Abby Maxman, the president and CEO of Oxfam America, said in a statement issued after multiple news outlets reported the details of the Trump administration's plan.
According to Reuters, the Trump administration is aiming to slash foreign assistance distributed by the State Department and USAID from $38.3 billion to $16.9 billion at a time of intensifying hunger, health, and climate crises worldwide.
The administration is also considering a proposal to shutter more than two dozen embassies and consulates—including some in Africa and Europe—and eliminate "almost all" funding for the United Nations.
An internal memo obtained by The New York Times proposes "cutting funding for humanitarian assistance and global health programs by more than 50% despite Secretary of State Marco Rubio’s pledges that lifesaving assistance would be preserved."
"There should be global moral outrage that the decisions made by powerful people in other countries have led to child deaths in just a matter of weeks."
Maxman said Monday that the administration's push for aggressive funding cuts—which, by law, must be approved by the Republican-controlled Congress—would "cause further suffering and have life-or-death consequences for millions around the world who are already living through dire humanitarian crises."
"It outlines sweeping cuts that could include programs like urgent food, water, and healthcare, education, and other support for women, children, and communities," said Maxman. "The Trump administration cannot legally enact these changes on its own—Congress must take a stand against these dangerous cuts to foreign aid and reject this proposal."
Trump's sweeping and lawless attacks on foreign aid have already had deadly consequences. The Times, citing the humanitarian group Save the Children, reported last week that "at least five children and three adults with cholera died as they went in search of treatment in South Sudan after aid cuts by the Trump administration shuttered local health clinics during the country's worst cholera outbreak in decades."
"There should be global moral outrage that the decisions made by powerful people in other countries have led to child deaths in just a matter of weeks," Chris Nyamandi, Save the Children country director in South Sudan, said in a statement.
The two progressive lawmakers have addressed massive crowds in solidly red states including Idaho and Utah in recent days, as party of the national Fighting Oligarchy Tour.
Anyone observing the nationwide Fighting Oligarchy Tour led by Sen. Bernie Sanders and Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez has taken notice of the massive crowds that the lawmakers have drawn in a wide variety of cities—including in deep-red states like Utah and Idaho—and a poll out Monday provided new evidence that the progressive leaders' pro-working class message is resonating across the country.
A survey taken by Harvard's Center for American Political Studies and Harris between April 9-10 found that 72% of Democratic voters supported politicians like Sanders (I-Vt.) and Ocasio-Cortez (D-N.Y.), "who are calling on Democrats to adopt a more aggressive stance towards Trump and his administration and 'fight harder'," rather than leaders who are willing to "compromise" with President Donald Trump.
Just 28% of Democratic voters said they support a so-called "moderate" approach. Across the political spectrum, 53% of respondents said they favored politicians who are willing to work with Trump—down two percentage points from the Harvard/Harris March survey.
The poll was released as Ocasio-Cortez joined Sanders at a rally in Nampa, Idaho, where they spoke out against insider trading by members of Congress, billionaire Trump ally Elon Musk and his so-called Department of Government Efficiency—whose federal job and spending cuts have hit Idaho's recreation industry and veterans' healthcare in the state—and the need for government-run healthcare, which also is supported by the vast majority of Democratic voters in the U.S., even as party leaders refuse to prioritize the issue.
Ocasio-Cortez and Sanders made clear that they don't view the fight for government-run healthcare and against billionaires' influence over the U.S. political system as issues that appeal solely to the left.
"We're here to flip this state," said the congresswoman, who has served since 2019 after a surprise primary victory against longtime Rep. Joe Crowley. "We might all come from different places, but we share so many of the same experiences."
Sanders added: "We don't accept this blue state, red state nonsense. We are one people."
The crowd of 12,500—the full capacity of the Ford Idaho Center, according to the venue's general manager—was not an outlier for the Fighting Oligarchy Tour, which began in Nebraska in February. More than 20,000 people packed into the Huntsman Center in Salt Lake City on Sunday—with 4,000 more in an overflow area—to hear Sanders and Ocasio-Cortez rail against "extreme and growing wealth inequality" and "the toxic division and corruption that it requires to survive," and demand a "fair economy for working people along with the democracy and freedoms that uphold it."
"So many of us know what it feels like for life to be one bad day, one bad piece of news, one major setback from everything feeling like it's going to fall apart. And we don't have to live like this anymore, Utah!" Ocasio-Cortez said. "We can make a new world, a better country where we can fight for the dignity of all people."
Last month, about 30,000 people gathered at Denver's Civic Center Park to hear from the lawmakers, after 10,000 people attended a rally in the northern Colorado town of Greeley. Thousands have also turned out in Nebraska, Iowa, and Michigan.
The nationwide Fighting Oligarchy Tour, with stops in several swing states, has contrasted sharply with the approach of Democratic leaders such as Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer (D-N.Y.) and House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries (D-N.Y.) since Trump took office. Schumer infuriated voters and lawmakers from across the party's ideological spectrum when he chose to back a Republican spending bill that boosted military spending and slashed nondefense spending by $13 billion, saying the vote was necessary to avoid a government shutdown. Jeffries has complained about the advocacy of groups like MoveOn and Indivisible, which have demanded a tougher fight from Democrats against Trump's pro-corporate, anti-working class, and openly xenophobic agenda.
Although Ocasio-Cortez was passed over for the top Democratic seat on the powerful House Oversight Committee, Basil Smikle, former executive director of the New York State Democratic Party, told The Hill that the congresswoman "represents the next generation of Democratic politics."
"I think what she has been saying, either tacitly or explicitly, is that there needs to be a generational shift in the party's leadership and its message to voters," said Smikle. "She essentially did that in her race against Joe Crowley."
Monday's poll was released 10 days after a Data for Progress survey found that in a hypothetical 2028 U.S. Senate primary in New York, Ocasio-Cortez was leading Schumer by 19 points, with 55% of voters saying they would support her over the five-term senator.
Also on Monday, Echelon Insights released a poll regarding potential Democratic presidential nominees for 2028. Former Vice President Kamala Harris was in the lead with 28% of voters saying they would back her—down from 33% who expressed support for her in March.
Sen. Cory Booker (D-N.J.), who gave a history-making 25-hour Senate floor speech to speak out against the Trump administration earlier this month, was in second with 11%, followed by former Transportation Secretary Pete Buttigieg at 7%—down three points from March—and Ocasio-Cortez, also at 7%.
The congresswoman was polling ahead of other Democrats whose names have been floated as potential future presidential candidates, including California Gov. Gavin Newsom and Michigan Gov. Gretchen Whitmer.