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Honoring a decades-old United Nations tradition, Brazilian President Jair Bolsonaro was the first world leader to address the U.N. General Assembly's 74th session on Sept. 24, 2019. (Photo: Cia Pak/U.N.)
Brazilian President Jair Bolsonaro's administration is embarking on a project of cultural and historical revision. In September, the Cinemateca Brasileira, Brazil's library of national films, was "occupied" by military and extreme-right politicians who criticized the institution's "cultural Marxism" and promised a future film festival devoted to rehabilitating the image of the country's military dictatorship.
Also in September, Ancine, Brazil's national film development agency, saw its funding suddenly cut by nearly one half. Former Minister of Culture Marcelo Calero pointed out that all countries must invest in creative as well as scientific development, and that "these are measures that have a very strong ideological component."
The Brazilian Association of Documentary and Short Filmmakers (ABD) issued a statement in which they declared that in view of the occupation of the Cinemateca and the Ancine cuts, the country's film community was being "violated materially and symbolically by far-right activists."
This week, the government announced the creation of a new video series under the aegis of TV Escola (TV School) entitled "Brazil: The Last Crusade" in which "the hidden history of Brazil will be revealed." Production company Brasil Paralelo (Parallel Brazil) vows to "combat leftist ideas" with the series, whose first episodes can be seen for free on Youtube. Future segments will be available on a pay-per-view basis.
The first video opens with what producers imply is the false narrative of Brazil, with images of former President Lula da Silva, long lines and crime. Then drone shots of monuments, churches, and skyscrapers are juxtaposed with stacks of books and talking heads. Conspiracy theorist Olavo de Carvalho, who contests that the earth is round and claims Pepsi is sweetened by aborted fetuses, is prominently featured.
This week, Olavo demeaned both the former president and another Brazilian humanitarian of humble origins when he commented on the author of "Pedagogy of the Opressed": "What did Paulo Freire ever do for Brazil? Not a damn thing. He didn't even teach Lula how to read."
One of the missions of the Cinemateca is the preservation and continued distribution of the works of one of the most remarkable periods in the history of filmmaking, the Cinema Novo, a movement that began in the mid 1950s. Influenced by Italian neorealism, "God and the Devil in the Land of the Sun" (Glauber Rocha, 1964) starkly depicts the desperate and violent history of the inland northeast, the desert region known as the sertao. Afro-Brazilian mystics and mestico bandits, known as "cangaceiros", battle ruthless landowners to survive the extreme drought.
Rocha was forced into exile by the military dictatorship for ten years, only returning when he was transferred from a Portuguese hospital with a lung infection, dying days later at 42.
"How Tasty Was My Little Frenchman" (1971), by Nelson Pereira dos Santos, was filmed almost entirely in the Tupi language and satirizes the literal cannibalism of the Tupinamba people and the imperialist cannibalism committed by Europeans in the Americas. The Tupinamba may have eaten the Frenchman but they were later decimated by colonialism.
In "Bye, Bye Brasil" (1979, Carlos Diegues), a carnival caravan struggles to find an audience in a seemingly deserted town, finally happening upon a crowd gathered around a television set.
As the travelling show continues to move in search of better prospects, they witness the death and destruction of the wilderness at the hands of industrialists. After meeting a group of indigenous people driven from their ancestral lands, the women of the circus are forced into prostitution in order to earn money. Ultimately the indigenous people are delighted to get their first airplane ride as they are recruited as labourers, and the circus leaders buy a splashy caravan covered in neon lights with their new money, declaring that they are changing course and going to bring modernity to what's left of the jungle.
"Pixote" (1981, Hector Babenco) and "City of God" (2002, Fernando Meirelles, Katia Lund) are brutal explorations of the lives of street children forced to adapt to the endemic violence of the enormous shantytowns that cling to the hills above or reside on the peripheries of Sao Paulo, Rio and Brazil's other major cities. Both films used non-professional actors, as Glauber Rocha did in the 1960s, drawn from the cities where homeless children are "cleansed" or killed by the police. The documentary "City of God - 10 Years Later" revisits the protagonists of that film and finds that many were unable to escape the problems.
"Central Station" (1998, Walter Salles) follows a retired teacher and an orphaned boy living in the railway station on an odyssey across the vast expanse of Brazil by bus and truck. The teacher first sells the boy to an organ trader in order to buy a television, but then remorsefully decides to steal him back and take him from Rio de Janeiro to Bahia on a search for his family.
Fernanda Montenegro, now 90, who played the retiree, was pictured on the September cover of Brazilian magazine "Quatro Cinco Um" covered in heavy rope atop a stack of books, in an obvious reference to witch and book burning. She was called "sordid" and "liar" by failing conservative Christian director Roberto Alvim, who in November was named Minister of Culture by Bolsonaro.
While Brazil's commercial telenovelas (soap operas) almost exclusively focus on wealth and riches, mostly populated with actors of European descent, the films supported by Ancine and the Cinemateca explore the plurality and reality of Brazil employing uniquely Brazilian innovations.
Brazil had a long history of censorship during the military dictatorship of 1964 to 1985, and the U.S. had an overt period of censorship of the arts a few years earlier. Brazilian multi-media artist Vik Muniz, who lives and works between New York and Rio, warns that Bolsonaro, or Trump in the U.S., are not the only ones to blame. "You have to understand that we elected these people," he points out. "Whether you like it or not, [they] represent the bulk of the people."
But that bulk of people are not homogeneous, nor are they inhabiting the neighbourhoods glorified in "The Last Crusade". The new United Nations Human Development Index (HDI), which came out on Monday, December 9, places Brazil in second place of the most unequal countries in the world, with more than 28% of the nation's wealth concentrated in the hands of a mere 1% of the population. By focusing on describing only the richest in Brazil, Bolsonaro is ignoring the vast majority of the country, and the richness of their diverse stories.
Trump and Musk are on an unconstitutional rampage, aiming for virtually every corner of the federal government. These two right-wing billionaires are targeting nurses, scientists, teachers, daycare providers, judges, veterans, air traffic controllers, and nuclear safety inspectors. No one is safe. The food stamps program, Social Security, Medicare, and Medicaid are next. It’s an unprecedented disaster and a five-alarm fire, but there will be a reckoning. The people did not vote for this. The American people do not want this dystopian hellscape that hides behind claims of “efficiency.” Still, in reality, it is all a giveaway to corporate interests and the libertarian dreams of far-right oligarchs like Musk. Common Dreams is playing a vital role by reporting day and night on this orgy of corruption and greed, as well as what everyday people can do to organize and fight back. As a people-powered nonprofit news outlet, we cover issues the corporate media never will, but we can only continue with our readers’ support. |
Brazilian President Jair Bolsonaro's administration is embarking on a project of cultural and historical revision. In September, the Cinemateca Brasileira, Brazil's library of national films, was "occupied" by military and extreme-right politicians who criticized the institution's "cultural Marxism" and promised a future film festival devoted to rehabilitating the image of the country's military dictatorship.
Also in September, Ancine, Brazil's national film development agency, saw its funding suddenly cut by nearly one half. Former Minister of Culture Marcelo Calero pointed out that all countries must invest in creative as well as scientific development, and that "these are measures that have a very strong ideological component."
The Brazilian Association of Documentary and Short Filmmakers (ABD) issued a statement in which they declared that in view of the occupation of the Cinemateca and the Ancine cuts, the country's film community was being "violated materially and symbolically by far-right activists."
This week, the government announced the creation of a new video series under the aegis of TV Escola (TV School) entitled "Brazil: The Last Crusade" in which "the hidden history of Brazil will be revealed." Production company Brasil Paralelo (Parallel Brazil) vows to "combat leftist ideas" with the series, whose first episodes can be seen for free on Youtube. Future segments will be available on a pay-per-view basis.
The first video opens with what producers imply is the false narrative of Brazil, with images of former President Lula da Silva, long lines and crime. Then drone shots of monuments, churches, and skyscrapers are juxtaposed with stacks of books and talking heads. Conspiracy theorist Olavo de Carvalho, who contests that the earth is round and claims Pepsi is sweetened by aborted fetuses, is prominently featured.
This week, Olavo demeaned both the former president and another Brazilian humanitarian of humble origins when he commented on the author of "Pedagogy of the Opressed": "What did Paulo Freire ever do for Brazil? Not a damn thing. He didn't even teach Lula how to read."
One of the missions of the Cinemateca is the preservation and continued distribution of the works of one of the most remarkable periods in the history of filmmaking, the Cinema Novo, a movement that began in the mid 1950s. Influenced by Italian neorealism, "God and the Devil in the Land of the Sun" (Glauber Rocha, 1964) starkly depicts the desperate and violent history of the inland northeast, the desert region known as the sertao. Afro-Brazilian mystics and mestico bandits, known as "cangaceiros", battle ruthless landowners to survive the extreme drought.
Rocha was forced into exile by the military dictatorship for ten years, only returning when he was transferred from a Portuguese hospital with a lung infection, dying days later at 42.
"How Tasty Was My Little Frenchman" (1971), by Nelson Pereira dos Santos, was filmed almost entirely in the Tupi language and satirizes the literal cannibalism of the Tupinamba people and the imperialist cannibalism committed by Europeans in the Americas. The Tupinamba may have eaten the Frenchman but they were later decimated by colonialism.
In "Bye, Bye Brasil" (1979, Carlos Diegues), a carnival caravan struggles to find an audience in a seemingly deserted town, finally happening upon a crowd gathered around a television set.
As the travelling show continues to move in search of better prospects, they witness the death and destruction of the wilderness at the hands of industrialists. After meeting a group of indigenous people driven from their ancestral lands, the women of the circus are forced into prostitution in order to earn money. Ultimately the indigenous people are delighted to get their first airplane ride as they are recruited as labourers, and the circus leaders buy a splashy caravan covered in neon lights with their new money, declaring that they are changing course and going to bring modernity to what's left of the jungle.
"Pixote" (1981, Hector Babenco) and "City of God" (2002, Fernando Meirelles, Katia Lund) are brutal explorations of the lives of street children forced to adapt to the endemic violence of the enormous shantytowns that cling to the hills above or reside on the peripheries of Sao Paulo, Rio and Brazil's other major cities. Both films used non-professional actors, as Glauber Rocha did in the 1960s, drawn from the cities where homeless children are "cleansed" or killed by the police. The documentary "City of God - 10 Years Later" revisits the protagonists of that film and finds that many were unable to escape the problems.
"Central Station" (1998, Walter Salles) follows a retired teacher and an orphaned boy living in the railway station on an odyssey across the vast expanse of Brazil by bus and truck. The teacher first sells the boy to an organ trader in order to buy a television, but then remorsefully decides to steal him back and take him from Rio de Janeiro to Bahia on a search for his family.
Fernanda Montenegro, now 90, who played the retiree, was pictured on the September cover of Brazilian magazine "Quatro Cinco Um" covered in heavy rope atop a stack of books, in an obvious reference to witch and book burning. She was called "sordid" and "liar" by failing conservative Christian director Roberto Alvim, who in November was named Minister of Culture by Bolsonaro.
While Brazil's commercial telenovelas (soap operas) almost exclusively focus on wealth and riches, mostly populated with actors of European descent, the films supported by Ancine and the Cinemateca explore the plurality and reality of Brazil employing uniquely Brazilian innovations.
Brazil had a long history of censorship during the military dictatorship of 1964 to 1985, and the U.S. had an overt period of censorship of the arts a few years earlier. Brazilian multi-media artist Vik Muniz, who lives and works between New York and Rio, warns that Bolsonaro, or Trump in the U.S., are not the only ones to blame. "You have to understand that we elected these people," he points out. "Whether you like it or not, [they] represent the bulk of the people."
But that bulk of people are not homogeneous, nor are they inhabiting the neighbourhoods glorified in "The Last Crusade". The new United Nations Human Development Index (HDI), which came out on Monday, December 9, places Brazil in second place of the most unequal countries in the world, with more than 28% of the nation's wealth concentrated in the hands of a mere 1% of the population. By focusing on describing only the richest in Brazil, Bolsonaro is ignoring the vast majority of the country, and the richness of their diverse stories.
Brazilian President Jair Bolsonaro's administration is embarking on a project of cultural and historical revision. In September, the Cinemateca Brasileira, Brazil's library of national films, was "occupied" by military and extreme-right politicians who criticized the institution's "cultural Marxism" and promised a future film festival devoted to rehabilitating the image of the country's military dictatorship.
Also in September, Ancine, Brazil's national film development agency, saw its funding suddenly cut by nearly one half. Former Minister of Culture Marcelo Calero pointed out that all countries must invest in creative as well as scientific development, and that "these are measures that have a very strong ideological component."
The Brazilian Association of Documentary and Short Filmmakers (ABD) issued a statement in which they declared that in view of the occupation of the Cinemateca and the Ancine cuts, the country's film community was being "violated materially and symbolically by far-right activists."
This week, the government announced the creation of a new video series under the aegis of TV Escola (TV School) entitled "Brazil: The Last Crusade" in which "the hidden history of Brazil will be revealed." Production company Brasil Paralelo (Parallel Brazil) vows to "combat leftist ideas" with the series, whose first episodes can be seen for free on Youtube. Future segments will be available on a pay-per-view basis.
The first video opens with what producers imply is the false narrative of Brazil, with images of former President Lula da Silva, long lines and crime. Then drone shots of monuments, churches, and skyscrapers are juxtaposed with stacks of books and talking heads. Conspiracy theorist Olavo de Carvalho, who contests that the earth is round and claims Pepsi is sweetened by aborted fetuses, is prominently featured.
This week, Olavo demeaned both the former president and another Brazilian humanitarian of humble origins when he commented on the author of "Pedagogy of the Opressed": "What did Paulo Freire ever do for Brazil? Not a damn thing. He didn't even teach Lula how to read."
One of the missions of the Cinemateca is the preservation and continued distribution of the works of one of the most remarkable periods in the history of filmmaking, the Cinema Novo, a movement that began in the mid 1950s. Influenced by Italian neorealism, "God and the Devil in the Land of the Sun" (Glauber Rocha, 1964) starkly depicts the desperate and violent history of the inland northeast, the desert region known as the sertao. Afro-Brazilian mystics and mestico bandits, known as "cangaceiros", battle ruthless landowners to survive the extreme drought.
Rocha was forced into exile by the military dictatorship for ten years, only returning when he was transferred from a Portuguese hospital with a lung infection, dying days later at 42.
"How Tasty Was My Little Frenchman" (1971), by Nelson Pereira dos Santos, was filmed almost entirely in the Tupi language and satirizes the literal cannibalism of the Tupinamba people and the imperialist cannibalism committed by Europeans in the Americas. The Tupinamba may have eaten the Frenchman but they were later decimated by colonialism.
In "Bye, Bye Brasil" (1979, Carlos Diegues), a carnival caravan struggles to find an audience in a seemingly deserted town, finally happening upon a crowd gathered around a television set.
As the travelling show continues to move in search of better prospects, they witness the death and destruction of the wilderness at the hands of industrialists. After meeting a group of indigenous people driven from their ancestral lands, the women of the circus are forced into prostitution in order to earn money. Ultimately the indigenous people are delighted to get their first airplane ride as they are recruited as labourers, and the circus leaders buy a splashy caravan covered in neon lights with their new money, declaring that they are changing course and going to bring modernity to what's left of the jungle.
"Pixote" (1981, Hector Babenco) and "City of God" (2002, Fernando Meirelles, Katia Lund) are brutal explorations of the lives of street children forced to adapt to the endemic violence of the enormous shantytowns that cling to the hills above or reside on the peripheries of Sao Paulo, Rio and Brazil's other major cities. Both films used non-professional actors, as Glauber Rocha did in the 1960s, drawn from the cities where homeless children are "cleansed" or killed by the police. The documentary "City of God - 10 Years Later" revisits the protagonists of that film and finds that many were unable to escape the problems.
"Central Station" (1998, Walter Salles) follows a retired teacher and an orphaned boy living in the railway station on an odyssey across the vast expanse of Brazil by bus and truck. The teacher first sells the boy to an organ trader in order to buy a television, but then remorsefully decides to steal him back and take him from Rio de Janeiro to Bahia on a search for his family.
Fernanda Montenegro, now 90, who played the retiree, was pictured on the September cover of Brazilian magazine "Quatro Cinco Um" covered in heavy rope atop a stack of books, in an obvious reference to witch and book burning. She was called "sordid" and "liar" by failing conservative Christian director Roberto Alvim, who in November was named Minister of Culture by Bolsonaro.
While Brazil's commercial telenovelas (soap operas) almost exclusively focus on wealth and riches, mostly populated with actors of European descent, the films supported by Ancine and the Cinemateca explore the plurality and reality of Brazil employing uniquely Brazilian innovations.
Brazil had a long history of censorship during the military dictatorship of 1964 to 1985, and the U.S. had an overt period of censorship of the arts a few years earlier. Brazilian multi-media artist Vik Muniz, who lives and works between New York and Rio, warns that Bolsonaro, or Trump in the U.S., are not the only ones to blame. "You have to understand that we elected these people," he points out. "Whether you like it or not, [they] represent the bulk of the people."
But that bulk of people are not homogeneous, nor are they inhabiting the neighbourhoods glorified in "The Last Crusade". The new United Nations Human Development Index (HDI), which came out on Monday, December 9, places Brazil in second place of the most unequal countries in the world, with more than 28% of the nation's wealth concentrated in the hands of a mere 1% of the population. By focusing on describing only the richest in Brazil, Bolsonaro is ignoring the vast majority of the country, and the richness of their diverse stories.
"Trump is clearly comfortable weaponizing Social Security for political purposes, and we fear that this is only the beginning," said one critic.
The top Democrat on the U.S. House Oversight Committee on Wednesday led calls for the resignation of acting Social Security Administration Commissioner Leland Dudek following the revelation of internal emails confirming that the SSA canceled contracts with the state of Maine as political payback after Democratic Gov. Janet Mills publicly defied President Donald Trump in support of transgender student athletes.
The emails—which were obtained by House Oversight Committee Ranking Member Gerry Connolly (D-Va.)—show that Dudek ordered the cancellation of enumeration at birth and electronic death registration contracts with Maine, even though SSAd subordinates warned that such action "would result in improper payments and potential for identity theft."
"These emails confirm that the Trump administration is intentionally creating waste and the opportunity for fraud."
Dudek—who is leading the SSA while the Senate considers Trump's nomination of financial services executive Frank Bisignano—replied to the staffer: "Please cancel the contracts. While our improper payments will go up, and fraudsters may compromise identities, no money will go from the public trust to a petulant child."
He was referring to Mills, who stood up to Trump in February after the president threatened to suspend federal funding for Maine unless the state banned transgender girls and women from participating on female scholastic sports teams.
The termination of the enumeration at birth contract briefly forced Maine parents to register their newborns for a Social Security number at a Social Security office, rather than checking a box on a form at the hospital as is customary, before the SSA reversed its decision.
Connolly sent Dudek a letter demanding that he "resign immediately" and submit to a transcribed interview with House Oversight Committee Democrats. Connolly wrote that Dudek "ordered these contracts terminated" as "direct retaliation" for Mills' defiance, "even though you knew that doing so would increase improper payments and create opportunities for fraudsters."
Government accountability advocates also condemned Dudek's actions.
"These emails confirm that the Trump administration is intentionally creating waste and the opportunity for fraud—in this case, to punish Maine Gov. Janet Mills for not bowing down to Donald Trump," Social Security Works president Nancy Altman told Common Dreams.
"The people actually punished by these actions were exhausted new parents in Maine, forced to drag their newborns to overcrowded Social Security offices in the middle of a measles outbreak," she continued. "Thankfully, the Trump administration had to quickly reverse course after massive public outrage. But Trump is clearly comfortable weaponizing Social Security for political purposes, and we fear that this is only the beginning."
"Once again, we see Team Trump resorting to revenge to set domestic policy."
Max Richtman, president and CEO of the National Committee to Preserve Social Security and Medicare, told Common Dreams that "it does not surprise us at all that this administration would weaponize Social Security against anyone who disagrees with or challenges President Trump."
"It's one of the concerns that we have with Elon Musk and [the Department of Government Efficiency] having access to everyone's personal data without any defensible explanation for why they need it," he continued. "We and the American people have legitimate worries, not only that this information will be vulnerable to hackers, but also that it could intentionally be misused as a weapon against anyone who publicly disagrees with Trump."
"The fact that the acting commissioner himself publicly admitted that he didn't really understand the Maine contract, but canceled it anyway, proves that this administration is making reckless changes that affect real people for no legitimate reason," Richtman added. "Once again, we see Team Trump resorting to revenge to set domestic policy."
The revelation of Dudek's emails comes amid SSA turmoil caused by the termination of thousands of agency personnel in what Trump, Musk, and other Republicans claim is an effort to reduce waste and fraud. Musk—who recently referred to Social Security as the the "biggest Ponzi scheme of all time"—has proposed the elimination of up to 50% of SSA's workforce and has said that up to $700 billion could be cut from programs including Social Security, Medicare, and Medicaid.
"As Jewish students, we grew up learning about the rise of fascism, learning about how important it is to stand up when you see injustice in the world," said one protester.
Jewish Columbia University students had chained themselves to a fence on campus for 45 minutes on Wednesday, in protest of the school's cooperation with immigration agents to arrest a leader of last year's pro-Palestinian encampment, when New York City Police officers arrived to break up the nonviolent action.
One student identified as Shea, who was wearing a kippah with a watermelon design and a keffiyeh—symbols of Palestinian solidarity—told independent journalist Meghnad Bose that university trustees are "directly implicated" in Immigration and Customs Enforcement's (ICE) targeting of Mahmoud Khalil, a former student who helped lead negotiations demanding Columbia's divestment from Israel last year.
Shea said trustees handed over the names of Khalil and other pro-Palestinian students at Columbia to the government.
"We are here in protest of that to demand that the university tell us which trustees, which members of the university administration, are responsible for this so we can demand immediate consequences for them and hold them accountable for what they've done to our peer," said the undergraduate student.
Shea added that Jewish students were leading the protest because "the attacks on our international students, on students of color, have been so fierce, so dangerous, so disproportionate that we are the only students who can be here right now taking this risk."
Listen in to the student protesters themselves @DropSiteNews pic.twitter.com/R3LIWWQspI
— Meghnad Bose (@MeghnadBose93) April 2, 2025
Plainclothes ICE agents abducted Khalil last month as he was returning home to his apartment in a Columbia-owned building with his pregnant wife. The agents refused to identify themselves and ultimately Khalil was sent to an ICE detention facility in Louisiana. Khalil is an Algerian citizen of Palestinian descent and had a green card, which has reportedly been revoked by the Trump administration, while his wife—who is pregnant with their first child—is a U.S. citizen.
A federal court in New Jersey ruled Tuesday that the challenge to ICE's unlawful detention of Khalil should continue in the state. His wife responded that "this is an important step towards securing Mahmoud's freedom, but there is still a lot more to be done. As the countdown to our son's birth begins and I inch closer and closer to my due date, I will continue to strongly advocate for Mahmoud’s freedom and for his safe return home so he can be by my side to welcome our first child."
Khalil was detained days after the Trump administration announced it was canceling $400 million in grants and contracts for Columbia in retaliation for what it claimed was a failure to address antisemitism on campus. The Trump administration has conflated expressions of support for Palestinian rights on college campuses with attacks on Jewish students, as did the Biden administration before it.
Columbia oversaw an aggressive response to the protests last year, allowing NYPD officers to drag students out of a building they occupied and unofficially renamed Hind's Hall after Hind Rajab, a six-year-old girl who was killed by Israeli forces in Gaza.
An analysis of last year's pro-Palestinian campus protests, many of which were led by Jewish students, found that 97% of them were nonviolent.
A Barnard College student identified as Tali said Wednesday that "as Jewish students, we grew up learning about the rise of fascism, learning about how important it is to stand up when you see injustice in the world."
Campus security quickly cordoned off the area where students had chained themselves to the fence. After the NYPD arrived, security officers used bolt cutters to remove the protesters from the fence.
Breaking: Columbia campus security bring giant bolt cutters to forcibly break the student protesters away from the Columbia gates they had chained themselves to.@DropSiteNews pic.twitter.com/pSROblLjjf
— Meghnad Bose (@MeghnadBose93) April 2, 2025
Bose reported that "in [a] sudden escalation, Columbia campus security aggressively [engaged] student protesters," and tried to take away a banner reading, "Free Mahmoud Khalil."
"Love and solidarity to these courageous Jewish students who have chained themselves to the gates of Columbia in protest of the university turning over their friend Mahmoud Khalil to a fascist administration," said Simone Zimmerman, co-founder of the Jewish-led group IfNotNow.
The students, said Zimmerman, "are taking risks today that they know most of their peers cannot."
The Trump administration is "plotting to sell off America's national public lands to their billionaire friends, and Kate MacGregor is the perfect henchwoman."
Watchdog groups are warning that U.S. President Donald Trump's pick for deputy secretary of the U.S. Department of the Interior, Kate MacGregor—who they call a friend of the fossil fuel industry—will be an enthusiastic accomplice in the Trump administration's efforts to open up public land to oil and gas leasing.
Trump, Interior Secretary Doug Burgum, and Trump's billionaire adviser Elon Musk "are plotting to sell off America's national public lands to their billionaire friends, and Kate MacGregor is the perfect henchwoman," said Alan Zibel, a research director with the watchdog Public Citizen, in a statement on Wednesday.
MacGregor, an energy company executive who was deputy secretary of the Department of the Interior during the first Trump administration from early 2020 until January 2021 had her confirmation hearing Wednesday before the Senate Energy and Natural Resources Committee.
Oil Change International's U.S. campaign manager Collin Rees blasted MacGregor over her testimony, including support for legislation co-sponsored by Sen. Cindy Hyde-Smith (R-Miss.) that would require the Interior Department to hold two offshore oil and gas lease sales per year for 10 years.
MacGregor's previous time in the Interior Department, showed she "prioritized fossil fuel interests over the good of the American people."
"Her support for a decade of at least two offshore oil and gas lease sales is completely incompatible with avoiding the worst impacts of the climate crisis, as well as the Department of Interior's mandate to protect public lands and waters," Rees said.
In 2017, as an aide to then-Interior Secretary Ryan Zinke, MacGregor helped successfully fast track a permit for an oil firm to begin fracking on a patch of farmland in Oklahoma, according to 2019 reporting from the investigative outlet Reveal.
"While a senior staffer of the House Committee on Natural Resources, she developed strong ties to the energy industry and its lobbyists," according to Reveal. "In recent years, she has also built a public profile as an advocate of offshore oil drilling and a foe of any environmental rules that might limit energy production."
According to a record of her work calendar, which was obtained via a Freedom of Information Act request by the nonprofit publication Pacific Standard, MacGregor met over 100 times with extractive industry groups or representatives between January of 2017 and January of 2018, when she was at the Department of the Interior but not yet the deputy secretary.
Pointing to MacGregor's background, executive director of the watchdog Accountable.US Tony Carrk said that with MacGregor's nomination, Trump "continues to build a dream team of big oil and gas shills to ravage America's public lands, while taxpayers and our environment deal with all the fallout."
Zibel of Public Citizen also noted that "public lands belong to all Americans, not wealthy corporate executives."
Meanwhile, Public Citizen is also sounding the alarm on the expected appointment of Matt Giacona, a lobbyist for the National Ocean Industries Association—which represents oil, gas, and wind companies working offshore—to head the Department of Interior's Bureau of Ocean Energy Management (BOEM). The current person leading BOEM is retiring, according to Politico Pro.
In response to the potential appointment of Giacona to BOEM, which oversees offshore energy production in deep waters, director of Public Citizen's energy program Tyson Slocum on Wednesday said: "Trump Appointing a Big Oil lobbyist to oversee deep water oil drilling in the Gulf of Mexico shows that the administration's goal is to empower and enrich powerful corporations at the expense of everyone and everything else."
"This continues the clear trend of Trump turning federal agencies and the public good into profit opportunities for powerful corporate interests," he said.