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"Trump has been laying the groundwork to fix the 2020 election results ever since deceit and treachery helped produce victory for him in 2016," writes Ripton. (Photo: Jim Watson/AFP via Getty Images)
Donald Trump and his Republican allies are preparing to rig the 2020 presidential election. The outline of their strategy is quite evident. The use of fear and division in campaign rhetoric and advertising is one tactic. Another is their refusal to act or even acknowledge foreign interference in U.S. elections or to move against domestic sites disseminating abjectly false information. Central to the plan, though, is delegitimizing the election process itself, especially mail-in balloting.
In doing so, Trump is leveraging the pandemic to destroy any semblance of democracy left in presidential elections. He has one exclusive goal in mind: secure another four years in office. The consequences of such callous political calculations have already been devastating. The New York Times points out that the U.S. has 5 times as many coronavirus cases as all of Europe, Japan, Canada, Australia and South Korea combined. But rather than engage federal resources and assert presidential authority to promote prevention, fortify medical facilities and stanch the spread of the pandemic, Trump and his craven Republican allies have engaged in a crass and very deliberate campaign of weaponizing coronavirus for political ends.
Meanwhile, the raging pandemic makes voting at polling places a potentially hazardous experience this year. Voting by mail is the safe, obvious alternative. The attacks on mail voting, however, are direct assaults on the integrity of American elections, a particularly pernicious campaign during this time of catastrophic public health crisis. The idea that to count an anticipated tens of millions mailed ballots may take days or weeks or, as Trump recently suggested, "months" or "years" is very disconcerting. Even more alarming, Trump suggests that he will not accept the results of the election even if there is a clear winner on November 3. Taken together--mail-in vote degradation, delayed vote count and presidential refusal to accept results--it is very clear that this election will be brokered in the courts. Trump's discrediting and delegitimizing voting by mail, in particular, prepares the ground for convoluted and protracted post-election legal battles.
"Taken together--mail-in vote degradation, delayed vote count and presidential refusal to accept results--it is very clear that this election will be brokered in the courts." Trump's assertions and characterizations of mail-in voting, however, founder on evidence. He claims that mail-in voting is broadly corrupt. His administration suggests that it is highly vulnerable to foreign interference. Trump still contends that millions of "illegal immigrants" voted against him in 2016 and suggests that voting by mail makes such fraud easier. Yet the facts do not uphold the president's allegations. Since many states have instituted mail-in voting, researchers have collected substantial data on voting by mail. Colorado, Hawaii, Oregon, Washington and Utah conduct all elections by mail and another 23 states practice mail-in voting in local elections. Thus there is an ample data set for testing its reliability. Far from being rife with fraud, the Washington Post found only 372 potential irregularities in its survey of 14.6 million mail-in ballots, a mere .0025% rate of questionable votes.
Denying mail-in voting in 2020 not only puts the public's health in grave danger it also threatens democracy itself. The Wisconsin primary in April illustrates this point. An estimated 100,000 voters were denied the right to vote due to the pandemic. And, according to a peer-reviewed study of COVID-19 and the Wisconsin primary voters, as many as 700 voters of COVID-19 infections were related to the election. Yet in Wisconsin's primary, Trump and Republicans--with the help of the U.S. Supreme Court --successfully countered the Wisconsin governor's efforts to extend the primary so that voters could cast ballots via mail. Trump and his supporters immediately moved beyond Wisconsin in their offensive on voting by mail. Though unsuccessful in California, Republicans sued in May to stop delivery of mail ballots to California voters. Again, in late June, they went to court, this time targeting liberalized absentee ballot rules in Pennsylvania. Republicans are also pursuing legal means to limit mail voting in other states including election swing-states Michigan, Minnesota, and Arizona. Additionally, Trump vows to direct $20 million toward defending restrictive voting rules being challenged by Democrats in 18 states.
In the first week of August, Nevada's mail-in voting plans slid into the scope of Trump's re-election campaign. In Nevada, the Trump re-election campaign, the Republican National Committee, and the state Republican committee sued in court to prevent expanded mail-in voting. The three-pronged attack --also deployed in Wisconsin and California--demonstrates that the anti-democratic forces at the heart of Trump's re-election campaign and his Republican allies are tightly organized. The Nevada controversy yielded yet another stratagem to subvert the presidential election results: portraying Democrat-governed states as incapable of conducting fair mail-in voting and Republican-led states as eminently capable of doing so. In a preposterous declaration, Trump claimed that Nevada with its Democratic governor presides over a corrupt system of mail voting while Florida (think "hanging chads" in 2000 and the vote counting chaos of 2018) with its Republican governor is eminently capable of conducting a sound mail-in voting system.
The U.S. Postal Service has also emerged as a pivotal agency in countering the mail-in vote. Postmaster General Louis DeJoy, a Trump appointee, appears to be doing the president's bidding as he slows the movement of mail. DeJoy has taken offline high-speed mail sorters and removed blue postal boxes as well as reduced window hours and overtime for postal workers. While DeJoy promised Congress this week that "The Postal Service is fully capable and committed to delivering the nation's election mail fully and on time," he had earlier informed state election officials that election ballots will no longer be handled as priority mail. DeJoy testified that cost-cutting measures would be suspended until after the election but six states and the District of Columbia went to court to contest his assurances amid fears that changes already instituted at the Postal Service have caused extensive delays that could affect the on-time delivery of ballots in the fall. For his part, Trump feigns innocence of any sinister intent with mail delivery times, disingenuously complaining about the slow delivery of mail to deflect attention from his meddling in the on-time delivery of mailed ballots.
While most political polls show Joe Biden leading Donald Trump in the presidential race, it is important to recognize that political polls do not measure perfidy. Trump has been laying the groundwork to fix the 2020 election results ever since deceit and treachery helped produce victory for him in 2016. As part of the fix, over the last four years, he has attacked immigrants, excused white supremacists, and vilified opponents among other outrages. He has demanded and rewarded uncritical allegiance. He has fired numerous appointees who fell short of total obeisance, dismissed and replaced dozens of federal attorneys with doctrinaire conservatives, and demanded deregulation across all federal regulatory agencies. He has even transformed the Department of Justice into his own legal team with Attorney General Barr calling for investigations that support Trump's interests including discrediting Robert Mueller's investigation, intervening on behalf of Trump associates involved in potential collusion with Russia and renewing the effort to find compromising material on Biden in Ukraine.
"Trump has been laying the groundwork to fix the 2020 election results ever since deceit and treachery helped produce victory for him in 2016." In his actions and his statements since 2016, Donald Trump has made it quite clear that elections and democratic processes are obstacles to his authoritarian designs. He has no intention of leaving the White House. He has no respect for law or the Constitution and he's flirted with being president for life. Trump has apparently staked his re-election on de-legitimizing the voting process itself. His incessant denunciation of mail-in voting is the hinge on which his re-election swings. Can he sow enough doubt about voting by mail to provide shelter against losing the election? Will his protestations of voting fraud gain sufficient traction with the public and in the courts in the days following the presidential election? For sure, voting irregularities may occur in any election but the incidence of fraud across decades of elections in the U.S. is extremely low. Nevertheless, in November Trump and his allies will exploit any opportunity to challenge vote counts, especially when they favor Democrats. The numerous challenges to mail-in ballots already underway will, after November 3, give way to a virtual firestorm of them. And Democrats may be underestimating the level of chaos and the staggering challenges to constitutional authority that Trump and his Republican supporters will prosecute.
Democratic leaders nevertheless assure wary supporters that Congress has the ultimate authority over presidential elections. In reality, Congress does control the processes of the electoral college. But how will the electoral college convene when voting remains unsettled? In the end, the Constitution may not even be enough to compel a defeated Trump to step down. Yes, the elected president must assume office on January 20 and the previous president must accept the transfer of power. But what if the election results are hung up in the courts by multiple legal challenges and there is no definitive winner on January 20? Transfer of presidential power, after all, may turn out to be as much governed by tradition and norm as by the Constitution itself.
Ultimately, politicizing a pandemic and contributing to widespread suffering and death erodes confidence in government and wears down the moral fiber of a nation. Efforts to manage voting, even to deny citizens' right to vote, becomes easier when a nation is divided and the government appears morally bankrupt. The political course Trump has blazed doesn't just transgress norms that have preoccupied so many politicians and pundits. Trump's presidency and his 2020 campaign have shown just how easily breached our presumed representative democracy actually is. Perhaps this should not be surprising. The seeds of democracy's dissolution were there from the beginning, in a Constitution designed by propertied and commercially-minded white men, many of whom professed democratic principles but actually held human beings in bondage and denied women the right to vote. Two and a half centuries later, in the midst of a crippling pandemic, the United States has lurched so far to the political right that fascism is no longer unthinkable. The nation is drifting into a moral crisis born of callousness and the blind and vicious political ambition of a president. This reality makes the removal of Donald Trump from the presidency of the United States a historic and existential imperative for the nation.
Trump and Musk are on an unconstitutional rampage, aiming for virtually every corner of the federal government. These two right-wing billionaires are targeting nurses, scientists, teachers, daycare providers, judges, veterans, air traffic controllers, and nuclear safety inspectors. No one is safe. The food stamps program, Social Security, Medicare, and Medicaid are next. It’s an unprecedented disaster and a five-alarm fire, but there will be a reckoning. The people did not vote for this. The American people do not want this dystopian hellscape that hides behind claims of “efficiency.” Still, in reality, it is all a giveaway to corporate interests and the libertarian dreams of far-right oligarchs like Musk. Common Dreams is playing a vital role by reporting day and night on this orgy of corruption and greed, as well as what everyday people can do to organize and fight back. As a people-powered nonprofit news outlet, we cover issues the corporate media never will, but we can only continue with our readers’ support. |
Donald Trump and his Republican allies are preparing to rig the 2020 presidential election. The outline of their strategy is quite evident. The use of fear and division in campaign rhetoric and advertising is one tactic. Another is their refusal to act or even acknowledge foreign interference in U.S. elections or to move against domestic sites disseminating abjectly false information. Central to the plan, though, is delegitimizing the election process itself, especially mail-in balloting.
In doing so, Trump is leveraging the pandemic to destroy any semblance of democracy left in presidential elections. He has one exclusive goal in mind: secure another four years in office. The consequences of such callous political calculations have already been devastating. The New York Times points out that the U.S. has 5 times as many coronavirus cases as all of Europe, Japan, Canada, Australia and South Korea combined. But rather than engage federal resources and assert presidential authority to promote prevention, fortify medical facilities and stanch the spread of the pandemic, Trump and his craven Republican allies have engaged in a crass and very deliberate campaign of weaponizing coronavirus for political ends.
Meanwhile, the raging pandemic makes voting at polling places a potentially hazardous experience this year. Voting by mail is the safe, obvious alternative. The attacks on mail voting, however, are direct assaults on the integrity of American elections, a particularly pernicious campaign during this time of catastrophic public health crisis. The idea that to count an anticipated tens of millions mailed ballots may take days or weeks or, as Trump recently suggested, "months" or "years" is very disconcerting. Even more alarming, Trump suggests that he will not accept the results of the election even if there is a clear winner on November 3. Taken together--mail-in vote degradation, delayed vote count and presidential refusal to accept results--it is very clear that this election will be brokered in the courts. Trump's discrediting and delegitimizing voting by mail, in particular, prepares the ground for convoluted and protracted post-election legal battles.
"Taken together--mail-in vote degradation, delayed vote count and presidential refusal to accept results--it is very clear that this election will be brokered in the courts." Trump's assertions and characterizations of mail-in voting, however, founder on evidence. He claims that mail-in voting is broadly corrupt. His administration suggests that it is highly vulnerable to foreign interference. Trump still contends that millions of "illegal immigrants" voted against him in 2016 and suggests that voting by mail makes such fraud easier. Yet the facts do not uphold the president's allegations. Since many states have instituted mail-in voting, researchers have collected substantial data on voting by mail. Colorado, Hawaii, Oregon, Washington and Utah conduct all elections by mail and another 23 states practice mail-in voting in local elections. Thus there is an ample data set for testing its reliability. Far from being rife with fraud, the Washington Post found only 372 potential irregularities in its survey of 14.6 million mail-in ballots, a mere .0025% rate of questionable votes.
Denying mail-in voting in 2020 not only puts the public's health in grave danger it also threatens democracy itself. The Wisconsin primary in April illustrates this point. An estimated 100,000 voters were denied the right to vote due to the pandemic. And, according to a peer-reviewed study of COVID-19 and the Wisconsin primary voters, as many as 700 voters of COVID-19 infections were related to the election. Yet in Wisconsin's primary, Trump and Republicans--with the help of the U.S. Supreme Court --successfully countered the Wisconsin governor's efforts to extend the primary so that voters could cast ballots via mail. Trump and his supporters immediately moved beyond Wisconsin in their offensive on voting by mail. Though unsuccessful in California, Republicans sued in May to stop delivery of mail ballots to California voters. Again, in late June, they went to court, this time targeting liberalized absentee ballot rules in Pennsylvania. Republicans are also pursuing legal means to limit mail voting in other states including election swing-states Michigan, Minnesota, and Arizona. Additionally, Trump vows to direct $20 million toward defending restrictive voting rules being challenged by Democrats in 18 states.
In the first week of August, Nevada's mail-in voting plans slid into the scope of Trump's re-election campaign. In Nevada, the Trump re-election campaign, the Republican National Committee, and the state Republican committee sued in court to prevent expanded mail-in voting. The three-pronged attack --also deployed in Wisconsin and California--demonstrates that the anti-democratic forces at the heart of Trump's re-election campaign and his Republican allies are tightly organized. The Nevada controversy yielded yet another stratagem to subvert the presidential election results: portraying Democrat-governed states as incapable of conducting fair mail-in voting and Republican-led states as eminently capable of doing so. In a preposterous declaration, Trump claimed that Nevada with its Democratic governor presides over a corrupt system of mail voting while Florida (think "hanging chads" in 2000 and the vote counting chaos of 2018) with its Republican governor is eminently capable of conducting a sound mail-in voting system.
The U.S. Postal Service has also emerged as a pivotal agency in countering the mail-in vote. Postmaster General Louis DeJoy, a Trump appointee, appears to be doing the president's bidding as he slows the movement of mail. DeJoy has taken offline high-speed mail sorters and removed blue postal boxes as well as reduced window hours and overtime for postal workers. While DeJoy promised Congress this week that "The Postal Service is fully capable and committed to delivering the nation's election mail fully and on time," he had earlier informed state election officials that election ballots will no longer be handled as priority mail. DeJoy testified that cost-cutting measures would be suspended until after the election but six states and the District of Columbia went to court to contest his assurances amid fears that changes already instituted at the Postal Service have caused extensive delays that could affect the on-time delivery of ballots in the fall. For his part, Trump feigns innocence of any sinister intent with mail delivery times, disingenuously complaining about the slow delivery of mail to deflect attention from his meddling in the on-time delivery of mailed ballots.
While most political polls show Joe Biden leading Donald Trump in the presidential race, it is important to recognize that political polls do not measure perfidy. Trump has been laying the groundwork to fix the 2020 election results ever since deceit and treachery helped produce victory for him in 2016. As part of the fix, over the last four years, he has attacked immigrants, excused white supremacists, and vilified opponents among other outrages. He has demanded and rewarded uncritical allegiance. He has fired numerous appointees who fell short of total obeisance, dismissed and replaced dozens of federal attorneys with doctrinaire conservatives, and demanded deregulation across all federal regulatory agencies. He has even transformed the Department of Justice into his own legal team with Attorney General Barr calling for investigations that support Trump's interests including discrediting Robert Mueller's investigation, intervening on behalf of Trump associates involved in potential collusion with Russia and renewing the effort to find compromising material on Biden in Ukraine.
"Trump has been laying the groundwork to fix the 2020 election results ever since deceit and treachery helped produce victory for him in 2016." In his actions and his statements since 2016, Donald Trump has made it quite clear that elections and democratic processes are obstacles to his authoritarian designs. He has no intention of leaving the White House. He has no respect for law or the Constitution and he's flirted with being president for life. Trump has apparently staked his re-election on de-legitimizing the voting process itself. His incessant denunciation of mail-in voting is the hinge on which his re-election swings. Can he sow enough doubt about voting by mail to provide shelter against losing the election? Will his protestations of voting fraud gain sufficient traction with the public and in the courts in the days following the presidential election? For sure, voting irregularities may occur in any election but the incidence of fraud across decades of elections in the U.S. is extremely low. Nevertheless, in November Trump and his allies will exploit any opportunity to challenge vote counts, especially when they favor Democrats. The numerous challenges to mail-in ballots already underway will, after November 3, give way to a virtual firestorm of them. And Democrats may be underestimating the level of chaos and the staggering challenges to constitutional authority that Trump and his Republican supporters will prosecute.
Democratic leaders nevertheless assure wary supporters that Congress has the ultimate authority over presidential elections. In reality, Congress does control the processes of the electoral college. But how will the electoral college convene when voting remains unsettled? In the end, the Constitution may not even be enough to compel a defeated Trump to step down. Yes, the elected president must assume office on January 20 and the previous president must accept the transfer of power. But what if the election results are hung up in the courts by multiple legal challenges and there is no definitive winner on January 20? Transfer of presidential power, after all, may turn out to be as much governed by tradition and norm as by the Constitution itself.
Ultimately, politicizing a pandemic and contributing to widespread suffering and death erodes confidence in government and wears down the moral fiber of a nation. Efforts to manage voting, even to deny citizens' right to vote, becomes easier when a nation is divided and the government appears morally bankrupt. The political course Trump has blazed doesn't just transgress norms that have preoccupied so many politicians and pundits. Trump's presidency and his 2020 campaign have shown just how easily breached our presumed representative democracy actually is. Perhaps this should not be surprising. The seeds of democracy's dissolution were there from the beginning, in a Constitution designed by propertied and commercially-minded white men, many of whom professed democratic principles but actually held human beings in bondage and denied women the right to vote. Two and a half centuries later, in the midst of a crippling pandemic, the United States has lurched so far to the political right that fascism is no longer unthinkable. The nation is drifting into a moral crisis born of callousness and the blind and vicious political ambition of a president. This reality makes the removal of Donald Trump from the presidency of the United States a historic and existential imperative for the nation.
Donald Trump and his Republican allies are preparing to rig the 2020 presidential election. The outline of their strategy is quite evident. The use of fear and division in campaign rhetoric and advertising is one tactic. Another is their refusal to act or even acknowledge foreign interference in U.S. elections or to move against domestic sites disseminating abjectly false information. Central to the plan, though, is delegitimizing the election process itself, especially mail-in balloting.
In doing so, Trump is leveraging the pandemic to destroy any semblance of democracy left in presidential elections. He has one exclusive goal in mind: secure another four years in office. The consequences of such callous political calculations have already been devastating. The New York Times points out that the U.S. has 5 times as many coronavirus cases as all of Europe, Japan, Canada, Australia and South Korea combined. But rather than engage federal resources and assert presidential authority to promote prevention, fortify medical facilities and stanch the spread of the pandemic, Trump and his craven Republican allies have engaged in a crass and very deliberate campaign of weaponizing coronavirus for political ends.
Meanwhile, the raging pandemic makes voting at polling places a potentially hazardous experience this year. Voting by mail is the safe, obvious alternative. The attacks on mail voting, however, are direct assaults on the integrity of American elections, a particularly pernicious campaign during this time of catastrophic public health crisis. The idea that to count an anticipated tens of millions mailed ballots may take days or weeks or, as Trump recently suggested, "months" or "years" is very disconcerting. Even more alarming, Trump suggests that he will not accept the results of the election even if there is a clear winner on November 3. Taken together--mail-in vote degradation, delayed vote count and presidential refusal to accept results--it is very clear that this election will be brokered in the courts. Trump's discrediting and delegitimizing voting by mail, in particular, prepares the ground for convoluted and protracted post-election legal battles.
"Taken together--mail-in vote degradation, delayed vote count and presidential refusal to accept results--it is very clear that this election will be brokered in the courts." Trump's assertions and characterizations of mail-in voting, however, founder on evidence. He claims that mail-in voting is broadly corrupt. His administration suggests that it is highly vulnerable to foreign interference. Trump still contends that millions of "illegal immigrants" voted against him in 2016 and suggests that voting by mail makes such fraud easier. Yet the facts do not uphold the president's allegations. Since many states have instituted mail-in voting, researchers have collected substantial data on voting by mail. Colorado, Hawaii, Oregon, Washington and Utah conduct all elections by mail and another 23 states practice mail-in voting in local elections. Thus there is an ample data set for testing its reliability. Far from being rife with fraud, the Washington Post found only 372 potential irregularities in its survey of 14.6 million mail-in ballots, a mere .0025% rate of questionable votes.
Denying mail-in voting in 2020 not only puts the public's health in grave danger it also threatens democracy itself. The Wisconsin primary in April illustrates this point. An estimated 100,000 voters were denied the right to vote due to the pandemic. And, according to a peer-reviewed study of COVID-19 and the Wisconsin primary voters, as many as 700 voters of COVID-19 infections were related to the election. Yet in Wisconsin's primary, Trump and Republicans--with the help of the U.S. Supreme Court --successfully countered the Wisconsin governor's efforts to extend the primary so that voters could cast ballots via mail. Trump and his supporters immediately moved beyond Wisconsin in their offensive on voting by mail. Though unsuccessful in California, Republicans sued in May to stop delivery of mail ballots to California voters. Again, in late June, they went to court, this time targeting liberalized absentee ballot rules in Pennsylvania. Republicans are also pursuing legal means to limit mail voting in other states including election swing-states Michigan, Minnesota, and Arizona. Additionally, Trump vows to direct $20 million toward defending restrictive voting rules being challenged by Democrats in 18 states.
In the first week of August, Nevada's mail-in voting plans slid into the scope of Trump's re-election campaign. In Nevada, the Trump re-election campaign, the Republican National Committee, and the state Republican committee sued in court to prevent expanded mail-in voting. The three-pronged attack --also deployed in Wisconsin and California--demonstrates that the anti-democratic forces at the heart of Trump's re-election campaign and his Republican allies are tightly organized. The Nevada controversy yielded yet another stratagem to subvert the presidential election results: portraying Democrat-governed states as incapable of conducting fair mail-in voting and Republican-led states as eminently capable of doing so. In a preposterous declaration, Trump claimed that Nevada with its Democratic governor presides over a corrupt system of mail voting while Florida (think "hanging chads" in 2000 and the vote counting chaos of 2018) with its Republican governor is eminently capable of conducting a sound mail-in voting system.
The U.S. Postal Service has also emerged as a pivotal agency in countering the mail-in vote. Postmaster General Louis DeJoy, a Trump appointee, appears to be doing the president's bidding as he slows the movement of mail. DeJoy has taken offline high-speed mail sorters and removed blue postal boxes as well as reduced window hours and overtime for postal workers. While DeJoy promised Congress this week that "The Postal Service is fully capable and committed to delivering the nation's election mail fully and on time," he had earlier informed state election officials that election ballots will no longer be handled as priority mail. DeJoy testified that cost-cutting measures would be suspended until after the election but six states and the District of Columbia went to court to contest his assurances amid fears that changes already instituted at the Postal Service have caused extensive delays that could affect the on-time delivery of ballots in the fall. For his part, Trump feigns innocence of any sinister intent with mail delivery times, disingenuously complaining about the slow delivery of mail to deflect attention from his meddling in the on-time delivery of mailed ballots.
While most political polls show Joe Biden leading Donald Trump in the presidential race, it is important to recognize that political polls do not measure perfidy. Trump has been laying the groundwork to fix the 2020 election results ever since deceit and treachery helped produce victory for him in 2016. As part of the fix, over the last four years, he has attacked immigrants, excused white supremacists, and vilified opponents among other outrages. He has demanded and rewarded uncritical allegiance. He has fired numerous appointees who fell short of total obeisance, dismissed and replaced dozens of federal attorneys with doctrinaire conservatives, and demanded deregulation across all federal regulatory agencies. He has even transformed the Department of Justice into his own legal team with Attorney General Barr calling for investigations that support Trump's interests including discrediting Robert Mueller's investigation, intervening on behalf of Trump associates involved in potential collusion with Russia and renewing the effort to find compromising material on Biden in Ukraine.
"Trump has been laying the groundwork to fix the 2020 election results ever since deceit and treachery helped produce victory for him in 2016." In his actions and his statements since 2016, Donald Trump has made it quite clear that elections and democratic processes are obstacles to his authoritarian designs. He has no intention of leaving the White House. He has no respect for law or the Constitution and he's flirted with being president for life. Trump has apparently staked his re-election on de-legitimizing the voting process itself. His incessant denunciation of mail-in voting is the hinge on which his re-election swings. Can he sow enough doubt about voting by mail to provide shelter against losing the election? Will his protestations of voting fraud gain sufficient traction with the public and in the courts in the days following the presidential election? For sure, voting irregularities may occur in any election but the incidence of fraud across decades of elections in the U.S. is extremely low. Nevertheless, in November Trump and his allies will exploit any opportunity to challenge vote counts, especially when they favor Democrats. The numerous challenges to mail-in ballots already underway will, after November 3, give way to a virtual firestorm of them. And Democrats may be underestimating the level of chaos and the staggering challenges to constitutional authority that Trump and his Republican supporters will prosecute.
Democratic leaders nevertheless assure wary supporters that Congress has the ultimate authority over presidential elections. In reality, Congress does control the processes of the electoral college. But how will the electoral college convene when voting remains unsettled? In the end, the Constitution may not even be enough to compel a defeated Trump to step down. Yes, the elected president must assume office on January 20 and the previous president must accept the transfer of power. But what if the election results are hung up in the courts by multiple legal challenges and there is no definitive winner on January 20? Transfer of presidential power, after all, may turn out to be as much governed by tradition and norm as by the Constitution itself.
Ultimately, politicizing a pandemic and contributing to widespread suffering and death erodes confidence in government and wears down the moral fiber of a nation. Efforts to manage voting, even to deny citizens' right to vote, becomes easier when a nation is divided and the government appears morally bankrupt. The political course Trump has blazed doesn't just transgress norms that have preoccupied so many politicians and pundits. Trump's presidency and his 2020 campaign have shown just how easily breached our presumed representative democracy actually is. Perhaps this should not be surprising. The seeds of democracy's dissolution were there from the beginning, in a Constitution designed by propertied and commercially-minded white men, many of whom professed democratic principles but actually held human beings in bondage and denied women the right to vote. Two and a half centuries later, in the midst of a crippling pandemic, the United States has lurched so far to the political right that fascism is no longer unthinkable. The nation is drifting into a moral crisis born of callousness and the blind and vicious political ambition of a president. This reality makes the removal of Donald Trump from the presidency of the United States a historic and existential imperative for the nation.
"This was an illegal act," said U.S. District Court Judge Paula Xinis.
A federal court judge on Sunday declared the Trump administration's refusal to return a man they sent to an El Salvadoran prison in "error" as "totally lawless" behavior and ordered the Department of Homeland Security to repatriate the man, Kilmar Armando Abrego Garcia, within 24 hours.
In a 22-page ruling, U.S. District Judge Paula Xinis doubled down on an order issued Friday, which Department of Justice lawyers representing the administration said was an affront to his executive authority.
"This was an illegal act," Xinis said of DHS Secretary Krisi Noem's attack on Abrego Garcia's rights, including his deportation and imprisonment.
"Defendants seized Abrego Garcia without any lawful authority; held him in three separate domestic detention centers without legal basis; failed to present him to any immigration judge or officer; and forcibly transported him to El Salvador in direct contravention of [immigration law]," the decision states.
Once imprisoned in El Salvador, the order continues, "U.S. officials secured his detention in a facility that, by design, deprives its detainees of adequate food, water, and shelter, fosters routine violence; and places him with his persecutors."
Trump's DOJ appealed Friday's order to 4th Circuit Court of Appeals, based in Virginia, but that court has not yet ruled on the request to stay the order from Xinis, which says Abrego Garcia should be returned to the United States no later than Monday.
"You'd be a fool to think Trump won't go after others he dislikes," warned Sen. Ron Wyden, "including American citizens."
Democratic Sen. Ron Wyden of Oregon slammed the Trump administration over the weekend in response to fresh reporting that the Department of Homeland Security has intensified its push for access to confidential data held by the Internal Revenue Service—part of a sweeping effort to target immigrant workers who pay into the U.S. tax system yet get little or nothing in return.
Wyden denounced the effort, which had the fingerprints of the Elon Musk-led Department of Government Efficiency, or DOGE, all over it.
"What Trump and Musk's henchmen are doing by weaponizing taxpayer data is illegal, this abuse of the immigrant community is a moral atrocity, and you'd be a fool to think Trump won't go after others he dislikes, including American citizens," said Wyden, ranking member of the U.S. Senate Finance Committee, on Saturday.
Last week, the White House admitted one of the men it has sent to a prison in El Salvador was detained and deported in schackles in "error." Despite the admitted mistake, and facing a lawsuit for his immediate return, the Trump administration says a federal court has no authority over the president to make such an order.
"Even though the Trump administration claims it's focused on undocumented immigrants, it's obvious that they do not care when they make mistakes and ruin the lives of legal residents and American citizens in the process," Wyden continued. "A repressive scheme on the scale of what they're talking about at the IRS would lead to hundreds if not thousands of those horrific mistakes, and the people who are disappeared as a result may never be returned to their families."
According to the Washington Post reporting on Saturday:
Federal immigration officials are seeking to locate up to 7 million people suspected of being in the United States unlawfully by accessing confidential tax data at the Internal Revenue Service, according to six people familiar with the request, a dramatic escalation in how the Trump administration aims to use the tax system to detain and deport immigrants.
Officials from the Department of Homeland Security had previously sought the IRS’s help in finding 700,000 people who are subject to final removal orders, and they had asked the IRS to use closely guarded taxpayer data systems to provide names and addresses.
As the Post notes, it would be highly unusual, and quite possibly unlawful, for the IRS to share such confidential data. "Normally," the newspaper reports, "personal tax information—even an individual's name and address—is considered confidential and closely guarded within the IRS."
Wyden warned that those who violate the law by disclosing personal tax data face the risk of civil sanction or even prosecution.
"While Trump's sycophants and the DOGE boys may be a lost cause," Wyden said, "IRS personnel need to think long and hard about whether they want to be a part of an effort to round up innocent people and send them to be locked away in foreign torture prisons."
"I'm sure Trump has promised pardons to the people who will commit crimes in the process of abusing legally-protected taxpayer data, but violations of taxpayer privacy laws carry hefty civil penalties too, and Trump cannot pardon anybody out from under those," he said. "I'm going to demand answers from the acting IRS commissioner immediately about this outrageous abuse of the agency.”
"I think that the Democratic Party has to make a fundamental decision," says the independent Senator from Vermont, "and I'm not sure that they will make the right decision."
"I think when we talk about America is a democracy, I think we should rephrase it, call it a 'pseudo-democracy.'"
That's what Sen. Bernie Sanders (I-Vt.) said Sunday morning in response to questions from CBS News about the state of the nation, with President Donald Trump gutting the federal government from head to toe, challenging constitutional norms, allowing his cabinet of billionaires to run key agencies they philosophically want to destroy, and empowering Elon Musk—the world's richest person—to run roughshod over public education, undermine healthcare programs like Medicare and Medicaid, and attack Social Security.
Taking a weekend away from his ongoing "Fight Oligarchy" tour, which has drawn record crowds in both right-leaning and left-leaning regions of the country over recent weeks, Sanders said the problem is deeply entrenched now in the nation's political system—and both major parties have a lot to answer for.
"One of the other concerns when I talk about oligarchy," Sanders explained to journalist Robert Acosta, "it's not just massive income and wealth inequality. It's not just the power of the billionaire class. These guys, led by Musk—and as a result of this disastrous Citizens United Supreme Court decision—have now allowed billionaires essentially to own our political process. So, I think when we talk about America is a democracy, I think we should rephrase it, call it a 'pseudo-democracy.' And it's not just Musk and the Republicans; it's billionaires in the Democratic Party as well."
Sanders said that while he's been out on the road in various places, what he perceives—from Americans of all stripes—is a shared sense of dread and frustration.
"I think I'm seeing fear, and I'm seeing anger," he said. "Sixty percent of our people are living paycheck-to-paycheck. Media doesn't talk about it. We don't talk about it enough here in Congress."
In a speech on the floor of the U.S. Senate on Friday night, just before the Republican-controlled chamber was able to pass a sweeping spending resolution that will lay waste to vital programs like Medicaid and food assistance to needy families so that billionaires and the ultra-rich can enjoy even more tax giveaways, Sanders said, "What we have is a budget proposal in front of us that makes bad situations much worse and does virtually nothing to protect the needs of working families."
LIVE: I'm on the floor now talking about Trump's totally absurd budget.
They got it exactly backwards. No tax cuts for billionaires by cutting Social Security, Medicare and Medicaid for Americans. https://t.co/ULB2KosOSJ
— Bernie Sanders (@SenSanders) April 4, 2025
What the GOP spending plan does do, he added, "is reward wealthy campaign contributors by providing over $1 trillion in tax breaks for the top one percent."
"I wish my Republican friends the best of luck when they go home—if they dare to hold town hall meetings—and explain to their constituents why they think, at a time of massive income and wealth inequality, it's a great idea to give tax breaks to billionaires and cut Medicaid, education, and other programs that working class families desperately need."
On Saturday, millions of people took to the street in coordinated protests against the Trump administration's attack on government, the economy, and democracy itself.
Voiced at many of the rallies was also a frustration with the failure of the Democrats to stand up to Trump and offer an alternative vision for what the nation can be. In his CBS News interview, Sanders said the key question Democrats need to be asking is the one too many people in Washington, D.C. tend to avoid.
"Why are [the Democrats] held in so low esteem?" That's the question that needs asking, he said.
"Why has the working class in this country largely turned away from them? And what do you have to do to recapture that working class? Do you think working people are voting for Trump because he wants to give massive tax breaks to billionaires and cut Social Security and Medicare? I don't think so. It's because people say, 'I am hurting. Democratic Party has talked a good game for years. They haven't done anything.' So, I think that the Democratic Party has to make a fundamental decision, and I'm not sure that they will make the right decision, which side are they on? [Will] they continue to hustle large campaign contributions from very, very wealthy people, or do they stand with the working class?"
The next leg of Sanders' "Fight Oligarchy' tour will kick off next Saturday, with stops in California, Utah, and Idaho over four days.
"The American people, whether they are Democrats, Republicans or Independents, do not want billionaires to control our government or buy our elections," said Sanders. "That is why I will be visiting Republican-held districts all over the Western United States. When we are organized and fight back, we can defeat oligarchy."