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Over 100 economists, including Nobel laureate Robert Solow, Branko Milanovic and Dani Rodrik called on Congress today to take action to mitigate the harmful fallout from the recent ruling by Judge Griesa of the U.S. District Court for the Southern District of New York that requires Argentina to pay holdout creditors at the same time as the majority of creditors. The letter warns that "The District Court's decision - and especially its injunction that is currently blocking Argentina from making payments to 93 percent of its foreign bondholders -- could cause unnecessary economic damage to the international financial system, as well as to U.S. economic interests, Argentina, and fifteen years of U.S. bi-partisan debt relief policy."
"It's a widely shared opinion among economists that the court's attempt to force Argentina into a default that nobody - not the debtor nor more than 90 percent of creditors - wants, is wrong and damaging," said Mark Weisbrot, economist and Co-Director of the Center for Economic and Policy Research, who helped circulate the letter.
The letter warns that Griesa's decision could "torpedo an existing agreement with those bondholders who chose to negotiate." It also cautions that, since sovereign governments do not have the option of declaring bankruptcy, "the court's ruling would severely hamper the ability of creditors and debtors to conclude an orderly restructuring should a sovereign debt crisis occur. This could have a significant negative impact on the functioning of international financial markets, as the International Monetary Fund has repeatedly warned."
The court's decision "creates a moral hazard," the economists write, since investors will be allowed "to obtain full repayment, no matter how risky the initial investment."
The full letter appears below.
July 31, 2014
Dear Member of Congress,
We note with concern the recent developments in the court case of Argentina vs. NML Capital, etc. The District Court's decision - and especially its injunction that is currently blocking Argentina from making payments to 93 percent of its foreign bondholders -- could cause unnecessary economic damage to the international financial system, as well as to U.S. economic interests, Argentina, and fifteen years of U.S. bi-partisan debt relief policy. We urge you to act now and seek legislative solutions to mitigate the harmful impact of the court's ruling.
For various reasons, governments sometimes find themselves in situations where they cannot continue to service their sovereign debt. This was Argentina's situation at the end of 2001. After years of negotiations, Argentina reached a restructuring agreement with 93 percent of the defaulted bondholders, and has made all agreed-upon payments to them.
The court's decision that Argentina cannot continue to pay the holders of the restructured bonds unless it first pays the plaintiffs mean that any "holdout" creditor can torpedo an existing agreement with those bondholders who chose to negotiate. While individuals and corporations are granted the protection of bankruptcy law, no such mechanism exists for sovereign governments. As such, the court's ruling would severely hamper the ability of creditors and debtors to conclude an orderly restructuring should a sovereign debt crisis occur. This could have a significant negative impact on the functioning of international financial markets, as the International Monetary Fund has repeatedly warned.
Those who invested in Argentine bonds were compensated with high interest rates, to mitigate the risk of default. There are inherent risks when investing in sovereign bonds, but the court's ruling creates a moral hazard, by allowing investors to obtain full repayment, no matter how risky the initial investment.
The plaintiffs in the case purchased Argentine bonds on the secondary market after default, often for less than 20 cents on the dollar. While these actors could have accepted the restructuring and still made a very large profit, they instead have fought a decade-long legal battle, seeking exorbitant profits in excess of 1,000 percent and creating financial uncertainty along the way.
The recent developments will also directly impact the United States and its status as a financial center of the world economy. While much of the developing world's debt is issued under the jurisdiction of New York law and utilizing New York-based financial institutions, the court's ruling will make it more likely for sovereign governments to seek alternate locations to issue debt. Britain and Belgium, for example, have already passed legislation aimed at preventing this type of behavior from "holdout" creditors.
In addition, the court has put restrictions on New York banks, preventing them from distributing regularly scheduled interest payments to holders of the restructured bonds. Already, banks have faced lawsuits from investors, creating greater uncertainty for U.S.-based financial institutions.
Argentina has expressed a willingness to negotiate, and has recently reached agreements with the Paris Club as well as claims by international investors.
We hope that you will look for legislative solutions to prevent this court decision, or similar rulings, from causing unnecessary harm.
Sincerely,
Robert Solow, Nobel laureate in Economics, 1987, MIT Professor of Economics, emeritus Dani Rodrik, Albert O. Hirschman Professor in the school of Social Sciences at the Institute for Advanced Study in Princeton, New Jersey Branko Milanovic, Luxembourg Income Study Center, the Graduate Center CUNY, former Lead Economist in the World Bank's research department |
Andrew Allimadi, United Nations, Department of Economics and Social Affairs |
Gar Alperovitz, University of Maryland |
Eileen Applebaum, Center for Economic and Policy Research |
Mariano Arana, Universidad Nacional de General Sarmiento |
Leonardo Asta, Universita degli Studi di Padova |
Venkatesh Athreya, Bharathidasan University |
Dean Baker, Center for Economic and Policy Research |
William Barclay, Chicago Political Economy Group |
Jairo Alonso Bautista, Universidad Santo Tomas |
Gunseli Berik, University of Utah |
Alexandra Bernasek, Colorado State University |
Cyrus Bina, University of Minnesota (Morris Campus) |
Josh Bivens, Economic Policy Institute |
Peter Bohmer, The Evergreen State College |
Korkut Boratav, Turkish Social Science Association |
Elissa Braunstein, Colorado State University |
Jorge BUZAGLO, University of Goteburg |
Jim Campen, Americans for Fairness in Lending |
Carlos A. Carrasco, University of the Basque Country |
Sergio Cesaratto, University of Siena |
Kyung-Sup Chang, Seoul National University |
Kimberly Christensen, SUNY/Purchase College |
Michael Cohen, New School for Social Research |
Brendan Cushing - Daniels, Gettysburg College |
Omar Dahi, Hampshire College |
Carlo D'Ippoliti, University of Rome |
Peter Dorman, Evergreen State College |
Amitava Dutt, University of Notre Dame |
Dirk Ehnts, University of Oldenburg |
Gerald Epstein, University of Massachusetts, Amherst |
Susan Ettner, University of California, Los Angeles |
Jeffrey Faux, Economic Policy Institute |
Massoud Fazeli, Hofstra University |
Andrew Fischer, International Institute of Social Studies |
Jeffrey Frankel, Harvard Kennedy School |
Roberto Frenkel, CEDES Argentina |
Kevin Gallagher, Boston University |
Chris Georges, Hamilton College |
Reza Ghorashi, Richard Stockton College |
Jayati Ghosh, JNU New Delhi and Ideas |
David Gold, New School University |
Neva Goodwin, Tufts University |
Maria Florencia Granato, Corporacion Andina de Fomento |
Martin Hart-Landsberg, Lewis and Clark |
Conrad Herold, Hofstra University |
P. Sai-wing Ho, University of Denver |
Andreas Hoth |
Gustavo Indart, University of Toronto |
Joseph Joyce, Wellesley College |
J K Kapler, University of Massachusetts Boston |
Martin Khor, South Centre |
Gabriele Koehler |
Andrew Kohen, James Madison University |
Nikoi Kote-Nikoi |
Pramila Krishnan, University of Cambridge |
David Legge, La Trobe University |
Henry Levin, Columbia University |
Mah hui Lim, South Centre |
Rodrigo Lopez-Pablos |
Robert Lynch, Washington College |
Arthur MacEwan, University of Massachusetts Boston |
Jeff Madrick, The Century Foundation |
Cheryl Maranto, Marquette University |
Ann Markusen, University of Minnesota |
Julie Mattahei, Wellesley College |
Kathleen McAfee, San Fransisco State University |
Elaine McCrate, University of Vermont |
Hannah McKinney, Kalamazoo College |
Thomas Michl, Colgate University |
William Milberg, New School for Social Research |
Larry Mishel, Economic Policy Institute |
Mritiunjoy Mohanty, Indian Institute of Management |
Nicolas Moncaut |
Tracy Mott, University of Denver |
Michael Murray, Bates College |
Luiz M Niemeyer, Pontifical Catholic University of Sao Paulo |
Machiko Nissanke, SOAS University of London |
Manfred Nitsch, Free University of Berlin |
Jose Antonio Ocampo, Columbia University |
Carlos Oya, University of London |
Marco Palacios, El Colegio de Mexico |
Antonella Palumbo, Roma Tre University |
Dimitri B. Papadimitriou, Levy Economics Institute of Bard College |
Mark Paul, University of Massachusetts Amherst |
Lorenzo Pellegrini, International Institute of Social Studies |
Lucia Pittaluga Fonseca, Universidad de la Republica (Uruguay) |
Renee Prendergast, Queen's University- Belfast |
Mark Price, Keystone Research Center |
Alicia Puyana, Facultad Latinoamercana de Ciencias Sociales |
Charles Revier, Colorado State University |
Joseph Ricciardi, Babson College |
Malcolm Robinson, Thomas More College |
Leopoldo Rodriguez, Portland State University |
John Roemer, Yale University |
David Rosnick, Center for Economic and Policy Research |
Antonio Savoia, University of Manchester |
John Schmitt, Center for Economic and Policy Research |
Stepphanie Seguino, University of Vermont |
Anwar Shaikh, New School for Social Research |
Kannan Srinivasan |
James Stanfield |
Eduardo Strachman |
William K. Tabb, Queens College |
Ezequiel Tacsir, United Nations University |
Philipp Temme, Free University of Berlin |
Frank Thompson, University of Michigan |
Chris Tilly, University of California, Los Angeles |
Mario Tonveronachi, University of Siena |
Lawal Tosin |
Chiwuike Uba, African Heritage Institution |
Bunu Goso Umara |
Leanne Ussher, Queens College, CUNY |
Rolph van der Hoeven, International Institute of Social Studies |
Irene van Staveren, International Institute of Social Studies |
Matias Vernengo, Bucknell University |
David Weiman, Barnard College |
Mark Weisbrot, Center for Economic and Policy Research |
Thomas Weisskopf, University of Michigan |
John Willoughby, American University |
Yavuz Yasar, University of Denver |
A. Erinc Yeldan, Yasar University |
Erhan Yildirim, Cukurova University |
Ben Zipperer, University of Massachusetts, Amherst |
The Center for Economic and Policy Research (CEPR) was established in 1999 to promote democratic debate on the most important economic and social issues that affect people's lives. In order for citizens to effectively exercise their voices in a democracy, they should be informed about the problems and choices that they face. CEPR is committed to presenting issues in an accurate and understandable manner, so that the public is better prepared to choose among the various policy options.
(202) 293-5380"Locking Rep. Nicole Collier inside the chamber is beyond outrageous," said Texas Congresswoman Jasmine Crockett. "Forcing elected officials to sign 'permission slips' and take police escorts to leave? That's not procedure. That's some old Jim Crow playbook. Texas Republicans have lost their damn minds."
Democratic Texas state Rep. Nicole Collier was forced to spend the night Monday inside the Texas State Capitol building in Austin after she refused to sign a "permission slip" to accept the mandatory escort by the Department of Public Safety imposed on Democrats by the Republicans who control the chamber.
Republican House Speaker Dustin Burrows announced the restrictions on members of the Democratic caucus earlier in the day after Democrats returned after a two-week hiatus out of state to prevent quorum in the House as a way to block a controversial mid-decade redistricting effort by the GOP that aims to hand the party up to five more seats in midterm congressional elections next year as a favor to President Donald Trump.
CNN reports that a majority of the Democrats in the caucus "complied with the law enforcement escort, showing reporters what they called 'permission slips' they received to leave the House floor and pointing to the officers escorting them around the Capitol."
"I won't just go along quietly with their intimidation or their discrimination." —Democratic Texas state Rep. Nicole Collier
But not Collier, who represents the Fort Worth area in District 95.
"I refuse to sign. I will not agree to be in DPS custody," Collier said. "I'm not a criminal. I am exercising my right to resist and oppose the decisions of our government. So this is my form of protest."
In a video posted Monday night from inside the chamber, Collier explained why she refused to sign for the escort and lashed out at her Republican colleagues for their continued assault on the rule of law.
We are beyond proud of Fort Worth State Rep. Nicole Collier for standing up to ridiculous GOP bullying! @NicoleCollier95 Full talk: https://t.co/vQiRYxFuvW pic.twitter.com/YkECPvGc3u
— Progress Texas (@ProgressTX) August 19, 2025
"My constituents sent me to Austin to protect their voices and rights," said Collier in the video. "I refuse to sign away my dignity as a duly elected representative just so Republicans can control my movements and monitor me with police escorts. My community is majority-minority, and they expect me to stand up for their representation. When I press that button to vote, I know these maps will harm my constituents—I won't just go along quietly with their intimidation or their discrimination."
Fellow Democrats, both inside and beyond Texas, championed Collier's stand and condemned the GOP for their latest authoritarian stunt.
"In the face of fascism, [Rep.] Nicole Collier is a hero," said state Rep. Ana-María Rodríguez Ramos (D-102), chair of the Texas Legislative Progressive Caucus.
Seth Harp, a Democrat running for Congress in Florida this cycle, accused Texas Republicans of "just absolutely destroying the 4th amendment," which bars unreasonable searches and seizures by the government. "It's essentially kidnapping and taking a hostage," Harp added.
"Hey GOP," he asked, "exactly how much do you hate the Constitution?"
Rep. Jasmine Crocket (D-Texas), who previously served in the state's legislature, also condemned the move by Burrows and his fellow Republicans.
"Let me be clear: LOCKING Rep. Nicole Collier inside the chamber is beyond outrageous," Crockett declared in a social media post Monday evening.
"Forcing elected officials to sign 'permission slips' and take police escorts to leave? That's not procedure," she said. "That's some old Jim Crow playbook. Texas Republicans have lost their damn minds."
Democrats on the Joint Economic Committee said that "continued uncertainty" caused by the president's policies could reduce manufacturing investments by nearly half a trillion dollars by the end of this decade.
US President Donald Trump's tariff whiplash has already harmed domestic manufacturing and could continue to do so through at least the end of this decade to the tune of nearly half a trillion dollars, a report published Monday by congressional Democrats on a key economic committee warned.
The Joint Economic Committee (JEC)-Minority said that recent data belied Trump's claim that his global trade war would boost domestic manufacturing, pointing to the 37,000 manufacturing jobs lost since the president announced his so-called "Liberation Day" tariffs in April.
"Hiring in the manufacturing sector has dropped to its lowest level in nearly a decade," the Democrats on the committee wrote. "In addition, many experts have noted that in and of itself, the uncertainty created by the administration so far could significantly damage the broader economy long-term."
"Based on both US business investment projections and economic analyses of the UK in the aftermath of Brexit, the Joint Economic Committee-Minority calculates that a similarly prolonged period of uncertainty in the US could result in an average of 13% less manufacturing investment per year, amounting to approximately $490 billion in foregone investment by 2029," the report states.
"The uncertainty created by the administration so far could significantly damage the broader economy long-term."
"Although businesses have received additional clarity on reciprocal tariff rates in recent days, uncertainty over outstanding negotiations is likely to continue to delay long-term investments and pricing decisions," the publication adds. "Furthermore, even if the uncertainty about the US economy were to end tomorrow, evidence suggests that the uncertainty that businesses have already faced in recent months would still have long-term consequences for the manufacturing sector."
According to the JEC Democrats, the Trump administration has made nearly 100 different tariff policy decisions since April—"including threats, delays, and reversals"—creating uncertainty and insecurity in markets and economies around the world. It's not just manufacturing and markets—economic data released last week by the Bureau of Labor Statistics showed that businesses in some sectors are passing the costs of Trump's tariffs on to consumers.
As the new JEC minority report notes:
As independent research has shown, businesses are less likely to make long-term investments when they face high uncertainty about future policies and economic conditions. For manufacturers, decisions to expand production—which often entail major, irreversible investments in equipment and new facilities that typically take years to complete—require an especially high degree of confidence that these expenses will pay off. This barrier, along with other factors, makes manufacturing the sector most likely to see its growth affected by trade policy uncertainty, as noted recently by analysts at Goldman Sachs.
"Strengthening American manufacturing is critical to the future of our economy and our national security," Joint Economic Committee Ranking Member Maggie Hassan (D-N.H.) said in a statement Monday. "While President Trump promised that he would expand our manufacturing sector, this report shows that, instead, the chaos and uncertainty created by his tariffs has placed a burden on American manufacturers that could weigh our country down for years to come."
"Congressman Bresnahan didn't just vote to gut Pennsylvania hospitals. He looked out for his own bottom line before doing it," said one advocate.
Congressman Rob Bresnahan, a Republican who campaigned on banning stock trading by lawmakers only to make at least 626 stock trades since taking office in January, was under scrutiny Monday for a particular sale he made just before he voted for the largest Medicaid cut in US history.
Soon after a report showed that 10 rural hospitals in Bresnahan's state of Pennsylvania were at risk of being shut down, the congressman sold between $100,001 and $250,000 in bonds issued by the Allegheny County Hospital Development Authority for the University of Pittsburgh Medical Center.
The New York Times reported on the sale a month after it was revealed that Bresnahan sold up to $15,000 of stock he held in Centene Corporation, the largest Medicaid provider in the country. When President Donald Trump signed the so-called One Big Beautiful Bill Act into law last month, Centene's stock plummeted by 40%.
Bresnahan repeatedly said he would not vote to cut the safety net before he voted in favor of the bill.
The law is expected to cut $1 trillion from Medicaid over the next decade, with 10-15 million people projected to lose health coverage through the safety net program, according to one recent analysis. More than 700 hospitals, particularly those in rural areas, are likely to close due to a loss of Medicaid funding.
"His prolific stock trading is more than just a broken promise," said Cousin. "It's political malpractice and a scandal of his own making."
The economic justice group Unrig the Economy said that despite Bresnahan's introduction of a bill in May to bar members of Congress from buying and selling stocks—with the caveat that they could keep stocks they held before starting their terms in a blind trust—the congressman is "the one doing the selling... out of Pennsylvania hospitals."
"Congressman Bresnahan didn't just vote to gut Pennsylvania hospitals. He looked out for his own bottom line before doing it," said Unrig Our Economy campaign director Leor Tal. "Hospitals across Pennsylvania could close thanks to his vote, forcing families to drive long distances and experience longer wait times for critical care."
"Not everyone has a secret helicopter they can use whenever they want," added Tal, referring to recent reports that the multi-millionaire congressman owns a helicopter worth as much as $1.5 million, which he purchased through a limited liability company he set up.
Eli Cousin, a spokesperson for the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee, told the Times that Bresnahan's stock trading "will define his time in Washington and be a major reason why he will lose his seat."
"His prolific stock trading is more than just a broken promise," said Cousin. "It's political malpractice and a scandal of his own making."