Hasta Siempre, Fidel Castro
The passing of Fidel Castro is one of those events that highlights a deep divide that separates the United States from most of the world.
While the mainstream media in the United States reports from the frontlines of Miami where exiles celebrate in the streets the death of who they characterize as an authoritarian dictator, condolences and tributes pour in from the rest of the world for the revolutionary leader.
Was Castro a "brutal dictator," as President-elect Donald Trump tweeted, or a hero?
It depends, of course, on one's perspective.
The passing of Fidel Castro is one of those events that highlights a deep divide that separates the United States from most of the world.
While the mainstream media in the United States reports from the frontlines of Miami where exiles celebrate in the streets the death of who they characterize as an authoritarian dictator, condolences and tributes pour in from the rest of the world for the revolutionary leader.
Was Castro a "brutal dictator," as President-elect Donald Trump tweeted, or a hero?
It depends, of course, on one's perspective.
Those who left Cuba in the aftermath of the 1959 revolution had benefited from an unequal, repressive, and exclusionary political system. More than half a century later, they still dream of returning to their lives of luxury and privilege.
Castro, in contrast, led his revolution on behalf of the downtrodden who had not gained from that system.
Once in power, Castro led a transformation of Cuban society. He believed that property should not be seen as a right, but should serve a social function. The government nationalized foreign-owned industries, expropriated large estates, and distributed land to peasants. The revolutionaries wanted to remake the country so that the island's resources benefited the Cuban people rather than foreign capitalist enterprises.
The result of these revolutionary policies was a radical downward redistribution of wealth. The new revolutionary government lowered rents and utilities, and providing free social services to the public. Workers' wages rose 40 percent, purchasing power rose 20 percent, and unemployment disappeared as everyone was assured of a job.
The government converted military barracks into schools and hospitals. A literacy campaign sent students out into the countryside to teach almost a million people to read and write. The campaign raised literacy levels from 76 percent before the revolution to 96 percent in 1962, the highest in Latin America and a level that rivaled that of wealthy industrialized countries.
All Cuban schools were now public and free, as was healthcare. For the first time in their lives, many Cubans were able to see a medical doctor. The government also opened private beaches and social clubs to the general public.
Cuba was for the Cubans--not for a small wealthy ruling class, and especially not for foreigners.
Fidel Castro's willingness to stand up to the United States gained him respect and admiration throughout Latin America. Long suffering under the imperial thumb of their neighbor to the north, Castro's appeals to nationalism and anti-imperialism gained him support throughout the hemisphere, even from those who might not otherwise support his communist ideology.
Cuba rallied to the cause of revolutionary and anti-colonial movements around the world. Particularly in Africa, Cubans supported the Algerian National Liberation Front in its fight against French colonialism, a revolutionary struggle in the Congo, and Angolan independence that led to the end of apartheid in South Africa.
No wonder people in much of the world admired the Cuban revolutionaries, and wanted to emulate their successes in their own countries.
Because of those gains and what the Cuban Revolution represents, we now declare, Hasta Siempre, Fidel Castro!
We are at a crossroads
This country and this world are at a monumental crossroads. In a few short weeks, US voters will have an opportunity to beat back the forces of fascism and confront the billionaires who are rigging the economy, our media system, and our democracy, making it increasingly impossible for ordinary people to get by. We’re not just talking about the election. We’re talking about what must be done once these fascist elements are vanquished from power. We need a bolder set of solutions than what either major party has so far been willing to offer and a working-class movement ready to fight like hell for it. Trump didn't emerge from nowhere. The conditions that fueled MAGA authoritarianism were created by decades of radical neoliberal economic policies and a corrupt political system dominated by corporate interests. They slashed taxes on the super-rich, promising that the benefits would trickle down. They said giveaways to the corporate titans would make life more affordable for the rest of us. It was all bullshit. And when a bitter, betrayed populace searches for someone to blame, right-wing demagogues have little trouble finding scapegoats. People know when they're being lied to, but you won't hear any of this from the corporate media. Only independent journalism—powered and funded by people who believe in building a better world—can deliver truly trustworthy daily news. Our Fall Campaign is underway, and we need your help. To power our newsroom through the rest of the year, we need to raise $125,000 by midnight on October 31. So if you share our vision, please contribute whatever you can to sustain our work. |
The passing of Fidel Castro is one of those events that highlights a deep divide that separates the United States from most of the world.
While the mainstream media in the United States reports from the frontlines of Miami where exiles celebrate in the streets the death of who they characterize as an authoritarian dictator, condolences and tributes pour in from the rest of the world for the revolutionary leader.
Was Castro a "brutal dictator," as President-elect Donald Trump tweeted, or a hero?
It depends, of course, on one's perspective.
Those who left Cuba in the aftermath of the 1959 revolution had benefited from an unequal, repressive, and exclusionary political system. More than half a century later, they still dream of returning to their lives of luxury and privilege.
Castro, in contrast, led his revolution on behalf of the downtrodden who had not gained from that system.
Once in power, Castro led a transformation of Cuban society. He believed that property should not be seen as a right, but should serve a social function. The government nationalized foreign-owned industries, expropriated large estates, and distributed land to peasants. The revolutionaries wanted to remake the country so that the island's resources benefited the Cuban people rather than foreign capitalist enterprises.
The result of these revolutionary policies was a radical downward redistribution of wealth. The new revolutionary government lowered rents and utilities, and providing free social services to the public. Workers' wages rose 40 percent, purchasing power rose 20 percent, and unemployment disappeared as everyone was assured of a job.
The government converted military barracks into schools and hospitals. A literacy campaign sent students out into the countryside to teach almost a million people to read and write. The campaign raised literacy levels from 76 percent before the revolution to 96 percent in 1962, the highest in Latin America and a level that rivaled that of wealthy industrialized countries.
All Cuban schools were now public and free, as was healthcare. For the first time in their lives, many Cubans were able to see a medical doctor. The government also opened private beaches and social clubs to the general public.
Cuba was for the Cubans--not for a small wealthy ruling class, and especially not for foreigners.
Fidel Castro's willingness to stand up to the United States gained him respect and admiration throughout Latin America. Long suffering under the imperial thumb of their neighbor to the north, Castro's appeals to nationalism and anti-imperialism gained him support throughout the hemisphere, even from those who might not otherwise support his communist ideology.
Cuba rallied to the cause of revolutionary and anti-colonial movements around the world. Particularly in Africa, Cubans supported the Algerian National Liberation Front in its fight against French colonialism, a revolutionary struggle in the Congo, and Angolan independence that led to the end of apartheid in South Africa.
No wonder people in much of the world admired the Cuban revolutionaries, and wanted to emulate their successes in their own countries.
Because of those gains and what the Cuban Revolution represents, we now declare, Hasta Siempre, Fidel Castro!
The passing of Fidel Castro is one of those events that highlights a deep divide that separates the United States from most of the world.
While the mainstream media in the United States reports from the frontlines of Miami where exiles celebrate in the streets the death of who they characterize as an authoritarian dictator, condolences and tributes pour in from the rest of the world for the revolutionary leader.
Was Castro a "brutal dictator," as President-elect Donald Trump tweeted, or a hero?
It depends, of course, on one's perspective.
Those who left Cuba in the aftermath of the 1959 revolution had benefited from an unequal, repressive, and exclusionary political system. More than half a century later, they still dream of returning to their lives of luxury and privilege.
Castro, in contrast, led his revolution on behalf of the downtrodden who had not gained from that system.
Once in power, Castro led a transformation of Cuban society. He believed that property should not be seen as a right, but should serve a social function. The government nationalized foreign-owned industries, expropriated large estates, and distributed land to peasants. The revolutionaries wanted to remake the country so that the island's resources benefited the Cuban people rather than foreign capitalist enterprises.
The result of these revolutionary policies was a radical downward redistribution of wealth. The new revolutionary government lowered rents and utilities, and providing free social services to the public. Workers' wages rose 40 percent, purchasing power rose 20 percent, and unemployment disappeared as everyone was assured of a job.
The government converted military barracks into schools and hospitals. A literacy campaign sent students out into the countryside to teach almost a million people to read and write. The campaign raised literacy levels from 76 percent before the revolution to 96 percent in 1962, the highest in Latin America and a level that rivaled that of wealthy industrialized countries.
All Cuban schools were now public and free, as was healthcare. For the first time in their lives, many Cubans were able to see a medical doctor. The government also opened private beaches and social clubs to the general public.
Cuba was for the Cubans--not for a small wealthy ruling class, and especially not for foreigners.
Fidel Castro's willingness to stand up to the United States gained him respect and admiration throughout Latin America. Long suffering under the imperial thumb of their neighbor to the north, Castro's appeals to nationalism and anti-imperialism gained him support throughout the hemisphere, even from those who might not otherwise support his communist ideology.
Cuba rallied to the cause of revolutionary and anti-colonial movements around the world. Particularly in Africa, Cubans supported the Algerian National Liberation Front in its fight against French colonialism, a revolutionary struggle in the Congo, and Angolan independence that led to the end of apartheid in South Africa.
No wonder people in much of the world admired the Cuban revolutionaries, and wanted to emulate their successes in their own countries.
Because of those gains and what the Cuban Revolution represents, we now declare, Hasta Siempre, Fidel Castro!

