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Combining the failed strategies of the war on terror and the war on drugs is not just misguided—it’s doubling down on failure.
In the capricious tapestry that is U.S. foreign policy, you can find a recurring pattern: Washington champions sovereignty as a holy principle of the international order when it aligns with its interests—think Ukraine under Biden—but casually disregards it when inconvenient.
The latest thread in this tapestry is last Thursday’s unprecedented State Department decision to formally designate eight groups, including major Mexican drug cartels such as the Sinaloa Cartel and Jalisco New Generation Cartel, as Foreign Terrorist Organizations (FTOs). Beneath the Trumpian tough-on-crime pose lies a policy that threatens to violate Mexico’s sovereignty and destabilize a vital relationship, and reinforces the imperialist tendency that has caused so much damage here in the U.S. and across the globe.
Labeling cartels as FTOs isn’t just a symbolic gesture; it opens the door for military intervention under the guise of counterterrorism. The U.S. could justify drone strikes or cross-border raids without Mexico’s consent—a blatant affront to its sovereignty. President Claudia Sheinbaum highlighted: “This classification should not serve as a pretext for the United States to invade our sovereignty.” Any such military intervention would violate Congress’s constitutional war powers, but Trump is unlikely to respect such legal niceties.
The desire to rise out of extreme poverty can not be bombed out of existence.
Elon Musk has made this clear. Musk recently declared on his social media platform that the FTO designation would make cartels “eligible for drone strikes,” a comment that is both legally dubious and deeply unsettling.
Mexican cartels are not terrorists in the way most people understand that word. They’re not trying to overthrow governments or spread extremist beliefs. Yes, they commit horrific acts of violence—killings, kidnappings, extortion—but their primary motive is profit, not ideology. As the narcocorrido (“drug ballad,” a musical genre popular on both sides of the border) "Clave Privada" by Banda el Recodo goes:
I was poor for a long time
Many people humiliated me
I began to earn money...
Things are flipped around now
Now they call me boss.
Understanding the driver of these cartels isn’t rocket science: it’s all about the Miguelitos (i.e. the 1000 peso note). Imposing travel bans might inconvenience cartel leaders but it won’t dismantle their billion-dollar empires. The terrorist designation is unlikely to even cut profit margins because many cartels are already designated as transnational criminal organizations (TCOs), so the FTO designation does not provide significant new policy tools to target their finances.
Drone attacks are unlikely to stop a notoriously violent business where cartel leaders are already frequently killed in assassinations by competitors or shootouts with government forces. The war on terror has shown to the U.S. that “Decapitate the Kingpin” is a loser’s game. In fact, Mexico’s own “kingpin strategy” targeting and elimination of high-ranking cartel members has created power vacuums and increased violence. Combining the failed strategies of the war on terror and the war on drugs is not just misguided—it’s doubling down on failure.
The desire to rise out of extreme poverty can not be bombed out of existence. Meanwhile, the other main drivers of this problem are illicit markets fueled by U.S. demand for drugs and corruption within Mexico—issues that require smarter policies to address. Words matter in policymaking. Using “terrorist” as a catch-all term is already destructive and distorting, from the U.S. “war on terror” to the Netanyahu-Biden-Trump war in Gaza to China’s oppression of the Uighur in Xinjiang. This action exacerbates the problem.
There’s something disturbingly familiar about this whole idea—a familiar whiff of paternalism. For decades, the U.S. has intervened in Latin America under various pretexts: fighting communism during the Cold War, waging war on drugs in the 1980s and 1990s, and now combating “terrorism.” The results have often been disastrous for the region. Designating cartels as FTOs feels like another chapter in this playbook: framing another country’s problems as existential threats to justify American imperialism. So long liberal internationalism, hello Make the Monroe Doctrine Great Again.
This approach doesn’t work in today’s interconnected world. Problems associated with drug trafficking—and migration—don’t respect borders; they require multilateral solutions rooted in trust and mutual respect—not unilateral declarations from Washington. Meanwhile, Trump is cutting thoughtful, nonviolent programs like U.S. funding for an organization that has reduced the number of children recruited by gangs to help move drugs and migrants across the border. Trump froze another program targeting fentanyl and methamphetamine trafficking at key ports.
None of this is meant to downplay the seriousness of cartel violence or its devastating impact on both sides of the border. Tackling this issue requires nuance and humility—especially from the U.S.. Instead of designating cartels as FTOs, policymakers should focus on strategies that address root causes: reducing demand for drugs through treatment programs; cracking down on gun trafficking from the U.S. into Mexico as some members of Congress are working to do; supporting anti-corruption efforts within Mexico; and strengthening bilateral cooperation rather than undermining it.
"Instead of bombing Yemen," one group said, "the U.S. should be securing a cease-fire in Gaza and restoring humanitarian aid for people across the Middle East."
An anti-war coalition of over 50 groups this week wrote to four U.S. senators who have raised alarm about American airstrikes in Yemen and the Red Sea to call for legislation that would stop "illegal, ineffective, and deadly unauthorized" bombings.
The coalition on Wednesday wrote to Sens. Tim Kaine (D-Va.), Mike Lee (R-Utah), Chris Murphy (D-Conn.), and Todd Young, (R-Ind.), who in January sent a joint letter to President Joe Biden stressing that "there is no current congressional authorization for offensive U.S. military action against the Houthis" and demanding answers about recent strikes against the group.
"We are grateful for your long-standing efforts in support of both ending U.S. participation in the war in Yemen, as well as your defense of Congress' war powers, including your joint letter," the coalition wrote to the senators. "We write today to urge you to take necessary actions to defend the role of Congress in authorizing war and military action, as the framers of our Constitution intended, and to introduce a Yemen War Powers Resolution to this end."
The coalition includes Action Corps, CodePink, Democracy for the Arab World Now, Demand Progress, Democratic Socialists of America International Committee, Just Foreign Policy, National Iranian American Council, Peace Action, RootsAction.org, Veterans for Peace, and dozens of other groups across the ideological spectrum.
"Unfortunately, about six months after the strikes began, there is scant evidence that the strikes have been either strategically smart or successful, as you correctly predicted when you wrote that the unauthorized strikes 'will not deter the Houthi attacks,'" the coalition continued, citing the January letter.
As the groups detailed:
Far from being deterred, the Houthis have actually expanded the range of their attacks, with an attack in late April targeting an Israeli-linked ship sailing 375 miles off the coast of Yemen. More recently, Houthi attacks have shown a 'significant increase in effectiveness,' according to security firm Ambrey, including through the use of drone boats and double-tap strikes. Houthi military officials have announced plans for further escalation of their attacks if no cease-fire is reached in Gaza. All of this was foreseen by experts, who widely predicted that the U.S. strikes would only strengthen the Houthis' narrative, contributing to greater popularity both at home and across the Muslim world, and helping them enlist tens of thousands of new fighters.
"To our knowledge, the administration has not even made a good-faith attempt to engage with the valid constitutional concerns and substantive policy critiques you have raised alongside dozens of House members, experts, and advocates," the coalition noted. "This leads us to believe that the administration has effectively conceded that it does not have valid legal and constitutional authority to engage in these strikes."
"The strikes have nonetheless continued unabated for months, with hundreds of missiles launched in Yemen, including an attack on May 30th that killed at least 16 people and injured about 42 people," the groups added. "This threatens to deny the American people critical congressional debate and oversight regarding this dangerous and strategically dubious military action, and could be cited by the executive branch to attempt to justify similar or even more expansive unauthorized military actions in other contexts in the future."
The coalition is calling on the bipartisan group of senators to "to move swiftly to rein in these unauthorized and unconstitutional strikes by introducing a War Powers Resolution to remove U.S. participation from hostilities in Yemen, until or unless Congress authorizes such action."
Multiple coalition members echoed the letter's demands on social media Thursday. Peace Action declared that "Congress needs to flex its constitutional duty to rein in unauthorized U.S. missile strikes."
Action Corps emphasized that Biden—who is seeking reelection in November against former Republican President Donald Trump—"has no authority to continue dropping bombs on Yemen."
"With each illegal bombing, peace is delayed, and more children are starved to death. It's time for bipartisan action to ensure only Congress can declare war, regardless of which party is in office," the group added. "Instead of bombing Yemen, the U.S. should be securing a cease-fire in Gaza and restoring humanitarian aid for people across the Middle East."
In a grassroots effort, about 450 individuals from 50 organizations are participating in lobby visits with over 100 congressional offices, at an opportune time as policies on the conflict are in flux.
Since the horrific attack by Hamas last October 7 and the astonishingly destructive Israeli response in Gaza, concerned individuals and organizations worldwide have mobilized to demand an end to the carnage, a potential genocide which is still accelerating rapidly.
In this regard, Peace Action, a 67-year-old grassroots peace, disarmament, and social justice organization that promotes diplomacy over militarism, was hardly unique in issuing calls for restraint. Its grassroots network of local groups around the country sprang into action, organizing protests and vigils, public meetings, educational webinars, coalition gatherings, and lobby meetings with congressional offices demanding a cease-fire, halting U.S. weapons transfers to Israel, surging humanitarian relief to Gaza, and averting a wider regional war.
Around the end of the year, Peace Action’s national staff saw a need for coordinating grassroots advocacy and launched an effort to get state level coalitions to advocate a cease-fire, diplomacy, and an end to blank check support for Israel. To our surprise, we got a quick response from local organizers in 18 states, who built ad hoc coalitions to lobby their U.S. senators.
“I knew that Congress needed to hear as many of these voices as possible, so when the opportunity arose to help organize a nationwide grassroots effort to lobby Congress, I signed up right away.”
“There are many national and local organizations who have advocated peace between Israel and Palestine for decades, including us,” said Peace Action’s Executive Director Jon Rainwater. “Local coalitions were built or strengthened after October 7, but there seemed to be a gap in national coordination of grassroots advocacy toward Congress, one of the toughest aspects of this work. We were pleased to see we could contribute to bringing groups and individuals together to address this need.”
The effort has since broadened into the Cease-Fire Now Grassroots Network, currently holding virtual and in-person Advocacy Days to give voice to the general public support in the U.S. for a cease-fire. About 450 individuals from 50 organizations and 40 states are participating in lobby visits with over 100 congressional offices, at an opportune time as congressional and executive branch policies on the conflict are in flux. In the next few weeks, Congress may take votes on whether to fund military aid to Israel and/or to halt, condition, or restrict U.S. weapons transfers, and hopefully to restore funding to UNRWA, the United Nations Relief and Works Agency, to help avert famine in Gaza.
Participating groups include the U.S. Campaign for Palestinian Rights, Jewish Voice for Peace, the U.S. Council of Muslim Organizations, the Center for Jewish Nonviolence, Arab American Civic Council, and Progressive Democrats of America. In addition to the lobby visits this month, the American Friends Service Committee is organizing local Tax Day actions with the call No Tax Dollars for War Crimes.
Among the many organizations in the nascent grassroots network, Doctors Against Genocide stands out as a new, unique actor, as the group only formed last fall.
One of the first lobby meetings in the ongoing Advocacy Days was with the office of U.S. Rep. Summer Lee (D-Pa.), a progressive targeted for defeat by conservatives and the “pro-Israel” group AIPAC (American Israel Public Affairs Committee). Peace Action is also part of the recently launched Reject AIPAC coalition to expose and oppose its malign influence on U.S. politics, particularly in this year’s elections.
As expected, the meeting went well, as Rep. Lee is a strong advocate of a cease-fire and humanitarian assistance to Gaza, but advocates were somewhat surprised to hear of flak she has gotten in her district for her pro-peace positions, and discussed ways to bring constituencies together to help overcome divisiveness.
David Gibson, staff coordinator for Peace, Justice, Sustainability Now, who organized the meeting with Pennsylvania activists, observed, “Meeting with policymakers like Rep. Summer Lee who are actively engaged in community dialogue is essential to a well functioning democracy. We need congresspeople like her in office regardless of your political outlook. When you hear that democracy is on the ballot, it's not a joke.”
Myriam Sabbaghi, National Organizing Director for the National Iranian American Council, described her organization’s participation, “As an organization representing Iranian Americans, we know that so long as this conflict goes on there is a major risk of spillover to regional war that could entangle the U.S., Iran, and Israel in a brutal conflict. Already, the U.S. has bombed groups backed by Iran in Yemen, Iraq, and Syria, and Israel’s bombing of the Iranian consulate in Damascus has once again dramatically escalated tensions. Some of our members lived through war and many have friends and family who would be impacted if a full-blown war breaks out. We all have a duty to stand up and demand a cease-fire now, and we are proud to join with so many great organizations especially during our Cease-Fire Advocacy Days in echoing this call.”
Sara Avery, a volunteer organizer with the Friends Committee on National Legislation’s Colorado Advocacy Team, aptly voiced her motivation for participating in the Advocacy Days thusly: “Maybe more than any recent conflict, everyone I know is beside themselves about the horror in Gaza and the imminent danger of a wider war. I knew that Congress needed to hear as many of these voices as possible, so when the opportunity arose to help organize a nationwide grassroots effort to lobby Congress, I signed up right away. In this horrible time, being part of this grassroots network is what keeps me moving forward toward peaceful and just solutions.”