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Michael Brown's murder this summer prompted a new wave of popular interest in state violence against communities of color. In mid-October, organizers from around the country gathered outside of St.
Michael Brown's murder this summer prompted a new wave of popular interest in state violence against communities of color. In mid-October, organizers from around the country gathered outside of St. Louis for the kick-off of what's being called "Ferguson October." Wednesday, or "O22," marked a National Day of Protest against mass incarceration and police brutality called by organizers both in Ferguson and across the country.
As part of Wednesday's events, organizers with Southerners on New Ground shut down two stretches of major highways in Atlanta. In Oakland, demonstrators staged a die-in outside of the city's police department. Both cities, notably, are no strangers to protest around these issues. In 2009, another unarmed black man, Oscar Grant, was shot and killed in Oakland's Fruitvale BART station. Two years later, protests both in Atlanta and throughout the United States around the execution of Troy Davis fueled the emergent Occupy movement.
A handful of local and national groups have coalesced around Ferguson October, some of the most notable being Hands Up United, the Organization for Black Struggle, Freedom Side and Color of Change. Beyond the organizations that have put energy into Ferguson October, however, hundreds of youth in Ferguson and the greater St. Louis area have been organizing nightly demonstrations on the corner of Canfield Avenue, where Michael Brown was shot dead. This energy has set the tone for broader organizing efforts, initiating conversations around the role of regional and national organizations' relationship to locally-rooted struggles along with the multi-generational nature of the fight against systemic racism.
Media outlets this week have also speculated that the autopsy report showed Brown had reached for officer Darren Wilson's gun, though the Associated Press confirmed with St. Louis city medical examiner Michael Graham -- who was not involved with Brown's autopsy -- that the report offered "no forensic evidence" of a struggle. These allegations are just the latest in a series of justifications for Brown's killing, from evidence of marijuana use to stolen cigarettes. #BlackLivesMatter, a banner under which many this summer's demonstrations have unified, asserts that none of these incidents are enough to justify either the shooting of Michael Brown, or the larger targeting of black and brown communities. This larger banner is coming to include more than groups that traditionally focus on issues of racial justice.
The last few months' mobilizations around racial justice have brought together a wider array of organizations around a cause than has been seen in recent years. In a movement where crisis moments -- tragically -- crop up regularly, the consistency and intensity of organizing in the aftermath of Michael Brown's death is a hopeful sign of things to come.
This country and this world are at a monumental crossroads. US voters have an opportunity to beat back the forces of fascism and confront the billionaires who are rigging the economy, our media system, and our democracy, making it increasingly impossible for ordinary people to get by. We’re not just talking about the election. We’re talking about what must be done once these fascist elements are vanquished from power. We need a bolder set of solutions than what either major party has so far been willing to offer and a working-class movement ready to fight like hell for it. Trump didn't emerge from nowhere. The conditions that fueled MAGA authoritarianism were created by decades of radical neoliberal economic policies and a corrupt political system dominated by corporate interests. They slashed taxes on the super-rich, promising that the benefits would trickle down. They said giveaways to the corporate titans would make life more affordable for the rest of us. It was all bullshit. And when a bitter, betrayed populace searches for someone to blame, right-wing demagogues have little trouble finding scapegoats. People know when they're being lied to, but you won't hear any of this from the corporate media. Only independent journalism—powered and funded by people who believe in building a better world—can deliver truly trustworthy daily news. If you share our vision, please contribute whatever you can to sustain our work. |
Michael Brown's murder this summer prompted a new wave of popular interest in state violence against communities of color. In mid-October, organizers from around the country gathered outside of St. Louis for the kick-off of what's being called "Ferguson October." Wednesday, or "O22," marked a National Day of Protest against mass incarceration and police brutality called by organizers both in Ferguson and across the country.
As part of Wednesday's events, organizers with Southerners on New Ground shut down two stretches of major highways in Atlanta. In Oakland, demonstrators staged a die-in outside of the city's police department. Both cities, notably, are no strangers to protest around these issues. In 2009, another unarmed black man, Oscar Grant, was shot and killed in Oakland's Fruitvale BART station. Two years later, protests both in Atlanta and throughout the United States around the execution of Troy Davis fueled the emergent Occupy movement.
A handful of local and national groups have coalesced around Ferguson October, some of the most notable being Hands Up United, the Organization for Black Struggle, Freedom Side and Color of Change. Beyond the organizations that have put energy into Ferguson October, however, hundreds of youth in Ferguson and the greater St. Louis area have been organizing nightly demonstrations on the corner of Canfield Avenue, where Michael Brown was shot dead. This energy has set the tone for broader organizing efforts, initiating conversations around the role of regional and national organizations' relationship to locally-rooted struggles along with the multi-generational nature of the fight against systemic racism.
Media outlets this week have also speculated that the autopsy report showed Brown had reached for officer Darren Wilson's gun, though the Associated Press confirmed with St. Louis city medical examiner Michael Graham -- who was not involved with Brown's autopsy -- that the report offered "no forensic evidence" of a struggle. These allegations are just the latest in a series of justifications for Brown's killing, from evidence of marijuana use to stolen cigarettes. #BlackLivesMatter, a banner under which many this summer's demonstrations have unified, asserts that none of these incidents are enough to justify either the shooting of Michael Brown, or the larger targeting of black and brown communities. This larger banner is coming to include more than groups that traditionally focus on issues of racial justice.
The last few months' mobilizations around racial justice have brought together a wider array of organizations around a cause than has been seen in recent years. In a movement where crisis moments -- tragically -- crop up regularly, the consistency and intensity of organizing in the aftermath of Michael Brown's death is a hopeful sign of things to come.
Michael Brown's murder this summer prompted a new wave of popular interest in state violence against communities of color. In mid-October, organizers from around the country gathered outside of St. Louis for the kick-off of what's being called "Ferguson October." Wednesday, or "O22," marked a National Day of Protest against mass incarceration and police brutality called by organizers both in Ferguson and across the country.
As part of Wednesday's events, organizers with Southerners on New Ground shut down two stretches of major highways in Atlanta. In Oakland, demonstrators staged a die-in outside of the city's police department. Both cities, notably, are no strangers to protest around these issues. In 2009, another unarmed black man, Oscar Grant, was shot and killed in Oakland's Fruitvale BART station. Two years later, protests both in Atlanta and throughout the United States around the execution of Troy Davis fueled the emergent Occupy movement.
A handful of local and national groups have coalesced around Ferguson October, some of the most notable being Hands Up United, the Organization for Black Struggle, Freedom Side and Color of Change. Beyond the organizations that have put energy into Ferguson October, however, hundreds of youth in Ferguson and the greater St. Louis area have been organizing nightly demonstrations on the corner of Canfield Avenue, where Michael Brown was shot dead. This energy has set the tone for broader organizing efforts, initiating conversations around the role of regional and national organizations' relationship to locally-rooted struggles along with the multi-generational nature of the fight against systemic racism.
Media outlets this week have also speculated that the autopsy report showed Brown had reached for officer Darren Wilson's gun, though the Associated Press confirmed with St. Louis city medical examiner Michael Graham -- who was not involved with Brown's autopsy -- that the report offered "no forensic evidence" of a struggle. These allegations are just the latest in a series of justifications for Brown's killing, from evidence of marijuana use to stolen cigarettes. #BlackLivesMatter, a banner under which many this summer's demonstrations have unified, asserts that none of these incidents are enough to justify either the shooting of Michael Brown, or the larger targeting of black and brown communities. This larger banner is coming to include more than groups that traditionally focus on issues of racial justice.
The last few months' mobilizations around racial justice have brought together a wider array of organizations around a cause than has been seen in recent years. In a movement where crisis moments -- tragically -- crop up regularly, the consistency and intensity of organizing in the aftermath of Michael Brown's death is a hopeful sign of things to come.